2
100
1273
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6890/ccc_274.jpg
553927ee97853b4387acf0a4a728ebb8
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_274
Title
A name given to the resource
White Oak - Easton
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
White Oak - Easton, ccc2009.0184
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6889/ccc_269.jpg
fc495f045f4bff7efc31f975b8ae26b8
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_269
Title
A name given to the resource
Peoples forest. White Pine *illegible* For picnic ground
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Peoples forest. White Pine *illegible* For picnic ground, ccc2009.0179
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6888/ccc_256_service.jpg
b63d69faf554d147255b848b9cf47136
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_256
Title
A name given to the resource
Mohawk [State Forest]
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Kiosk at Mohawk built by Camp Toumey, F CCC 2009.0166
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6887/ccc_252_service.jpg
ba8974292a847ca62f0cd00d0cab41d5
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_252
Title
A name given to the resource
Waterville Cliffs Cave
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Cave at foot of Waterville Cliff, Mattatuck Forest, 1932, F, CCC 2009.0162
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6886/ccc_251_service.jpg
fbd1f6fb3fe4ebde0995daf31009e450
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_251
Title
A name given to the resource
Burr Pond
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Wolcott Trail, Burr Pond, F, CCC 2009.0161
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6885/ccc_250_service.jpg
1f89b362bc203c8b6aef8dcab4e240ce
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_250
Title
A name given to the resource
Wolcott Foot Trail
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Wolcott Foot Trail Paugusset, Paper Birch, + Hemlock, F, CCC 2009.0160
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6884/ccc_236_service.jpg
7ebd9652a66cd867c942a0ca6fe5f585
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_236
Title
A name given to the resource
Hopkins Grave Stone
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1947
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Hopkins, John (1719-1802)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Mattatuck Forest - Hopkins Grave Stone 1776 & 78, F, CCC 2009.0146
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6883/ccc_231_service.jpg
34c011b0bdb384c043d87923f51a5147
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_231
Title
A name given to the resource
Fire line
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Housatonic Meadows State Park
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Fire Line Along R.R. Housatonic Meadows S. Park, J, F40, CCC 2009.0141
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6882/ccc_230_service.jpg
462bba254f15f2d6c01b63a810abb309
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_230
Title
A name given to the resource
Fish rearing pool
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Pachaug State Forest
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Fish rearing pool, Pachaug Forest, bult by Camp Lonergan, F, CCC 2009.0140
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6881/ccc_227_service.jpg
2b380623481b0ee2cabb79d2f870029b
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_227
Title
A name given to the resource
Soldier's Grave
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1938
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Natchaug State Forest
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Natchaug Forest Soldier's Grave, F, 15, Civil War Veteran's Grave in the Ceneter of Natchaug State Forest, CCC 2009.0137
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6880/ccc_225_service.jpg
8f14ceffdb91f477321ac004d5edcbd2
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_225
Title
A name given to the resource
Meshomasic Forest
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1926
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Meshomasic State Forest
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Meshomasic F. Telegraph line as fireline 40' wide. 1926, F, 78, CCC 2009.0135
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6879/ccc_207_service.jpg
b8b0335a5481ee7de02309528decff96
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_207
Title
A name given to the resource
Ives Picnic Area
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Mohawk State Forest
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Ives Picnic Area. Mowhawk, K, CCC 2009.0224
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6878/ccc_202_service.jpg
4313c8547b2084a22681915e49d3eb0b
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_202
Title
A name given to the resource
Peoples Forest
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Peoples Forest
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Recreational Development Peoples Forest 1933, K, CCC 2009.0230
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6877/ccc_199_service.jpg
10f2416b332428c6014676a0b8b5fa39
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_199
Title
A name given to the resource
Peoples Forest
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Peoples State Forest
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Recreational Map Peoples State Forest, K, CCC 2009.0219
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6876/ccc_198_service.jpg
65eac7edc974c85ade938432a521ff39
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_198
Title
A name given to the resource
No., 15 Pump
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Forest fires--Prevention and control
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
No. 15 - 1937, 37, I, Hose - 6000, Pump Trans 100 GPM, Tank 450 Gal. Portable
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6875/ccc_194_service.jpg
3072aa0fc569116003cb0fed5a07e478
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_194
Title
A name given to the resource
Fire Wolf Poster
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Forest fires--Prevention and control
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Fire Wolf Poster, J, F37,
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6874/ccc_193_service.jpg
926da35def49d0055bb2ec31d0aa83ae
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_193
Title
A name given to the resource
Water Hole
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Forest fires--Prevention and control
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Water Hole, Saucer Type, H, 6
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6873/ccc_186_service.jpg
c3b0062bfeeedf19a44fec582721ea8d
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_186
Title
A name given to the resource
Demonstration Pumping
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1936
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Demonstration Pumping, H,C,Clark's Pump, 1936, F, I, 50
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6872/ccc_185_service.jpg
edeb1f72fb379b4203c3b88e8f6e0168
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_185
Title
A name given to the resource
Pomfret Tower
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1938
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Pomfret Tower, 1938, I, CCC 2009.0055
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6871/ccc_169_service.jpg
b007efc0e100ceac7f096b2965882d3e
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_169
Title
A name given to the resource
Fire?
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1937
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
1937 Fire?, H, CCC 2009.0043
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6870/ccc_166_service.jpg
84a82f061a71aab1f52437e398d18d0b
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_166
Title
A name given to the resource
Water hole
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1937
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Forest fires--Prevention and control
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Water hole for Groton, 1937, H, F53, CCC 2009.0040
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6869/ccc_156_service.jpg
b8df4f3c9ed7f58f9455afa9e98de393
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_156
Title
A name given to the resource
Fire of Mar. 4, 1930
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Forest Fires
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Fire of Mar. 4, 1930 from airplane, H, F.10., CCC 2009.0029
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6868/ccc_144_service.jpg
cb9c24e76a302cafb084398b83167743
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_144
Title
A name given to the resource
Camp Robinson
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.). Camp Filley
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Camp Robinson Tunxis Forest, Oct. 1933, O, CCC2009.0113
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6867/ccc_138_service.jpg
68b25c7e2b59354bb4fbdf2d791c75d0
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_138
Title
A name given to the resource
Camp Chapman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.). Camp Chapman
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Kitchen Tent, Camp Chapman, Stone Rance, O, CCC 2009.0107
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6866/ccc_127_service.jpg
69ffcf52c5632f44515c4bc657eac6d5
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_127
Title
A name given to the resource
Tree brace diagram
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Tree brace diagram, O, CCC 2009.0095
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6865/ccc_125_service.jpg
f9dd3d9c21cb8be1842cedf2ae704de5
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_125
Title
A name given to the resource
Tree Planting
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
How to plant a tree, O, CCC 2009.0094
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6864/ccc_124_service.jpg
7fac2d2b36965209ec1f034f9c16ea8f
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_124
Title
A name given to the resource
Peoples Forest
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1926
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Peoples State Forest
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Peoples Forest, 1926, O, S, CCC 2009.0091
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6863/ccc_121_service.jpg
360a8550ff4f8ad5bf91a22d6371b58f
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_121
Title
A name given to the resource
Mowhawk
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1936
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Mowhawk State Forest
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Ely Bunker Road and Bridge, Mowhawk, 1936, B, CCC 2009.0074
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6862/ccc_114_service.jpg
e2b9d41c049e76b7a084db21c6bb2fcd
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_114
Title
A name given to the resource
Pootatuck State Forest
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Pootatuck State Forest
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Pootatuck State Forest, CCC truck trail, Dec. 1933, B, WOF, CCC 2009.0089
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6861/ccc_082_service.jpg
26a082c083662394af10e1fcd090e963
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_082
Title
A name given to the resource
Fire Damage
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1935
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Fires--Connecticut
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Fire Damage - Oak Tree + X-section, Franklin, 1935, J
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6860/ccc_078_service.jpg
91bd5d364ba10b68dce036789bd10196
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_078
Title
A name given to the resource
Peoples Forest
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Peoples State Forest
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Peoples Forest Trail to the Summit
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6859/ccc_076_service.jpg
1152a88d0bb33bea5e8b9a41738d7723
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_076
Title
A name given to the resource
Fire Line Bolton
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Civil Works Administration of Connecticut
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Fire Line Bolton, CWA, 1934, J
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6858/ccc_073_service.jpg
58996ee6743a6c5b3b81a14a2f557be8
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_073
Title
A name given to the resource
New England States 1916-1934, J
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Fires--New England
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6857/ccc_070_service.jpg
3db6182f8257f682e662e0d6c682d943
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_070
Title
A name given to the resource
Fire Diagram
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Forest fires--Prevention and control
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Method of Attack, Fire Diagram, J
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6856/ccc_069_service.jpg
036650317cb6e06afb95d27fc6c32560
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_069
Title
A name given to the resource
Forest Fires
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Fires--Connecticut
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Forest Fires Conn. 1910-34, Fire, J
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6855/ccc_068_service.jpg
76fc079169927a65afc2077ab222742d
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_068
Title
A name given to the resource
Railroad Safety Strip
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Forest fires--Prevention and control
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
R.R. Safety Strip, F7, J,
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6854/ccc_060_service.jpg
6e5a6a2992746987aad8139ff88e1bca
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_060
Title
A name given to the resource
Parks & Forests 1928
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--State Forest
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Location Map Parks and Forests - 1928 - O, 12
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6853/ccc_058_service.jpg
06429637e7bc4798fef0e776b9bbe504
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_058
Title
A name given to the resource
First 14 camps in Conn
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
First 14 camps in Conn, O, [map]
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6852/ccc_057_service.jpg
4eb39fdbc9ad10f0f06904052e1c7a35
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_057
Title
A name given to the resource
Amount of Wood in [Conn.]
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Amount of Wood in [Conn], 1620-1920, E
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6851/ccc_045_service.jpg
ea95c89edbbd0d3407f3f6ac736d2625
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_045
Title
A name given to the resource
Gold Pines, Cornwall
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Housatonic State Forest
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Gold Pines, Cornwall, C
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6850/ccc_038_service.jpg
2fb48cb4a242f3556540c8dab7f869be
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_038
Title
A name given to the resource
Chatfield Hollow
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Chatfield Hollow State Park
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Chatfield Hollow, L, [2], Foot bridge, B
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6849/ccc_020_service.jpg
7fc1ae400a538e9bd9657f8a4bb1a2d4
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_020
Title
A name given to the resource
Gov. Cross and CCC Flood Workers
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1936
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Cross, Wilbur L. (Wilbur Lucius), 1862-1948
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Gov.Cross & CCC Flood Workers, April, 1936, WOF,M
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6848/ccc_018_service.jpg
0d0e6bc289e2327a7b5df655e4d1c281
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_018
Title
A name given to the resource
Putting out a fire
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Putting [out] a fire, F.16, H
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6847/ccc_014_service.jpg
86d408ce0782820587498bde64f79f7f
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_014
Title
A name given to the resource
Gasoline Stove
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Gasoline Stove Reduces Fire Hazard, H, 44
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6846/ccc_008_service.jpg
cc4c8b629a86c0dd508c8b15d3ef98da
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_008
Title
A name given to the resource
Dutch Elm Disease
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Dutch Elm Disease Sanitation [?] Removing dead and dying trees
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6845/ccc_007_service.jpg
961d740b2d2d055af8ae69d3de1babd8
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_007
Title
A name given to the resource
Camp Hadley
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Cockaponset State Forest
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Camp Hadley, Cockaponset, N
-
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61b988ab92259072a0eb62440f43f21d
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_002
Title
A name given to the resource
Camp Filley
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1935
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Cockaponset State Forest
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Camp Filley, Cockaponset Forest, N
-
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b95e9b8d951937faa0cc285c022ebddc
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Physical Dimensions
The actual physical size of the original image
3.125 x 4"
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ccc_001
Title
A name given to the resource
Oak Lodge
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1933-1942
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Connecticut--Cockaponset State Forest
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Stafford Springs CCC Museum
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Oak Lodge; Schreeder Pond, Cockaponsit Forest, WOF, K
-
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Chas. Beseler Logo
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Title
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CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Creator
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Charles Beseler Co.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
circa 1915
Description
An account of the resource
1 epidiascope, 18"x10"
Identifier
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accession #2022-004
Subject
The topic of the resource
Lantern slides
Projector
Title
A name given to the resource
Chas. Beseler Epidiascope
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Gift of Cathy Vanaria
-
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PDF Text
Text
r
C O N N E t' T I C U T ' S
Y O U T II
I N
T II E
t~ I V I L I A N
C O N S E R V A T I O N
C O R 1• S
BY COLONELOTTO H. SCHROETER
Project Superintendent, Legion and Peoples Forest, Camp White, Winsted, Connecticut
Photographs
and Democrats as well as
R
party members of other hues, are
usually united in praise of what is conEPUBLICANS
sidered the most outstanding accomplishment of the New Deal, the Civilian
Conservation Corps.
This agency is
unique among all other extra-Cabinet
departments in the efficiency of the
management, completeness of results,
and absence of unethical or ques I ionable
practices in its conduct. Where criticism
and censure has been the lot of many of
its brother agencies, the C.C.C. has been
most successful in accomplishing the objectives set for it when it was established.
With thousands of the Nation's youth
roaming the conn try and living in hobo
[ 26]
courtesy
of C.C.C.
jungles during the dark years of the depression, it was obvious to a great many
people "that something had to be done
about it." This youth problem, coupled
with the fact that the natural resources
of the country were in grave danger of
exhaustion, fitted in perfectly with the
Administration's
panacea for recovery
via the alphabetical .Relief Route. On
March 31, 1933, President Roosevelt
affixed his signature to the amended bill
for Emergency Conservation Work, and
in so doing undoubted! y wrote his name
large on history's pages as the Rebabilitator of Youth.
With remarkable swiftness, four governmental departments were organized
into the gigantic· task of sending 275,000
young men into ·the forests by the first
of July. The Department of Labor was
assigned the task of selecting the applicants, the Department of Agriculture
and the Interior had to plan out and
supervise the work projects, and the War
Department was charged with the task of
housing, clothing, feeding and upervising the boys in the camps. The effective
cooperation of these four departments
was in itself unique in government history. Everyone seemed to have caught
the enthusiastic spirit of social achievement which has continued to permeate
the work of the C.C.C. The fifth anniversary of the establishment of the
�Banding Trees for Gypsy Moth Eradication
Men Removing Elm Logs in Dutch Elm Project
organization, to be_observed this month,
gineers and technicians available, who
will again present convincing proof Lo could meet the exacting requirements
the thousands of visitors to the camps
for this specialized type of work were
that the job has been done
and done well.
Full credit for the remarkable administration
of the
C.C.C. must go to its Director, the Honorable Robert
Fechner. His selection by the
President to head the Corps
was a most happy one. A vicepresident of the American
Confederation of Labor, and
of the International Association of Machinists, he had
been prominent in organized
labor activities for thirtyseven years. J Ccis being aided
in the administration of the
C.C.C. by an advisory council
consisting of the representatives of the Department of
Labor, War, Agriculture and
Interior.
Natchaug River Bridge Built by C.C.C.
Connecticut's own Austin
F. Hawes, State l<'orester, saw
in the C.C.C. the opportunity Lo fulfill selected to head the technical service
his long cherished desire of initiating an personnel of the camps. The same high
standard was adhered to in the selection
intensive conservation program in the
Nutmeg State. The best foresters, en- of the supervisor personnel of each camp
Culvert Construction in Tunxis State Forest
and to these were added the services of
trained blacksmiths,
carpenters
and
masons, where needed.
The original administration
set-up of the C.C.C. in Connecticut was on a district
basis. The camps in the State
comprised the Fifth C.C.C.
District and were under the
control of the Commanding
General First Corps Area at
Boston, Mass. Colonel William II. Wilson, now Brigadier
General and at the present
time Commanding General of
the First Corps Area, was in
charge of the Fifth C.C.C.
District. Austin F. Hawes, the
Stale Forester, supervised the
work projects in the camps,
while . II. VanBuren acted
for the Department of Labor
as State Selecting Agent. The
latter two have continued in
their original capacities, while
Colonel Wilson having been
promoted is now on duty at
the Headquarters of the First Corps
Area.
The remarkable spirit of cooperation
(Continued
011
page 63)
C.C.C.Operating Diesel Trail Builder
[ 27
J
�c. c. c.
(Continued from page 27)
in the work that has marked the
relations of the Army, Forestry and
Educational personnel in the camps
is a tribute to the cordial relations
which existed between Mr. JJaw<'s,
General Wilson and Mr. Joel Nystrom, the Corps Arca Educational
Advisor.
The fore try projects in Connecticut are many and varied. Hundreds of miles of truck roads and
trails have been built through the
State Forests, to open up the acreage for ease in reaching forest fires,
and for recreational use by the
general public. Silvieultural work
and forest improvement cuttings
have been made which will enrich
the State's timber holdings many
fold within the next twenty years.
Dcmonstralion plots of good forestry practice have been set up on
State land and private land as proof
to timber owners lhat the practice
of sound forestry principles in their
own woodlots can turn a virtual
liability into a paying proposition.
With an alarming number of trees
falling prey lo insect pests and
fungus disrn e, it was only natural
that the C.C.C. focus its attention on this phase of the conservation program. Connecticut C.C.C.
Camps have waged untiring war on
gypsy moths, pine shoot moth ·,
dutch elm dis<'asc and white pine
blister rust. Thousands of acre ·
have been covered by C.C.C. boys
in search of gypsy moth's egg clusters and the unbelievable number
found and destroyed prove the
wisdom of this type of work. The
eradication of wild currant and
gooseberry bu hes, the host plant
of the white pine bli'ster rust was an
added step in the conservation of
the white pine stands in Connecticut, which is one of the most valuable forest products of the State.
C.C.C. fire fighting crews have
reduced the loss due to forest fires
to a very appreciable extent. In
spite of the hazardous nature of this
type of work, the safety record of
the camps has been remarkable.
1n addition to these strictly
forestry achievements, the C.C.C.
proved its worth and will be best
remembered by the citizens of
Connecticut for its work during the
1936 flood in the Hartford and
Middletown ar<'a. The work done
by the various camps can be divided
into two phases: Emergency work,
rescuing marooned inhabitants, their
belongings and live stock, guarding
property and highway patrol work
and then a thorough cleanup and
disinfection of public buildings,
storehouses and private dwellings
inundated partially or totally by the
llood waters, as oon as these buildings could he entered. Since every
C.C.C. member had already been
immunized against typhoid and
smallpox, no time was lo t when
first call for aid came in.
When it became evident on March
23, 1936, that conditions in the
flooded areas would reach alarming
proportions, State Forester llawes
placed the crviccs of the entire Civilian Conservation Corps of the
State at the disposal of Governor
Cross, with the writer in charge of
the work of the 18camps. The Army
authorities of the Fifth C.C.C. District with headquarters at Fort
IL G. Wright, N. Y. cooperated lo
the fullest extent in the emergency.
Orders were issued by Colonel
Edwanl J. Cullen, District Commandrr, lo move the pcrsonnd
from six of the more distant camps
to camps located in or near the flood
areas. This pcrmittC'd a more rapid
concentration of prrsonncl where
more were n<'eded,and !raving only
a 'mall detachment for maintenance duly and also forC'stfire crews
at the home camps.
This C.C.C. force with a maximum strength of 1,636 men was
distributed in accordance with rrquests made by the State health
authorities and as soon aRone town
was cleaned up and disinfected, the
men wrrc placed at the disposal of
the next town. The following citicH
and towns received C.C.C. treatment:
cw Hartford, Putnam,
Warehouse Point, Wind or Locks,
East Windsor, Soulh Windsor, Wilson lation, Hartford, East Hartford, Wethersfield, Glastonbury,
Cromwell, Portland, Middletown,
I laddam, Haddam
eek, East
lladdam, Chester, Deep River,
lladlymc, Essex, Stalford Springs,
Thompson and Union.
llartf'ord, East llarlford and
Middletown were sub-divided into
zones and placed in charge of qualiJird members of the supervisory
personnel. The plan of operation
was c ·scntially the same in all areas.
H.ernoval and disinfection of furniture, removal of mud and spraying
of walls with chloride of lime; cleaning out cellars, burying of carcasses
ranging from cows to cats and a
large number of dome tic rabbits,
disposal of submerged meals and
canned goods. Over 25,000 cases of
canned goods were handled in Hartford alone. lt may be interesting lo
t1uotc a few figures in connection
with the work accomplished: 2,950
dwelling' located in 24 towns were
cleaned and treated; 868 structure '
such as schools, churches, municipal
building , warehouses, garages and
barns were also cleaned and disinfected. There were 98 lrucks used
during this emergency work and
the e trucks travelled a total distance of LL5,834 miles without a
single accident to vehicles or personnel. This fact alone speaks highly
of lhc road discipline and careful
attention to duty of the drivers, all
of whom were enrolled members of
the C.C.C.
The lasl two C.C.C. Companies
were withdrawn from flood duty on
April 24, closing a work project
which rank high in the annals of the
C.C.C. of the enlirc United State .
The work was performed with
di patch and cflicicncy and great
credit is due to all engaged in the
work which called for long hours
during good weather and bad, and
the filth and slime encountered will
be remembered for a long time to
come. Letters of commendation and
praise from town officials and individuals of every lown affected attest to lhc fine work performed and
a glorious finale was written by the
City of J f arlford, acting as host at a
banquet to some 1,200 C.C.C. boys
on the evening of April 29 in the
Foot Guard Armory, an event
climaxed by the presentation by
Upper left: William H. Wilson, Brigadier General U.S.A. Upper right: Honorable
Robert Fechner, Director C.C.C. Work in Con necticul. Lower Left: Austin F.
Hawes, State Forester. Lower right: Colonel Otto H. Schroeter, Field Artillery,
Connecticut National Guard, Project Superintendent
Mayor Thomas J. Spellacy of a
handsome wrist watch to every
enrollee of lhc Civilian Con crvation Corps present.
These achievements of the C.C.C.
Camps in Connecticut arc dcfm.itcly
on a tangible basis. Their value lo
the Slate in dollars and cents can
easily be computed. But to many of
us engaged in lhc work of the Corps,
the real thrill of atisfaction that
comes with the knowledge of a job
well done is present not when we
total the number of acres worked
over by forestry crews, but when we
HCC many of our young men enter
the camps, potential social misfits,
potential or even actual delinquents, and sec them mature and
change into fine specimens of typical
American manhood. If a word must
be used to symbolize the C.C.C., let
Lhat word be "Training."
In the camps we use that word
quite a bit. We speak of job training, for example. Boys, many of
whom had never used tools previously, are taught by expert foremen
the kill necessary for such jobs as
auto mechanics, carpentry, blacksmithing, tractor operation and repair, cooking, o!Ticcpractice, typewriting, road building, clc. This
training is given right on the job
itself, and is supplemented by correlated courses given in the evening
during the enrollee leisure time. 1n
addition, the Educational Department of the C.C.C., represented in
the First Corps Arca by Mr. Joel
yslrom, Corps Area Civilian Advisor for Education, ·upcrvises the
work of a Camp Educational Advisor in each camp. This camp Advisor administers the camp educational program under the direction
of the Camp Commander and Lhc
(Continued on page 64)
Spick and Span Camp Barracks
[ 63]
�WEATHERVANES
SOLID CAST BRO ZE
LARGE VARIETY 01<'DESIGNS
BALL HEARING VANE
Roosters - Birds - Dogs
Horses - Ships
Any special size or design may be obtained
on request. ReasonWill nol rusl
corrode-
ably priced. Send for latest catalog.
or
IHlONZE TAIH ..ETS
everlasling
A Spccialt,y
SUN DIALS
Lurge
Stock
23"
X
ussorl1ncnt
of dcl!ligns and sizes
size
16"
JVriLe for our catalog showing large assorllnen L of Book
Ends,
Ash Trays,
Candle
S Lie ks, The r 1no me Lers,
Haro,neLers-in
bronze.
GltAHAM
NOVELTY
EsLablished
293 Wooster
Solltl
Street
c1111t l1ronze
~0-
1861
New Haven, Conn.
(Continued from page 63)
Educational Council, consisting of
all the supervisory personnel.
Considerable progress has been
made during these past fivc years in
the training program in the camps.
More and more emphasis has been
placed by Technical Service and
Army OfTicialson this aspect of the
enrollee's camp experience. Classes
in Leadership, Character Building,
and Safety First contribute lo the
development of these young citizens, while courses in Carpentry,
Machine Shop Practice, Blue Print
Reading, urveying and .Forestry,
lo name but a few, aim lo expose the
un killed lo trades and vocations in
which they may fmd a lasting interest, and possibly a future calling.
Recently arrangements were completed with the Connecticut Department of Education to enable
enrollees lacking one, two or three
year · of high schobl or grammar
school credits to lake examinaLions
in the Summer, which when passed
ucccssfully, will be rewarded with
the issuance of cquivalcncy certificates by the State.
The Art and Handicraft work
in the camps is quite well known
lo mo l N cw Englanders, since
annual displays have been held in
Sportsmen's Shows and exhibitions
throughout the East.
These activities serve the double
purpose of supplying line hobbies
for the boys and also help them to
overcome the pangs of homesickness
with which many of the enrollees
who arc away from home for the first
time are attacked.
The fifth anniversary will mark
Lhc total enrollment in Connecticut
of 19,503 of the State's youth. At
the present time, there arc 1,697 active enrolled members of the Corps
in the ten Connecticut Camps. Of
Mrs. Woodhouse
Fireplace Furnishings
Distinctive Metal Crafts
Hand Wrought Aluminum
Garden Ornaments
THE McLAGON SHOP
43 Whitney Ave.
See
New Haven, Conn.
our Exhibit (No. 181)
New Haven Tercentenary Exposition
[ 64,J
Mrs. Chase Going Woodhouse,
professor of economics al Connecticut College and director of the Institute of Women's Professional
IlelaLions which has iLs headquarters at the college, lias recently
published a book en Lilied "Business
Opportunities for the Home Economist."
The book is a practical study
based on interviews with outstanding economists and employers over
a ten-year period and tells what
kind of jobs arc available to the
trained home economist, what the
qualifications arc for the job, how
to apply for it, how lo get a start,
and the estimated earnings for each
type of job. A feature of the book is
the le timony of typical jobholders
in each field, describing their work,
explaining how they were able lo advance, what training they lacked and
what they had found superfluous.
Of added interest in connection
with the preparation of the book is
this number, only one man is lc(L
from the first enrollment and four
from the second, which should prove
conclusively that the C.C.C. is only
a stepping stone toward economic
independence as it was planned lo
be, and not a project in which our
young men settle down content lo
be supported by a paternal Government. The number of Connecticut
Camps has varied from a maximum
of 23 to the pre cnt LO,with two of
these slated lo be abandoned in a
month or two. While some difficulty
wa experienced last year in filling
the replacement quota for Connecticut Camps, applicants for existing vacancies in the Stale have
doubled and even Lrcbledduring the
past several months of the current
business recession.
An effort has been made in Lhis
article to de cribe some of the acti vi tics of the Civilian Conservation
Corps in ConnccLicut. It has been
felt that the average citizen knows
less about this great youth Lraining
organization than about any other
significant organization on the
American scene. The fact that Congress is apparently beginning lo
abandon the C.C.C. as a youth
training ccnLcr is greatly lo be
deplored. Anyone familiar with the
history and ideals of these camps
would certainly prefer lo assure
their existence on a permanent
basis. Even in the ation's most
prosperous times, we have always
had several hundred thousand unemployed youth between the ages
of 17 and 24. Their continued presence will be a social factor greatly
lo be reckoned with by responsible
citizens. Whal better method has
yet appeared for training this mass
of youth into desirable citizens and
making them more employable,
than the C.C.C?
Publishes
Book
the fact that all the clerical work
was done by W.P.A. workers under
the supervision of Mrs. Woodhouse.
In the course of the work approximately 40 women were given training in typing, in the use of a computing machine and in making careful statistical Labulations. Many of
these women have found occupation
in private indu 'lry since receiving
this training. A similar group is
now working under Mrs. Woodhouse's direction in the preparation
of a study of Lrcnds in occupations.
Mrs. Woodhouse's book was formally presented lo Miss Mary M.
Hughart, director of women's and
professional projects of the Works
Progress Administration of Connecticut al a dinner and symposium
on consumer relations which was
held by the Institute of Women's
Profc sional H.clations and the
American Women's Association al
the American Woman's club in cw
York city recenLly.
JJ7atchfor Our Connecticut Camera Club Council page
i11 the June issue. 1'here will be news to interest
every Camera Club member. All latest
gossip. Don't, miss it.
�
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Connecticut's youth in the Civilian Conservation Corps
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Schroeter, Otto H.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1938
Description
An account of the resource
4 pgs
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Project superintendent Schroeter of People's Forest talks about the CCC program in Connecticut.
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)--Connecticut.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Connecticut circle magazine
CCC
-
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Dissection of a Lantern Slide
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Westervelt, Ava, 1997-
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2022
Description
An account of the resource
6 images
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Photographs of the constituent pieces of the lantern slide and its repair.
Subject
The topic of the resource
Lantern slides
CCC
Lantern Slides
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/CCC_Lantern_Slides/6839/ccc_burrpond.jpg
a2ae2b08081af28eab21000ce3a1c67b
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
CCC Lantern Slides
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1934-1942
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Bragg Pond Film Strip
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Westervelt, Ava, 1997-
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2022-02-09
Description
An account of the resource
35 mm, 4 images
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Photos of a cabin originally built by the CCC at Bragg Pond in Torrington, CT. There is a large sign out front commemorating the CCC.
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civilian Conservation Corps (U.S.)
Civilian Conservation Corps
Torrington
-
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PDF Text
Text
The Clio Staff
Ed Dougherty, also known as “the unburnt,” is a graduating senior and the president of
Clio. His hobbies include hiking, reading, watching Netflix documentaries, and pillaging
small villages. He hopes to one day solve the riddle of steel, claim the seven kingdoms for
himself, and sit upon the iron throne; or perhaps he will aspire to work for the National
Park Service if his initial plan gets too messy.
Dr. Wynn Gadkar-Wilcox (Faculty Advisor) is Professor of History and Non-Western
Cultures and Co-Chair of the Department of History at Western Connecticut State
University. He spends most of his time singing corny barbershop music and spending
time with his family (wife Sujata and daughters Ishika, 8 , and Aksita, 4 ). He is currently
completing a book on the modernist transformation of Vietnamese Confucianism in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries and working on several articles on the 1960s Buddhist
movement in Vietnam.
Kathryn Schwarz is a senior History major with a Political Science minor. She enjoys
nerding out watching iconic movies, anything to do with being outdoors, playing with
her pets and spending time with her family. Accepted to Western Connecticut State
University's graduate school in the fall for a Master's Degree in Teaching after her
undergraduate graduation in May, she is excited to continue her education here at
WCSU. A proud member of the Kathwari Honors Program, current contributing editor
for CLIO, past president for the club, and current treasurer, she is very grateful for all the
experience and opportunities over the past four years.
David Standrowicz a senior at Western Connecticut State University studying history
and secondary education, and he is excited to be graduating in May 2021. Aside from
serving as the secretary of the CLIO History Journal, he is involved in numerous student
organizations at Western and is a proud member of the Kathwari Honors Program.
Although he is sad that his undergraduate years are coming to an end, he has truly
enjoyed his time at Western and is thankful for all the amazing memories. He would like
iii
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
to thank his family, friends, fellow students, and the entire faculty in the Department of
History and Non-Western Cultures at Western for their support and encouragement
over the past four years.
Evan Walker is Vice President of Clio and a freshman in his second semester studying
Secondary History Education with a minor in Social Studies. He hopes to one day be a
High School History Teacher and run for public office. Outside of School he mostly
spends time with his friends from his hometown of Mahopac.
iv
�
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Contributors
Contributors
Francine Accuosti is a junior, planning on graduating in December 2021 with a
degree in History. She plans on pursuing advanced degrees in History with an
emphasis on Pre-Columbian and Conquest America, and the Protestant
Reformation. In her spare time, she enjoys spending time with her husband and
family, gardening, sewing, and making cosplay for conventions.
David Frankel is an MA student in History at Western Connecticut State
University. He earned his BA in Sociology from Hobart and William Smith Colleges
and his MS in Broadcasting from Boston University. His life-long occupation is in
advertising sales and mass media. He has also been involved in various local
government commissions for many years. His current pursuit of a graduate degree in
history is allowing him to exponentially expand my understanding of our world. This
study is one of the most satisfying endeavors of his life.
Stephanie Miller is a Junior at WCSU pursuing a double major in English and
History. On campus, she is a part of the English Society and the English Honors
Society. She loves to travel and visit various historical locations. In her free time, she
enjoys spending time with her family and being outdoors. She is thankful to Clio and
all who are involved with it for giving students the opportunity to be published in an
academic journal.
v
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
Dedication
This edition of Clio is dedicated to Dr. Martha May, Professor of History at WCSU,
in appreciation for her years of service to Clio as the journal’s faculty advisor (1997 2003) and co-advisor (2012-2020).
vi
�
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Title
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Vol. 48, num. 1, Clio - 2021
Date
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2021
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2021
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2 pgs
-
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77f81a2c50f6ae61ee271fe1eb0800cd
PDF Text
Text
Dougherty, Introduction
Introduction
Ed Dougherty
Hello reader, and welcome to the forty-eighth edition of Western
Connecticut State University’s Clio. The theme for this edition is domination. The
dictionary describes the word as “the exercise of control or influence over someone or
something, or the state of being so controlled.”1 While that definition can carry a
negative--perhaps violent--weight to it, domination is much more of an ambiguous
positive word than it initially appears. Though in this edition, you will read about the
conquering of peoples, and the respective treatment of the conquered, you will also
read about the indomitability of the human spirit and you will be asked to consider
how people have dominated the very earth we walk on and bent it to their will. This
issue will consider the domination of the frightening unknown gradually exposed by
those brave enough to sail to foreign shores, and the ability for a people to dominate
the challenges thrown before them; fear, hunger, invasion, hate and even the threat of
extermination. We will even see examples of people challenging the dominant
collective history of this nation and the domination inflicted on people here, and the
subsequent challenging of that control.
To begin this edition, we look at Francine Accuosti’s article on the conquest
of Peru by Francisco Pizzaro and his family. Accuosti’s contribution is a classic look
at the discovery of the New World, and the subsequent domination of the territories
and peoples who lived there by explorers like Pizzaro. Second, we have my own article
on how culture, religion and innovation helped the Vikings dominate Europe and
explore and conquer new lands. Next, David Frankel writes about food rationing in
Great Britain, the United States, and the British empire during World War II. The
controversies over this rationing, Frankel tells us, is an illustration of how these
respective nations ultimately persevered over hunger through adopting new
technologies in food production. Next, we have Kat Schwarz’s paper on the Colorado
River. Schwarz examines the importance of the river as a source of life, the use and
1
Concise Oxford American Dictionary (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006).
1
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
efficacy of hydroelectricity and the engineering feat of the creation of the Hoover
Dam, a grandiose example of mankind’s conquering and subsequent domination of
nature and our environment. After Schwarz’s essay, David Standrowicz introduces us
to the experiences of Jews in Russia. This powerful piece demonstrates how the
Russian nobility and ruling classes dominated the Jewish people, from anti-Semitic
legislation to outright sanctioned attacks on Jewish communities, the oppression of
Russian Jews was only matched by their perseverance in the face of such cruel
treatment. Following David’s paper, we have Stephanie Miller’s paper on the Salem
Witch Trials, where superstition, fear and jealousy dominated colonial New England
and caused a hysteria which claimed the lives of innocent women. Finally, closing out
our journal, we have Evan Walker’s paper on the 1619 project, which is actively
challenging the dominating beliefs of American History and the genuine role of the
American slave in building this nation. This piece is joined by profound reflections on
the current Black Lives Matter movement from Adjunct Professor of History
Danielle King, who reflects on the experiences of two men named George: her father,
George King, and George Floyd, who was murdered at the hands of Minneapolis
police officers last year.
Domination has also been a theme of this past year and the current, as the
world was seemingly dominated by a novel global pandemic, and humanity has now
gained the foothold to turn the tables, attempting to control a virus that was once
thought to be invincible. If anything, this edition is not just a testament to humanity’s
domination of the world, but to its own indomitable spirit, and you, dear reader, are
proof of that indomitable spirit. Enjoy.
2
�
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Title
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Vol. 48, num. 1, Clio - 2021
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2021
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Title
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Introduction
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Dougherty, Ed
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2021
Description
An account of the resource
2 pgs
-
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/Vol._48_num._1_Clio_-_2021/6834/Clio_Spring_2021_Final_Copy.pdf
61b4b3350c106336d997342d6d63e67a
PDF Text
Text
�Domination
Clio: WCSU History Journal
Volume 48
2021
�Front cover image: Anonymous, “The Arrival of Cortés at Veracruz and the
Reception by Montezuma’s Ambassadors,” Exploring the Early Americas: Conquest
of Mexico Paintings, Library of Congress Digital Collections. Accessed April 9,
2021. https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/exploring-the-earlyamericas/interactives/conquest-of-mexico-paintings/painting2/detail1.html
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
Table of Contents
The Clio Staff
iii
Dedication: To Professor Martha May
vi
Contributors
v
Introduction
1
The Pizarro Family and the Conquest of Peru
3
Ed Dougherty
Francine Accuosti
Valhalla Rising (2021 Herbert Janick Prize Winner)
Ed Dougherty
Food Rationing in World War II
David Frankel
Water Keepers (2021 Herbert Janick Prize Winner)
Kathryn Schwarz
A History of the Jews in Russia
David Standrowicz
The 1619 Project and Capitalism: A Review
Evan Walker
The Puritan Religion and the Salem Witch Trials
Stephanie Miller
Two Georges: History in Black and White
Professor Danielle King
ii
8
25
49
71
89
93
101
�The Clio Staff
Ed Dougherty, also known as “the unburnt,” is a graduating senior and the president of
Clio. His hobbies include hiking, reading, watching Netflix documentaries, and pillaging
small villages. He hopes to one day solve the riddle of steel, claim the seven kingdoms for
himself, and sit upon the iron throne; or perhaps he will aspire to work for the National
Park Service if his initial plan gets too messy.
Dr. Wynn Gadkar-Wilcox (Faculty Advisor) is Professor of History and Non-Western
Cultures and Co-Chair of the Department of History at Western Connecticut State
University. He spends most of his time singing corny barbershop music and spending
time with his family (wife Sujata and daughters Ishika, 8, and Aksita, 4). He is currently
completing a book on the modernist transformation of Vietnamese Confucianism in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries and working on several articles on the 1960s Buddhist
movement in Vietnam.
Kathryn Schwarz is a senior History major with a Political Science minor. She enjoys
nerding out watching iconic movies, anything to do with being outdoors, playing with
her pets and spending time with her family. Accepted to Western Connecticut State
University's graduate school in the fall for a Master's Degree in Teaching after her
undergraduate graduation in May, she is excited to continue her education here at
WCSU. A proud member of the Kathwari Honors Program, current contributing editor
for CLIO, past president for the club, and current treasurer, she is very grateful for all the
experience and opportunities over the past four years.
David Standrowicz a senior at Western Connecticut State University studying history
and secondary education, and he is excited to be graduating in May 2021. Aside from
serving as the secretary of the CLIO History Journal, he is involved in numerous student
organizations at Western and is a proud member of the Kathwari Honors Program.
Although he is sad that his undergraduate years are coming to an end, he has truly
enjoyed his time at Western and is thankful for all the amazing memories. He would like
iii
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
to thank his family, friends, fellow students, and the entire faculty in the Department of
History and Non-Western Cultures at Western for their support and encouragement
over the past four years.
Evan Walker is Vice President of Clio and a freshman in his second semester studying
Secondary History Education with a minor in Social Studies. He hopes to one day be a
High School History Teacher and run for public office. Outside of School he mostly
spends time with his friends from his hometown of Mahopac.
iv
�Contributors
Contributors
Francine Accuosti is a junior, planning on graduating in December 2021 with a
degree in History. She plans on pursuing advanced degrees in History with an
emphasis on Pre-Columbian and Conquest America, and the Protestant
Reformation. In her spare time, she enjoys spending time with her husband and
family, gardening, sewing, and making cosplay for conventions.
David Frankel is an MA student in History at Western Connecticut State
University. He earned his BA in Sociology from Hobart and William Smith Colleges
and his MS in Broadcasting from Boston University. His life-long occupation is in
advertising sales and mass media. He has also been involved in various local
government commissions for many years. His current pursuit of a graduate degree in
history is allowing him to exponentially expand my understanding of our world. This
study is one of the most satisfying endeavors of his life.
Stephanie Miller is a Junior at WCSU pursuing a double major in English and
History. On campus, she is a part of the English Society and the English Honors
Society. She loves to travel and visit various historical locations. In her free time, she
enjoys spending time with her family and being outdoors. She is thankful to Clio and
all who are involved with it for giving students the opportunity to be published in an
academic journal.
v
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
Dedication
This edition of Clio is dedicated to Dr. Martha May, Professor of History at WCSU,
in appreciation for her years of service to Clio as the journal’s faculty advisor (19972003) and co-advisor (2012-2020).
vi
�Dougherty, Introduction
Introduction
Ed Dougherty
Hello reader, and welcome to the forty-eighth edition of Western
Connecticut State University’s Clio. The theme for this edition is domination. The
dictionary describes the word as “the exercise of control or influence over someone or
something, or the state of being so controlled.”1 While that definition can carry a
negative--perhaps violent--weight to it, domination is much more of an ambiguous
positive word than it initially appears. Though in this edition, you will read about the
conquering of peoples, and the respective treatment of the conquered, you will also
read about the indomitability of the human spirit and you will be asked to consider
how people have dominated the very earth we walk on and bent it to their will. This
issue will consider the domination of the frightening unknown gradually exposed by
those brave enough to sail to foreign shores, and the ability for a people to dominate
the challenges thrown before them; fear, hunger, invasion, hate and even the threat of
extermination. We will even see examples of people challenging the dominant
collective history of this nation and the domination inflicted on people here, and the
subsequent challenging of that control.
To begin this edition, we look at Francine Accuosti’s article on the conquest
of Peru by Francisco Pizzaro and his family. Accuosti’s contribution is a classic look
at the discovery of the New World, and the subsequent domination of the territories
and peoples who lived there by explorers like Pizzaro. Second, we have my own article
on how culture, religion and innovation helped the Vikings dominate Europe and
explore and conquer new lands. Next, David Frankel writes about food rationing in
Great Britain, the United States, and the British empire during World War II. The
controversies over this rationing, Frankel tells us, is an illustration of how these
respective nations ultimately persevered over hunger through adopting new
technologies in food production. Next, we have Kat Schwarz’s paper on the Colorado
River. Schwarz examines the importance of the river as a source of life, the use and
1
Concise Oxford American Dictionary (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006).
1
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
efficacy of hydroelectricity and the engineering feat of the creation of the Hoover
Dam, a grandiose example of mankind’s conquering and subsequent domination of
nature and our environment. After Schwarz’s essay, David Standrowicz introduces us
to the experiences of Jews in Russia. This powerful piece demonstrates how the
Russian nobility and ruling classes dominated the Jewish people, from anti-Semitic
legislation to outright sanctioned attacks on Jewish communities, the oppression of
Russian Jews was only matched by their perseverance in the face of such cruel
treatment. Following David’s paper, we have Stephanie Miller’s paper on the Salem
Witch Trials, where superstition, fear and jealousy dominated colonial New England
and caused a hysteria which claimed the lives of innocent women. Finally, closing out
our journal, we have Evan Walker’s paper on the 1619 project, which is actively
challenging the dominating beliefs of American History and the genuine role of the
American slave in building this nation. This piece is joined by profound reflections on
the current Black Lives Matter movement from Adjunct Professor of History
Danielle King, who reflects on the experiences of two men named George: her father,
George King, and George Floyd, who was murdered at the hands of Minneapolis
police officers last year.
Domination has also been a theme of this past year and the current, as the
world was seemingly dominated by a novel global pandemic, and humanity has now
gained the foothold to turn the tables, attempting to control a virus that was once
thought to be invincible. If anything, this edition is not just a testament to humanity’s
domination of the world, but to its own indomitable spirit, and you, dear reader, are
proof of that indomitable spirit. Enjoy.
2
�Accuosti, Pizarro Family
The Pizarro Family and the Conquest of Peru
Francine Accuosti
Known for his conquest of the Incan Empire in Peru, Francisco Pizarro (d.
1541) most likely had no idea what was waiting for him when he started out on his
expedition in December of 1530. Little did he know that what was happening in the
Incan Empire was in his favor. Setting out on his adventure, he probably thought he
was in for fame and fortune, great wealth, and power, as Hernán Cortés (1485-1547)
did almost a decade earlier. Because of many failed attempts at an expedition, Pizarro
finally, with the help of his friend Diego de Almagro (1475-1538), was able to gain
the funds for a quest into Peru. Because of the previous failures, he knew he had to
deliver on profit to make his expedition successful, and to receive reinforcements. The
huge success of Cortez in Mexico probably put a lot of pressure on Pizarro to succeed.
To join them, Pizarro brought along his four brothers and his cousin. This
was a strategic move on his part. This would mean that instead of any profits and
titles being shared two ways, it would be split between all seven giving the Pizarro
family 86 percent of the rewards. Much of Pizzaro’s first profits accompanied his
brother Hernando back to Spain in the summer of 1533. A lot of the Pizarro wealth
was distributed in land purchase in and around the town of Trujillo in Spain where
the family was from, and in purchase of royal juros. Royal juros were the equivalent of
today’s government bonds. In the first decade after landing in Inca territory, the
Pizarro family had invested almost 3.5 million pesos in real estate and almost 30
million in juros.1
The Andean landscape is a very harsh one, with mountain ranges, deserts,
rivers, and jungles. It was an environment to which the Spanish were not acclimated.
This made the Spanish more vulnerable to native diseases. Working against them in
this respect was also the lack of a steady stream of supplies. Unlike Cortez, who had
the colonies in the Caribbean to get supplies and to send messages, Pizarro and his
group were mostly alone. The fact the Incan civilization was not an urban one, rather
Rafael Varon Gabai and Auke Pieter Jacobs, “Peruvian Wealth and Spanish Investments: The
Pizarro Family during the Sixteenth Century,”The Hispanic American Historical Review 67, no. 4
(1987): 657.
1
3
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
one that was made up of small villages, probably confused the conquistadors. They
most likely assumed the structure would be more like the known Aztec one in
Mexico. There were a few large cities, Cuzco being the biggest and grandest of them.
A difference between Pizarro’s conquest and Cortez’s was the speed at which
it happened. Pizarro’s march south was hindered by his need for supplies. He had a
much smaller band of men than Cortez, but because of the distance form established
Iberian settlements, they needed to make frequent stops to gather food and other
supplies. Along the way, he was able to gain a strong foothold in the villages of Peru.
It is over 1,500 miles from Cuzco to Panama City. The Spanish needed to easily find
villages to gain supplies. Helping the Spanish in their quest were the vast road
systems. The Inca used these to transport food, military and livestock all over the
kingdom. The roads spanned more than 30,000 miles.2 They roads were impressive
in construction:
The breadth of the road was approximately 20 feet, and stone pillars,
in the manner of milestones, were placed along the route at intervals
slightly exceeding a league. The road it-self was made of heavy flags of
freestone, covered over in some instances with a bituminous cement
which time made harder than the stone.3
An important factor to examine when it comes to how Pizarro was able to
successfully conquer the Incan Empire was the Incan Civil war that was raging when
Pizarro’s group first landed. This was important to the conquest because it was a boon
to Pizarro’s advance south from San Miguel de Piura. He encountered much less
resistance than he probably expected. Ever since Europeans came to the Americas,
diseases ravaged the native populations. A measles-like disease, possibly smallpox, ran
through the Incan people, including the nobility. Included in these deaths was the
Incan emperor, Huayna Capac (1468-1524). When he died in 1524, he named one of
his sons his successor, who then also perished in the epidemic. The next choice was
his son Huáscar Inca (1491-1532). Huáscar was a rash youth and seized power with
no regard to his father’s previous advisors’ experiences. He gave power to his friends
Magda Von Der Heydt-Coca, “When Worlds Collide: The Incorporation of the Andean World into
the Emerging World-Economy in the Colonial Period,” Dialectical Anthropology 24, no. 1 (1999):
10.
3
Charles J. Merdinger, “Roads — through the Ages: I. Early Developments: Cumulative Index,”
Military Engineer 44, no. 302 (1952): 483-86.
2
4
�Accuosti, Pizarro Family
and had anyone that resisted him killed.4 Eventually, this news reached another son
of Huayna Capac, Atahualpa (1502-1533). Atahualpa’s base was in northern Quito,
and Huáscar was in Cuzco. When Huáscar refused to accept Atahualpa’s customary
gifts, war was declared between the brothers and over the course six months,
Atahualpa was able to destroy his brother’s armies and gain the throne.5 The
significance of this victory was the sense of confidence Atahualpa gained. He was able
to defeat a large army in a very short time. He had a military background and was a
skilled tactician on the battlefield. Even after reinforcements came about a year after
the landing, Pizarro’s forces still numbered under 100 men.6 Atahualpa was also
misled by his advisors, who underestimated Pizarro’s forces, and told the ruler they
could “take them prisoner with a few hundred men.”7 As Cortez has years earlier,
Pizarro was able to do his research because of the bonds he made during his journey
south.
When it comes to Pizarro’s tactics, we notice that they were unique in that it
seemed he was much more interested in domination than destruction. When he came
to a city, he would use tactics of fear and control. If he experienced any resistance, he
would kill just enough people to strike fear in the people of the town or village, and
then he would take control. This was a much different tactic from Cortés. He would
go into a city and if he experienced any resistance, he would stamp out the whole city.
Pizarro’s tactics for taking control of the new Incan emperor was similar to Cortez.
The point was to capture the emperor and use him as a puppet to control the
population and to get as much profit as possible. Atahualpa’s confidence was not
unwarranted, as he outnumbered Pizarro by forces of nearly 40,000 men to Pizarro’s
168.8 When he sent traditional “gifts” of greeting to the Spanish, he sent skinned
ducks and a representation of a fortress. The ducks were a representation of what he
and his forces planned to do to them, and the fortress was what they were to
encounter should they proceed in their invasion.9 This is an interesting intimidation
4
John H. Rowe, “The Inca Civil War and the Establishment of Spanish Power in Peru,” Ñawpa
Pacha, 28, no. 1 (2006): 2.
Ibid., 3.
Gonzalo Lamana, “Beyond Exotization and Likeness: Alterity and the Production of Sense in a
Colonial Encounter,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 1 (2005): 8.
7
Mark A. Burkholder and Lyman L. Johnson. “Colonial Latin America -” Bulletin of Latin American
Research 27, no. 4 (2008): 610-611.
8
Gonzalo Lamana, “Beyond Exotization and Likeness,” 23.
9
Ibid., 15.
5
6
5
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
technique. Part of this may have been because the Inca were a society based strongly
on divination, and celestial prediction.10 This could have been a way to force a self-
fulfilling prophecy. Perhaps he felt if he gave this “gift”, where he predicted the end
of the invaders, it would come true. Atahualpa was also informed by his scouts that
the Spanish could not be gods, because they acted like humans. They ate, drank, slept
etc., and they did not seem to perform any miraculous events:
[They] do not make sierras or flatten them, nor make people, nor do
they make rivers or water fountains flow on their way-if there is no
water, they need to carry it. And if they are not gods, they are men of
the worst kind: they take everything they see and desire- young
women, gold and silver vessels, rich clothes-and force bound Indians
to carry their things.11
This perception of the Spanish begs the question: Who did this help more?
While the first thought might be that it helped Atahualpa more, because he did not
give everything hoping to satisfy the gods and earn their favor, one could argue that
this perception was more helpful to Pizarro. Because Atahualpa realized the Spanish
were just mortal men, he most likely assumed their technology was in the same level
as his own. If this was the case, then he could easily destroy them if needed, as his
numbers were so much greater. Had the Spanish indeed been on the same level of
warcraft as the Inca, then yes, he would have been able to stem the tide of invasion.
Another factor to the success of Pizarro’s invasion was the city if Cajamarca
itself. Atahualpa did not have his forces in the city when the Spanish arrived. Instead,
he chose to keep his forces outside the city in a tambo, or inn-like complex.12 This
provided the Spanish an opportunity to hide around the plaza for an ambush without
Atahualpa’s men knowing about it. Atahualpa arrived in the city with only a fraction
of his forces, and Pizarro’s men were able to make short work of the capture.
Approximately 1,500 natives were killed in the skirmish.13
When he was captured, Atahualpa had only been in direct power a short
while. His capture decimated Incan morale. He was ransomed for vast sums. 11 tons
Rowe, “The Inca Civil War,” 2.
Gonzalo Lamana, “Beyond Exotization and Likeness,” 17.
12
Ibid., 23.
13
Mark A. Burkholder and Lyman L. Johnson. “Colonial Latin America,” Bulletin of Latin American
Research 27, no. 4 (2008): 610-611.
10
11
6
�Accuosti, Pizarro Family
of gold and 26,000 pounds of silver, granting each soldier 45 pounds of gold, and 90
pounds of silver.14 Pizarro kept Atahualpa alive for less than a year, after which he
installed a puppet government. This caused all sorts of problems like a revolution,
which is a subject for its own paper.
The conquest of Peru made the fortunes of the Pizarro family. The actions of
the leaders of the Spanish and Incan forces as well as the native roads helped in the
conquest. The large distances and the landscape hindered the advance of the Spanish.
There really is no definitive answer as to what worked best and what was the greatest
hinderance for the Spanish, or what was the deciding factor that put the nail in the
coffin for the Incan empire.
14
Ibid., 61.
7
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Valhalla Rising: The Age of Vikings and Their Legacy
Edward Dougherty
Few periods in European history leave as great an impression as the Viking
Age. From 793-1066 CE, much of Europe became victims of constant raids,
settlement and conquest by seafaring peoples from the North. These Vikings would
sack the cities of Christendom, explore the far-flung reaches of the globe, and settle
in nations where their legacy lives on even today. Their subsequent success in raiding,
settling and exploration can be attributed to two key factors. First, their unique
pagan religion which provided strong guidelines and beliefs for their actions both
home and abroad. Second, their specialized martial culture that produced infamously
fierce warriors and lastly a highly advanced sense of nautical and practical ingenuity
that allowed them to navigate the world and tame it. It would be these factors
especially that would ensure the Viking’s foothold in Europe and help them leave a
long-lasting legacy that ensured their success. They opened the pathway to wealth,
glory, honor and worthy life everlasting.
For the monks at Lindisfarne Abbey in CE 793, it was any other day. Prayers
and hymns were sung, chores done, Christ had been worshipped, and all seemed
quiet and quaint. Indeed, the Christian world of England seemed good and fair, and
none suspected any sort of disruption. However, the presence of ships on the horizon
would bring violent winds of change to the monastery, to England, and to the rest of
Christian Europe. The men on these ships were not there to sell or trade goods, but
to take and give nothing back. Their Gods were Odin and Thor and Freya, and they
did not kneel before the Christ-God that had converted most of Western world.
These men landed on the island, killed and enslaved the monks, and looted the entire
monastery. Only leaving behind a trail of blood and burning ruins. This date would
mark the beginning of the Viking age.1
Benjamin Thorpe (ed. and trans.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, according to the Several Original
Authorities (London: Longmans, 1861), 262.
1
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The Vikings originated from what is now considered Scandinavia, which
consists of present-day Norway, Denmark and Sweden. Though these nations shared
a similar cultural heritage, the Vikings from these nations seldom acted together, and
often had their own agendas. The homeland of the Vikings was relatively
inhospitable, and consisted mostly of tundra and forests, with no land for large farms.
Vikings played host to brutal winters. The farms that Vikings did have were small,
with little variety in livestock. They were, however, excellent craftsmen; this was
mainly due to specialized skills specific Vikings had and could do. For example, one
woman would make the shirts, clothes and other garments for her village, while
another Viking specialized in blacksmithing or wood carving. This specialization
created a “quality over quantity” market whose goods were highly valued by other
European nations. The trade between these nations became stifled when religion
came into play; many of the now Christian European nations had a problem trading
goods with a people who still practiced paganism. This hesitance towards trade put
unnecessary stress on Viking markets, and as a result they settled for simply taking
what they wanted as opposed to trading for it. The attack on Lindisfarne was not the
first recording of the Vikings per-se, but the first account of a violent attack upon
innocents by them. Indeed, Christianity may have, albeit accidentally, spurred on
these attacks, it was the Viking religion that sent them forth to begin with.
“Norse” Paganism played a large part in not only the violent raids, but also
helped form the martial culture that produced such incredible Viking warriors. The
pantheon of the gods of the Vikings consisted of the chief God Odin and his family.
These gods were warlike beings who meddled with the affairs of the mortals and
sought to hinder or help when they saw fit to do so. These Gods did not possess a
human code of ethics and were deemed to be beyond such “human” social constructs.
They were mischievous, spiteful, cruel, and wanton in their ways, especially in regard
to the treatment of mortals. Curiously enough, these gods were also not entirely
immortal: they were aware of their demise at Ragnarök, the Viking equivalent to the
apocalypse. This knowledge about the mortality of all things led to a sense of fatalism
amongst the Vikings, an acceptance of one’s own death at some point in time. Yet,
immortality was attainable for Vikings; they could ascend to “Valhalla”, a great hall of
slain warriors presided over by Odin and the Valkyries who selected the worthy. To
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be worthy, one must have had an honorable death, dying bravely in combat.2 This one
chance at glory would act as an impetus for Vikings to go forth and seek battle
wherever they went. They fought as ferociously as they could, for Odin was watching
them. Also, unlike their Christian neighbors, the Vikings had no concept of “sin.”
While they possessed a moral compass that was catered to their lifestyles, and had
laws and regulations in their own lands, they did not receive a set of ethics from a
divine source. The Viking gods were not naturally ethical in what they did, and ethics
was considered solely a human property.3 These violent, curious, and warlike Gods
helped inspire Vikings to sail elsewhere and this mentality would also form guidelines
on how Vikings treated foreigners whose land they invaded, as well as the residual
treatment of rulers of those kingdoms.4 To the Vikings, violence was a justifiable
means to an end, just as the Gods themselves did whatever it took to accomplish what
they sought to do. As Robert Ferguson has noted, “this Ruthlessness in pursuit of his
own ends made Odin feared and admired by his followers and, we as we shall see,
Viking warriors abroad would very often take their cue from him in their dealings
with the Christian kings of England and Francia.”5
With this religious mindset and their own code of ethics, the Vikings built a
martial culture around fighting, raiding and combat. This culture differed
significantly from those further West, whom though they had their own warriors,
were not built on such a socio-political system surrounding warfare and combat as the
Vikings were. One notable aspect of this Viking culture was slavery. One of the most
prized spoils of a Viking raid were slaves. Vikings would enslave people from the
villages they raided, and they would sell them back home, or to whomever they came
across in the market. Viking society was stratified not only on political standings, but
also on the concepts of “free” and “slave.” Slavery was also deemed to be hereditary;
children born to any slave, regardless of whether the father was a free Viking or not,
were still considered slaves.6 Slavery could also be a punishment to any Viking who
broke the law.7 A slave’s life was not a nice one; they were used as human sacrifices to
Else Roesdahl, The Vikings (New York: Penguin, 2016), 156-166.
Robert Ferguson, The Vikings: A History (New York: Penguin, 2009), 31.
4
Ibid., 22-25.
5
Ibid., 28.
6
Ibid., 29-31.
7
Ibid., 56-57.
2
3
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the gods and were killed and buried along with their master when they died8. Another
key factor of Viking society was honor. Honor was a prized trait among Vikings, and
the code of honorable conduct was passed down orally through poems, as well as
runic inscriptions.9 One source of this code was The Hávamál, “The Speech of The
High One.” These were poems passed down supposedly from Odin himself. They
taught etiquette and conduct and stressed that honor and reputation were the only
everlasting things in Viking’s life. Two such verses go like this:
Cattle die,
kindred die,
every man is mortal:
but the good name
never dies
of one who has done well.
Cattle die,
kindred die,
every man is mortal:
but I know one thing
that never dies,
The glory of the great deed.10
This code of honor only pertained to Vikings, not to the people they raided. Crimes
like rape and murder were permissible if they were inflicted upon non-Viking
peoples, which led to particular brutality during many raids.11 Though there were laws
and legal ramifications for Viking criminals, the biggest impact would have been the
shame upon one’s honor. In fact, a Viking’s life was usually structured around the
oppositions of honor and shame, as well as living within the confines of Viking law
and etiquette.12 Raiding, however, was not the main job of a Viking. They were
farmers and craftsmen first and foremost. Many Viking raiders actually raided out of
necessity. Many of them were second born sons who, by Viking cultural standards,
Ibid., 29-31.
Roesdahl,Vikings, 65-68.
10
Author unknown, translated by Henry Adams Bellows, The Hávamál (Nashville: Fateful Signs,
2016), verses 77-78.
11
Roesdahl,Vikings, 65-68.
12
Ferguson, Vikings: A History, 31.
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inherited little from their parents. The family house and farm would go to the eldest.
This practice, though common, was not set in stone.13
What was set in stone and at times quite literally, was their language, or at
least its written form. The runes that the Vikings used as an alphabet of sorts
consisted of sixteen different characters that were usually carved into runestones,
wooden sticks or bones.14 These runes had different meanings on their own and could
also be pronounced differently depending on how they were used.15 This has led to
most runic inscriptions found to be nearly indecipherable, as we do not know what
they were trying to say exactly.16 The runes have been found engraved on various
Viking age items, from combs to spear handles, but are abundantly found in
runestones.17 Thousands of runestones have been found in Scandinavia, and other
smaller runic inscriptions have been found throughout the Viking colonies.18 These
runestones provide insight into Viking socio-political structure and cultural history.
One such inscription found in Sweden reads as follows:
Runa had this memorial made to Spiallbudi and to Svein and to
Andvett and to Ragnar, her sons and Helgi’s, and Sigrid to Spiallbudi,
and her husband. He met his death in Hólmgard in Olav’s church.
Öpir cut the runes.19
The runestones act as an invaluable source of archaeological information, as
the Vikings were a culture who never wrote down any of their history. Most of what
Vikings knew was passed down orally through poems. Most accounts of Vikings are
either written by those they attacked or written hundreds of years later as sagas by
poets. Poems like The Prose Edda provide context into Viking life and their exploits,
though from a later time when Vikings as we know them no longer existed. If
anything, sagas were an example of cultural remembrance and preservation from a
Scandinavia that was changing in both structure and religion. By the time the Prose
Edda was written, the Viking age had drawn to a close, and a majority of the
Ibid., 45.
Roesdahl, The Vikings, 51-53.
15
Ibid.
16
Ibid.
17
Ibid.
18
Ibid., 14.
19
Ibid., 15.
13
14
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Scandinavian peoples were now Christian. The sagas were a way of remembering an
honored past, old gods of magic and nature and lineage now lost.
Viking culture was also unique in how it viewed gender relations. Women
played a huge part in Viking society. While men held the upper hand in most things,
women had some individual liberties and control of their lives to a degree. They
controlled the house and the coin purse and could substitute in the political roles of
their husbands if needed. Women had such an important role in Viking society that
many runestones erected are dedicated to deceased women, whether it was a wife, a
mother, or a sister. Women also were important in terms of lineage. Despite public
belief, Viking lineage was not entirely patriarchal but could be based on the mother’s
bloodline as well. A claim of kingship or position of power based on a maternal blood
line was equally valid as to that of a paternal one.20
As for combat, there is much debate on a woman’s role. There are references
made to “shield maidens” in poems, and Odin’s Valkyries were all specifically female,
which would lead to the belief that the concept of a female warrior was not far-
fetched to the Vikings. The great heathen army that ravaged England in the year 890
CE. was said to contain women, but those women were most likely wives of the
soldiers21. Burial sites have revealed female skeletons surrounded by weapons,
indicating that these women may have known how to use them. One such gravesite is
the gravesite known as “Bj 581” and was found in Birka, Sweden. This “Birka”
woman as she is sometimes referred to, was found in a large grave that depicted a
high social status. However, this female was buried with weapons alongside
homewares. It was due to this find, that many archaeologists generally assumed the
body was male, up until recently when genetic research proved otherwise22. The
reasons why she was buried with weapons has not yet been resolved or agreed upon.
Bj 581 differed from the norm for female Viking graves, like a rather lavish one found
in Oseberg, Norway. Typical female graves contained home utensils, needlework
artifacts, jewelry, household items and even in some cases the bodies of lapdogs.23 Yet,
since Vikings seldom, if ever, wrote anything down, there was never any clear
Ibid., 62.
Ibid., 62-64.
22
Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson, “Grave Bj 581: the Viking Warrior that was a Woman,” Paper
Presented at the Archaeological Institute of America Annual Meeting, Assumption College, March
12, 2019.
23
Ibid.
20
21
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description of what a “shield maiden” actually was, if they existed at all. Despite the
growing archaeological evidence that there may have been female warriors, these
women were most likely scarce around the entirety of Scandinavia. Outside of the
homestead, the Viking woman had few options aside from marrying a good man and
bearing children. However, marriage was considered a union of equals, and the
woman was allowed to divorce her husband.24 Adultery also carried a severe
punishment for both parties regardless of gender.25 Viking society seemed somewhat
more progressive than their western neighbors, a surprising notion given the Viking’s
public perception at the time. But that just alludes to how complex their society
actually was.
The political culture of the Vikings was complex in itself. The Viking
communities relied on a specific socio-political structure to help keep the community
together, to defend it and to help organize expeditions and raids. Viking culture was
headed by warlords or chieftains, known as Jarls, who had bands of warriors around
them. In exchange for loyalty, these warlords would reward them with feasts and
spoils and constant warfare. These men enjoyed violence and fought for their chief
while the warlord himself fought for victory: “the Bravest, and most warlike do no
work; they give over the management of the household, of the home, and of the land,
to women, the old men, and the weaker members of the family.”26 Profiting from this
martial life, Viking raiders usually relied on raiding and violence to make a name for
themselves, thinking that labor or farming was deemed beneath them or stupid. In
some cases, many of these warriors would be related either to each other or to the
warlord himself. Though polygamy was not culturally accepted, it seems Viking men
could have multiple “wives”; though these would not have been formal marriages at
all, and sired multiple children, all legitimate under Viking law.27 Essentially, a
raiding party could have been comprised of a warlord, his sons, and subsequent halfbrothers. Ideally, this would create a lasting loyalty between the warriors and the
warlord, as his men would share blood ties with him, as well as ensuring the
continuation of his bloodline. The lives of children in the Viking community are
relatively unknown. If they survived infancy, most likely they enjoyed a brief
Ibid.
Ibid.
26
Ferguson, The Vikings: A History, 45.
27
Roesdahl, The Vikings, 64.
24
25
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childhood before being given tasks around the house and given roles in society at
large as they grew older. A young Viking man could very well have raided and fought
and even probably married while still in his early teenage years. As a Viking, and as an
early medieval European in general, children and young adults tended to grow up
fast.
Another aspect of the Viking political culture that made them unique was the
Thing. The thing was an assembly held for all free Viking people to attend. These
assemblies were where issues of the village were discussed, fellowships and deals were
made, marriages and dowries arranged, oaths made, grievances aired, and general
announcements declared.28 This was also where plans and strategies were announced
for upcoming raids, and input was accepted by all free Vikings who attended, even
women. This was sort of a community “town hall” meeting by today’s standards.
While planning a raid and garnering public opinion on it was one thing, executing
the raid itself was another issue. One of the biggest factors that attributed the most to
the Viking’s success in raiding, exploration and settlement was not just the gods or
military prowess. It was their ships.
These iconic ships are usually one of the notable associations that people have
with the Vikings. With their iconic dragon figure heads and long oars, they were a
foreboding site to any villager who glimpsed them on the horizon. The Vikings were
expert seamen, as well as navigators. This, mixed with their martial expertise and
religious beliefs, made them formidable opponents and masters on the high seas.
Ships were incredibly important to Vikings. They provided means to trade, transport
to villages that were ripe for raiding and access to lands that were once considered
unreachable. These ships were so important, that several archaeological sites have
revealed burials with entire ships inside the burial mound. One incredibly famous site
was the Osberg ship in Norway. This site was absolutely massive, almost fifty meters
in length.29 It contained the bodies of two women.30 It also contained several wagons,
sledges, and even animals. The ship itself was placed under a massive mound. This
burial is considered by archaeologists to perhaps denote a high status for the
Ibid., 61.
Gareth Williams, Sue Brunning, and Jan Bill, “Anglo Saxon and Viking Ship Burial: The British
Museum,” medievalists.net (June 2014), https://www.medievalists.net/2014/06/anglo-saxon-vikingship-burial-british-museum/
30
Ibid.
28
29
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individuals who were buried there.31 Ships obviously played such a large role in the
Viking’s success, as well as everyday life, that it had to be included in the afterlife.
The amount of hard work and dedication it must have taken to even bury such an
object speaks volumes about how much the Vikings stressed the importance of their
ships. It would be these ships and their unique construction that would also guarantee
success on their raids and make them one of the deadliest forces on both land and sea.
The Vikings also put sails on their ships, which allowed them to catch the
wind and sail on long voyages. This was unheard of at the time, as not many were
able to cross great oceans and seas with their versions of ships.32 This also made it
easy for Vikings to escape if they wanted, as they could not be pursued on the high
seas by any ships of those they attacked. These ships had oar ports as well, which
allowed a mixture of rowing and sailing, making the Viking ship incredibly fast.
These vessels were also designed to sail through shallow rivers, allowing Viking
raiders to sail inwards from the coast if they found a river outlet.33 This also meant
that villages and cities inland had no greater sense of safety than their coastal
countrymen. These ships also had keels, which took most of the damage from being
pushed up onto shore, but also made it quicker to be pushed back out to water,
making the landing and leaving of raiding parties efficient and lightning fast.34 The
ships could also go under bridges due to the masts being removable and allowing
oarsmen to do most of the work.35 In short, these were cutting edge ships, capable of
great speeds, and able to penetrate the innermost rivers of Europe. This lightning
nautical speed matched with ruthless brutal precision made experiencing a Viking raid
a truly terrifying ordeal. As for how the Vikings found their way around the seas and
rivers they sailed, the answer lay in their rather unique navigation skills. It is generally
believed that the Vikings had no real navigation tools, but it is suspected that they
used the stars, the waves and the sun to navigate where they were. These routes were
then passed down through oral tradition.36 Essentially, their routes consisted of them
sailing to a shoreline, then sailing down it until they reached a city or village or inlet
Ibid.
Roesdahl, The Vikings, 87-92.
33
Ibid.
34
Ibid.
35
Ibid.
36
Ibid., 89-92.
31
32
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that would take them further inland, at which point, they had the option of going by
foot the rest of the way.
Using this mixture of martial culture, high-tech sailing ships, military speed
and prowess, the Vikings were able to obtain vast wealth and territory, allowing them
to explore new areas and settle new lands. They made settlements where they raided
as well. These factors also helped them dominate their opponents, who lacked the
capabilities to do little else but defend themselves from perpetual attack. It is no
surprise that these sailing methods coupled with their faith and skill, brought
enormous success to the Viking endeavors. It also made the Vikings see those they
attacked as inferior sheep waiting to be plundered.
In 845 CE, a Viking named Ragnar Lothbrook led series of raids against
Francia. These raids culminated in the sacking of Paris within the same year.
According to Ragnar, “never had he seen lands so fertile, and so rich, nor a people so
cowardly.”37 The cowardice of the French paid off, as France succumbed to paying the
Vikings 7,000 pounds of gold and silver as a ransom for France’s safety as opposed to
trying to fight Ragnar and his men.38 This became a custom of other nations as well;
simply paying off the Vikings instead of allowing them to run rampant over the
country. This created dilemmas as well, as the Vikings would frequently return
expecting the ransom to be paid out again.39 Gold and silver, however, were not the
only goods Vikings sought. What they wanted just as badly was fertile farmland and a
place to settle that was actually hospitable for agriculture. They would find that much
of Western Europe would do nicely, and thus the Viking colonization of England,
Ireland and other countries began.
The beginning of the English raids by Vikings began in 789 CE but
continued until at least 886. However, as the raids progressed over the years, the
Vikings began to slowly settle into this alien country. This culminated with Danish
Vikings taking the northern territory of York and Eastern parts of England between
the years of 865-866 CE.40 King Alfred of England (848-899) agreed to a treaty
Peter Sawyer, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Vikings. (Oxford University Press, 1997), 40.
Ibid.
39
Ibid.
40
Danielle Trynoski. “The Viking Cities of Dublin and York: Examining Scandinavian Cultural
Change and Viking Urbanism,” medievalists.net (April 2012), accessed March 23, 2021.
https://www.medievalists.net/2012/04/the-viking-cities-of-dublin-and-york-examining-scandinaviancultural-change-and-viking-urbanism/
37
38
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between the English and the Danes. The territory was called “The Danelaw.” It was
essentially an autonomous Viking colony. Upon settlement, there began a mixture of
English and Danish peoples, slowly blurring the lines between who was a Viking and
who was English. Around the same time, the Vikings began to settle in Ireland.
There, the Vikings found a small, swampy area that was easy to settle and defend if
necessary. They named the place “Dubh-Lin”, meaning Black-Pool, in 845 CE,
which would soon evolve from a few small fishing huts, into a much larger Viking
settlement known now as Dublin. 41 The geographies of York and Dublin were
similar in that both areas resided near a river.42 This made trade, plus the arrival and
departure of raiding ships more accessible to these settlements. The downside to
acquiring these territories was that the Vikings would have to fight tooth and nail to
both acquire and defend them, as the native populations were understandably hostile
to the Vikings being there.43
“The wind is rough tonight/tossing the white-combed ocean;/I need not
dread fierce Vikings/crossing the Irish Sea.”44 This poem was written by an Irish
monk fearing the seemingly endless raids by the Vikings. Official Irish cities and
towns did not exist during the Viking age, and the only real structures that kept an
otherwise nomadic people gathered, were the monasteries and the farms that
surrounded them.45 Unfortunately, this made the monasteries prime raiding targets
for the Vikings, who would reap massive spoils of both wealth and slaves46. In one
instance, sixty-eight individuals were “lost to death or slavery”47 at the hands of
Vikings. To escape these attacks, the Celtic Irish peoples began to move more and
more inland in order to build better defenses. What transpired was a dangerous game
of cat and mouse. To combat this change in their prey, the Vikings changed their
own tactics. Instead of their usual smash and grab blitz they had become so infamous
for, the Vikings chose instead to follow the Irish and hunker down in camps and
winter in the inland area.48 The results of these encampments resulted in the finding
Ibid.
Ibid.
43
Ibid.
44
Trynoski, “The Viking Cities of Dublin and York: Examining Scandinavian Cultural Change and
Viking Urbanism”.
45
Ibid.
46
Ibid.
47
Ibid.
48
Ibid.
41
42
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of a plethora of artifacts, indicating that several thousand Vikings may have been
encamped in Dublin at a time.49
These camps, also known as longphorts, were originally designed for ship
repair when the boats were out of the water during the winter months.50 Over time,
these camps began to grow into fortresses with non-military settlements inside.51 This
was also due to a need for defense from the Irish kings who attacked the Vikings as
they wintered. According to archaeological research done in Ireland, Dublin seems to
have been the largest of these forts.52 Over time, these settlements and forts became
larger and more permanent, with more settlers moving inland. Dwellings were put up
around these forts. Eventually Dublin would evolve from simple camp to a growing
urban city; a hub for Viking trade routes along the Irish coast.53 The attacks on the
monasteries and Irish people stopped altogether, and instead, the Vikings worked out
an agreement with them. The Irish would pay taxes to the Vikings in return for
protection and the cessation of any further raids.54 Whether it was intentional or not,
the Vikings shaped Ireland, notably Dublin, from a small swamp with fishing huts to
a large urban center of commerce and trade. The Vikings brought pain and
devastation to the Irish peoples, but they had also brought urbanization, commerce
and economy to a nation that essentially had nothing to its name. Today, the Viking
museum in Dublin pays homage to their presence, proudly displaying the trove of
artifacts found therein. From the bloody seeds of conquest, prosperity bloomed.
York was a different story. Originally a Roman territory, it had since been
taken over by the Christian kings of Northumbria, the strongest of all the AngloSaxon kingdoms.55 York also became the religious capital of the Anglo-Saxon
kingdoms, as it contained the only other archbishopric and only cathedral on the
island.56 York also already had infrastructure as well. Archaeological research shows
that the Anglo-Saxons utilized some of the remaining Roman structures.57 However,
Ibid.
Trynoski, “The Viking Cities of Dublin and York: Examining Scandinavian Cultural Change and
Viking Urbanism.”
51
Ibid.
52
Ibid.
53
Ibid.
54
Ibid.
55
Trynoski, “The Viking Cities of Dublin and York: Examining Scandinavian Cultural Change and
Viking Urbanism.”
56
Ibid.
57
Ibid.
49
50
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the archeological evidence also shows that the city was grossly underpopulated and
was already experiencing “urban decay” by the time the Vikings arrived there. 58 They
faced little resistance when the time came to settle. The Vikings by this time had
changed their motives from simple acts with quick raids, to longer campaigns for land
and resources. The Viking army marched from Kent to York in 866 CE and took the
city fairly easily.59 They stopped the campaign at York, declared it their new capital
city of the territory, and began settling down within it. Soon, soldiers became
manufacturers and farmers. Visions of war turned to visions of agriculture as York
became an urban city of commerce and trade amongst the Vikings. Archaeological
evidence found between 1976 and 1981, in the Coppergate area, revealed that the city
did indeed expand in both industry and population once the Vikings arrived, as
determined by the soil layers matching the period and the abundance of artifacts
found therein.60 Items included, but not limited to: iron coin dies, jewelry, leather
shoes, scabbards, knives, needles, combs, wooden cups, plates, amber, jet, ceramic
wine containers from the Rhineland, Byzantine silk, Chinese pottery, gaming pieces,
whistles and pan pipes. All these examples point to a flourishing Viking Settlement in
both cities, and that these areas were experiencing large economic and social growth.61
In many ways, the Vikings forced change on these two cities, forever altering them
arguably, for the better. Through them, prosperity emerged, and from muddy swamps
and ruins came urban areas of great wealth and industry. This was how the legacy of
the Vikings would live on, not by the sword and the axe, but by the plough and coin.
Dublin and York are but two examples of how the Vikings settled and
expanded their reach, not just across Europe, but the world. In 874 CE, the Vikings
discovered and settled Iceland. In 982 CE, Erik the Red discovers and began to settle
Greenland. The Vikings would even try their luck, unsuccessfully, in Spain. Yet, the
most famous exploit of the Vikings, one that is still important to this day, was the
discovery of what the Vikings called “Vinland”, so named after the abundance of
grape vines they saw. It is now known as North America. The topic of the Vinland
expeditions is a rather exciting one. It points to the fact that Christopher Columbus
Ibid.
Ibid.
60
Trynoski, “The Viking Cities of Dublin and York: Examining Scandinavian Cultural Change and
Viking Urbanism.”
61
Ibid.
58
59
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was in fact not the first to discover North America. Rather, it was Leif Erikson (c.
970-c.1020), son of Greenland founder Erik the Red; and he did so some centuries
earlier. The Vinland Saga tells the story of Erikson’s exploits in as true a fashion as a
poetic saga possibly could. Though the saga is a story of sorts, there is sufficient
concrete evidence within it regarding North American topography and natural
resources that seems to paint a clear picture that the Vikings had in fact been in
North America.62
Further archaeological evidence, in the form of a Viking era settlement in
Newfoundland discovered by archaeologists Helge Ingstad and Anne Stine Ingstad
provides irrefutable evidence of a Viking presence in North America.63 There is also a
famous map, now at Yale University, that seems to depict the route to, and the
outline of North America as the Vikings knew it. The legitimacy of this map is
debated; some believe it is genuine, some believe it is a hoax, and some think it is real
but was made after the Viking era. Nevertheless, Vikings landed in North America,
but the question remains as to why they did not stay. The sagas and the
archaeological evidence point to a specific reason as to why the Vikings never stayed.
That reason was the Skraelings.
For centuries it was debated as to whether the Vinland Sagas had any merit to
them, or if they were just works of Viking fiction. Upon the discovery of the site in
Canada it became clear that this was no myth. However, a specific part of the tale
puzzled scholars up until then. It pertained to a battle fought in Vinland between
Vikings and what the sagas referred to as “Skraelings”. This name is an obscure
definition, and nobody is sure why these individuals earned a name like that, and
what the Vikings may have meant by calling them that has since been lost. However,
it has since been determined that this is referencing early Native Americans,
specifically the Beothuk tribe, now extinct.64 These two groups most likely did not
start out as hostile, but over time skirmishes erupted as verified by the sagas. Vikings
obviously had the military advantage in terms of weapon quality. Having the ability to
smelt and forge iron weapons, gave the Vikings the upper hand. It also appears that
Vinland Sagas; The Norse Discovery of America, Magnússon, Magnús, editor, translator; Hermann
Pálsson, 1921-2002 (New York: New York University Press, 1966).
63
Ibid.
64
Brian Burfield. “Sagas, Swords and Skraelings: The Vikings in North America,” Medieval Warfare
3, no. 1 (2013): 47-52.
62
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the Beothuk tribe were in awe and afraid of these weapons and their lethality65. The
presence of Vikings arms and armor, along with metal ornamental garnishments and
trinkets most likely intimidated these people who only were using stone tipped
weapons at the time66. The Beothuk, however, had the home advantage. The Vikings,
at this point in time, accustomed to strange lands, were out of place in North
America. They did not know the terrain, and they were far away from any sort of
military backup. Indeed, even in the sagas, despite having the fighting advantage, Leif
Erikson did lose men to the Beothuk. The first fight seems to have occurred after
Leif Erikson’s brother Thorvald and his men slew some eight Beothuk and incurred
the wrath of others who engaged the Vikings in battle. Thorvald became the only
casualty, but the Vikings succeeded in driving their foes away.67 The second battle
came some time later, when the Vikings traded the Beothuk milk for furs and pelts.
The natives agreed to the trade but were upset afterwards. The natives were
understandably lactose-intolerant, since they had never had milk before.68 There was
no way for the Vikings to have known this, but it made matters worse when the
Vikings killed a native for trying to steal weapons.69 Fearing reprisal, the Vikings
made ready for battle. This time they had reinforcements from a recent company sent
to Vinland, led by Thorfinn Karlsefni.70 Still outnumbered, Torfinn plotted to trap
the Beothuk warriors, using the forest to their advantage. The resulting battle ended
in victory for the Vikings as the Beothuk warriors fled after being properly routed.
Allegedly, Leif’s sister Freydis, who was very much pregnant at the time, even
managed to fight as well; grabbing a sword, exposing her breasts and screaming at the
Beothuk, tapping herself with the sword to goad them into attacking71.
Overall, the source of the strife seemed to be that these were two completely
different and incompatible sets of cultures. Language barriers aside, one was a stone
age people, the other an iron age people. Both were aggressive towards the other and
both shared a healthy level of distrust. The Vikings had ventured in to somewhere
Ibid.
Ibid.
67
Burfield. "Sagas, Swords and Skraelings: The Vikings in North America." Medieval Warfare 3, no. 1
47-52.
68
Ibid.
69
Ibid.
70
Ibid.
71
Magnús Magnússon and Hermann Pálsson (Ed. and Trans.)Vinland Sagas; The Norse Discovery of
America (New York: Penguin Books, 2003), 100-101.
65
66
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�Dougherty, Valhalla Rising
completely new and different, and this time it did not pay off. It simply became too
dangerous to live under the threat of constant attack in a strange land with a foe who
had superior numbers. This eventually led to the settlers moving back home and away
from Vinland, despite all it offered. Vinland was a gamble for the Vikings, and it cost
them more than it was worth. They would still visit Vinland for lumber and other
goods, but any sort of long-term settlement had been thrown out by that time.72
Interestingly, DNA studies of certain Icelandic peoples today show traces of Native
American descent, a genetic reminder that Vikings once roamed North America, and
the now extinct Beothuk could still exist even if only on a genetic level.73
The Viking age lasted from 793 to 1066 CE. They changed or discovered
much of the known world. From Asia and the middle East, all over Europe and
North America, the Vikings established themselves as a cultural force to be reckoned
with. They were lords of the seas, masters of the axe and sword, farmers and
craftsmen. They literally carved their names across history as one of the greatest forces
ever to put themselves upon the European map. Yet, like all empires and golden ages,
it came to an end.
One of the death knells for the Viking age was Christianity. By the end of
their age, most Vikings had accepted the Christ-God into their pantheon and moved
on from Odin and the others, though that transition took some time. No longer were
they able to land victories like they used to either. Nations had grown wise to their
tactics and practices and had grown to a point where they could effectively fight back.
Alfred the Great took back England and dismantled the Danelaw, though by that
time most of the cultural mixing had already happened and most people had Viking
blood in their veins to some extent. The Vikings had grown rich from trading and
manufacturing as raiding became less and less of a glorified occupation. The political
sphere had shifted as well. Scandinavia had become distinct kingdoms now. Gone
were the days of the warlord; now replaced by legitimate kings like Harald Fine hair,
who unified Norway as its first king. The sun was setting on the Viking story, and it
would eventually end with the death of Harald Hadrada, and the invasion of England
by the Normans of France. Ironically, William the Conqueror of Normandy was
descended from Vikings himself.
72
73
Burfield, “Sagas, Swords and Skraelings,” 47-52.
Ibid.
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Despite them being gone, Vikings play a huge part in pop culture today,
whether it be the logo of an NFL team or even the iconic, if not horribly inaccurate
horned helmet. There is even a resurgent interest in the Viking’s history, spurred on
by recent and exciting archeological finds. Their unique religion, martial culture and
technological prowess on the high seas earned them riches, combat, land, and glory.
Their successes in life, and the successes of their age, were heavily influenced by these
factors. Without them, the Vikings would have been little more than mere pirates.
These factors would be the tools by which the Vikings would shape their world and
leave a lasting impression for ages to come. In a way, this allowed the Vikings to
achieve a sense of immortality, if only in legacy and cultural memory. Perhaps
Valhalla is found rather in the pages of history than in some magical hall. If such is
the case, then the Vikings have more than earned their place in it.
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Food Rationing in World War II
David Frankel
This writer has maintained a healthy diet and regular exercise throughout his
adult life, with a strong belief that both lead to longevity. He was attracted to the
topic of food rationing from the book, The Taste of War by Lizzie Collingham, and
further inspired by the biography of Lord Woolton, the innovative head of the British
Ministry of Food during much of World War II, in a book entitled Eggs or Anarchy
written by British food critic William Sitwell.1
Lizzie Collingham's premise is that food growth, production, and distribution
were critical issues involving the World War II conflict and its ultimate outcome.
Food was a driving force for both the Axis Powers, especially Germany and Japan,
and the Allied Powers. There was substantial food mismanagement and neglect
worldwide throughout the war in such diverse areas as the Indian subcontinent,
Africa, and China.2 William Sitwell chronicles the life of Frederick James Marquis,
ennobled Lord Woolton, who was appointed Minister of Food in 1940. He had
ultimate responsibility for the feeding of all citizens of the British Empire throughout
the war. Food was an important tool to all combatant nations in terms of
maintaining maximum military strength and high morale as well as determined
support for the war effort on the home front.3 Great Britain was forced into a
centralized economy which Collingham terms as "war socialism" during the conflict
while the United States, the only combatant country with more than adequate
agricultural resources, was able to take a more laissez-faire approach with minimal
food controls.
British Rationing
British food rationing was designed to ensure a fair and equitable distribution
of available food to all social classes and to prevent hoarding. Collingham believes
Lizzie Collingham, The Taste of War: World War II and the Battle for Food (New York: Penguin,
2013); William Sitwell, Eggs or Anarchy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2016).
2
Collingham, Taste of War.
3
Sitwell, Eggs or Anarchy.
1
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that while the British, in general, did a very good job with its limited domestic food
resources, it failed miserably in such areas as the Indian state of Bengal where three
million residents died of a preventable, man-made famine.4 The U.S rationing system
was much less vigorous than the British as America had more than sufficient food
supplies and was actually able to export food to other Allied nations.
Food's role in the War World II conflict stems back to developments in the last
quarter of the nineteenth century when the urban areas of Europe shifted from a
primarily grain-based diet to one of meat (which this author believes is the exact
opposite of what should comprise a healthy diet). The future Axis powers, Germany,
Italy, and Japan, all felt quite disadvantaged by the dominance of the British Empire
and the United State in terms of international food trade at the time. All three Axis
countries felt that this disadvantaged trade position deterred each from reaching their
respective great power potential. Visions of substantial, self-sustaining agrarian
empires drove the Axis countries to war in the 1930s and resulted in
horrendous German and Japanese atrocities during the conflict.
Britain entered World War II as the country most depend upon wheat
imports, yet never had to ration bread during the war. (Ironically, bread rationing was
introduced immediately after the conflict had ended). Instead, early in the war, the
Ministry of Agriculture, through local County War Agricultural Executive
Committees, successfully advanced the concept of substituting potatoes for bread.
The ministry introduced new technological innovations for enhanced agricultural
production and pricing policies which greatly benefited British farmers who were
encouraged to grow certain crops--in particular, potatoes. It was later analyzed after
the war that these technological advances may not have been as effective as originally
planned. The success of British farmers may have simply been due to increasing
agricultural acreage and old-fashioned hard work. This diligent effort allowed for the
British internal food supply to increase from 33 to 44 percent during the war and
enabled the nation to cut back on some costly imports of non-essential foodstuffs. In
1943, Britain was able to cover half of its bread grain requirements with domestic
wheat. Potato production increased by an impressive 87 percent which, in turned,
motivated the Ministry of Food to encourage potatoes as a substitute for bread. The
paradox was that there was a surplus of potatoes. This surplus was diverted as feed for
4
Collingham, Taste of War, 147-48.
26
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hogs. The great shame of this overgrown potato crop was that it was not utilized to
combat the tragedy of Bengal famine on the Indian subcontinent. The British
rationale at the time was concerned with what was considered higher priorities and
logistics regarding the overall war effort as well as Winston Churchill's general
disdain of the citizens of India.
The British also benefited from the American lend-lease program which
started in March 1941. The U.S. supplied Britain with large quantities of frozen and
canned meat which, in turn, boosted home front morale. Iceland also benefited
during the war by supplying Britain with fish. The Ministry of Food constantly
complained about by the high cost of fish during the war years from both imported
and domestic sources, but its complaints were generally unheard. Iceland was able to
build a substantial foreign currency reserve during the war with its fish trade and
utilized this currency to increase its fishing industry in the postwar years.
An equally important source of food to Britain during World War II came
from the various dominions and colonies in its empire. The Commonwealth countries
had to sometimes restructure their domestic agricultural sectors to accommodate the
motherland's nutritional needs. The Australians supplied Britain with much of its
frozen meat including a failed dehydrated mutton program at both the beginning and
end of the war. Starting in 1943, however, Australian meat was almost entirely
diverted to the U.S. military in the Pacific theater. Canada became Britain's major
source of pork products. New Zealand provided significant amounts of dairy products
to the British. A non-Commonwealth country, Argentina, supplied about 40 percent
of the British meat requirements during the war. Condensed food was the key to
keeping Britain adequately fed. Collingham notes that the British were forced to
sacrifice “taste” for “energy” in their food supply.5
The Battle of the Atlantic deeply impacted the imported British food supply.
During the early years of the war, German U-boats inflicted tremendous losses on
British merchant marine shipping. Britain was unable to make up for these loses as
the German Luftwaffe bombed British shipyards, docks, food warehouses, and
transportation systems. Late 1939 brought a wartime food crisis to the British Isles
resulting from insufficient levels of wheat and flour plus an incapacity of the rail
system to transport food to the various geographical locations which required this
5
Ibid., 13.
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food. The autumn and winter of 1940-41 was the apex of the British food supply
problem. Prime Minister Churchill set up the Battle of the Atlantic Committee
which concentrated on repairing ships and docks with 40,000 men diverted from the
armed services. The American lend-lease program, commencing in early 1941, was
immensely helpful in allowing the British to repair ships in American shipyards. It
should be noted that, throughout the war, there was substantial American distrust of
British estimates for food requirements.
The British Ministry of Food found itself in a position of having to convince
its allies, the U.S. included, that a maximized food export effort to Britain was
required in order to continue its war effort. Lord Woolton, to be discussed later in
this paper, miscalculated the U.S. capacity of providing food to Britain including
substantial amounts of meat.6 The Ministry was constantly fearful that food imports
would drop to a point of providing insufficient nourishment to the British population
and military. The Ministry's estimates of high food requirements were frequently met
with skepticism by United States Minister of Agriculture, Claude Wickard, who was
also concerned about American domestic civilian and military food supplies. Wickard
referred to the British as “companions in misfortune.”7 The American War Shipping
Administration was certain that British requests for food were based on an
overestimate of stocking needs. Ultimately, Harry Hopkins, the U.S. administrator
for the lend-lease program, agreed to divert frozen meat to Britain which had been
originally allocated for the Soviet Union.8 The British public, even at the height of
The Battle of the Atlantic, was never confronted directly with the problem of hunger,
but did have to substitute various foods for others. The most serious threat to the
British food chain occurred in 1942 and 1943 with the American refusal to replace
the meat supplies from Australia which had been diverted to U.S. military forces in
the Pacific theater. As the Battle of the Atlantic turned in favor of the Allies in 1943,
Britain's food supply became more stable although the Ministry of Food was never
quite comfortable with the food situation until 1954, nine years after the war had
ended, when rationing finally came to end.
Ibid., 139.
Ibid., 114.
8
Ibid.
6
7
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British Empire Rationing
World War II intensified Britain's exploitation of its empire. The Colonial
Development and Welfare Act was created in 1940 to control economic development
throughout the British Empire. The goal of this act was to fully utilize the colonies'
resources to the advantage of the homeland. Many of the empire colonial governors
felt that food rationing was not a feasible option for both political and economic
reasons and, instead, entered into “gentleman’s agreements” with food suppliers and
traders in their respective territories to keep food prices stable. These agreements
were constantly ignored. The poor in many of the British colonial territories
suffered greatly from inflated food prices. The high prices pushed the poor into less
nutritious, cheaper food which, in turn, led to increased health issues. The British
actually exported food stocks throughout the war from its colonies, many with food
supply problems, in order to support the empire’s worldwide military efforts. Food
riots took place in Iran, Lebanon, and Syria in 1942 as well as behind the front lines
during the Allied North Africa campaign. White farmers in Rhodesia were allowed to
utilize unwilling, conscripted African laborers to maximize their agricultural
production. The Rhodesian colonial government created the Native Labour Supply
Commission, which continued forced farm labor through the 1970s and was greatly
responsible for Britain's loss of the colony (which was later renamed the present-day
Zimbabwe). Lord Swinton, the Resident Minister for West Africa, coordinated the
economic policy for the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone, Gambia, and Nigeria territories.
Lord Swinton's goal was to keep food supplies stable at affordable prices for his
colonial citizens while, at the same time, exporting cash crops to the British
homeland and allies. Britain, in turn, used the net profits from this endeavor to help
pay for the American Lend-Lease program.9
Australia provided over half of the supplies used by the U.S. military in the
Pacific theater. By the middle of the war, Australia and New Zealand were supplying
over one million American servicemen with about 95 percent of their food
requirements. Australia diverted its meat export from Britain to the U.S. troops.
America, in turn, pledged to pick up the Australian meat export slack to the UK.
This supply arrangement had its problems. The U.S. failed to meet its meat quota
9
Ibid., 139.
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obligations to Britain while the Australians were not providing the desired high
quality of meat to the U.S armed forces. The U.S. military sent a division of
nutritional experts to Australia, including Major Belford Seabrook from the Seabrook
Farms company, to help maximize the country's agricultural production and
distribution. This division completely modernized the Australian canning industry.
The nation's agricultural acreage doubled, and by 1944, Australia's produce capacity
was over a million tons per year. 50 million pounds of canned fruits and vegetables
were sent to U.S. servicemen throughout the Pacific.10 Many Australian civilians
resented the food shortages and rationing during the war caused by the U.S. military
supply effort and were angered by the superior quality meals which American
servicemen were consuming. Some Australian towns in the northern part of the
country were particularly hard hit with shortages due to nearby U.S. military base
food requirements. It should also be noted that the U.S. military frequently
complained about the quality of Australian-supplied food as not being up to the high
American set standards.
The governor of India, Viceroy Lord Linlithgow, was ultimately blamed for
the full-scale Bengal famine in 1943 and 1944. Three million in the state died, either
as a result of starvation or from diseases brought on by malnutrition. This total was
higher than the combined casualties suffered by the Indian Army in both the First
and Second World Wars. The Indian colonial government was unable to create a
viable food policy during World War II for fear of catastrophic political dissent.
India's poor were particularly vulnerable to rising food costs and suffered the
consequences of a restricted diet. The Quit India Movement, started in August 1942
by Mahatma Gandhi and his Indian National Congress, demanded immediate
independence and distracted the British colonial government from the serious food
crisis.11 Winston Churchill had an extremely hostile attitude toward the Indians and
did not provide the country with necessary support. His rationale was that resources
had to go to more critical areas for victory in the overall war effort. After the fall of
Burma to the Japanese, the Indian colonial government worried about a possible
invasion from that Axis power (which never occurred). The overall morality of British
rule in India has been questioned by its handling of the massive Bengal famine.
10
11
Ibid., 83.
Ibid., 144.
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However, this issue was not the most important factor with regard to Indian
independence after the war in 1947. The overall British rule of the Indian sub-
continent for almost a century had simply not provided its native population with an
adequate, abundant lifestyle. The end of World War II culminated with the end of
much of the British Empire and its exploitation of its various colonies.
Britain introduced food rationing in early 1940 to insure a stable and equitable
distribution to all of its citizens and residents during the war. Initially, neither the
Ministry of Health nor the Ministry of Food considered the nutritional quality of
food to be rationed but, rather, the amount which was readily available. It was known
that the British population would have to expend far more energy in the war effort
than during peace time. Both ministries took into account the types of foods
necessary to meet these increased energy considerations. The government held a
Scientific Sub-Committee on Food Policy conference in mid-1940 which formulated
plans to maintain nutritionally balanced rations. The Ministry of Food was instructed
to follow the sub-committee's recommendations regarding which foodstuffs should
be prioritized. Recommendations included so called “protective foods” to maintain
good health and also emphasized the importance of animal protein in a regular diet.
Britain had a major problem with its bread supply due to the previously
described import problems during the Battle of the Atlantic. White bread
consumption was discouraged due to its lack of nutritional value (much to the chagrin
of the British public). Gardening was greatly encouraged to increase domestic
production of fresh fruits and vegetables. British gardeners had great success with
onion and potato cultivation. The Ministry of Food provided cooking instructions for
vegetables with the goal of best preserving their vitamin content. The government
introduced the cartoon characters of “Dr. Carrot” and “Potato Pete” to encourage a
healthy diet based upon readily available foods. The British public was encouraged to
grow vegetables and fruit in their private gardens with the “Dig for Victory”
campaign. Two typical British housewife radio characters, “Gert” and “Daisy,” were
featured daily on "The Kitchen Front" morning program on the BBC to reinforce the
concept of a nutritious diet with the available food supply. The British public was
generally not pleased with the overall quality of food provided during the war. The
Ministry of Food made efforts to lift the population's spirits with receipts which
called for “mock” food substitutes and "Victory Dishes" only with limited success. It
31
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is interesting to note that the British upper and middle classes diets were leveled
downward while the lower working class actually began to consume a more
substantial and healthier diet as result of rationing. The food nutrition gap between
all social classes in the country was substantially narrowed during the war. The
London school system medical officer noted at the end of the war that height and
weight differences among children of the various social classes had completely
disappeared.
The British military strove to improve both the quality and amount of its food
rations in order to increase the morale of its fighting forces. Initially, British military
cooks took little pride in their work which resulted in great discontent of the meals
served to the servicemen (who were primarily conscripts). The Army Catering Corps
was established in March 1941 to rectify this problem. It was headed by Richard
Byford, a career catering manager, who staffed the corps with peers from the catering
industry. The goal was to improve the standard of cooking throughout the British
Military. Byford used Professor Cedric Stanton Hicks of the University of Adelaide,
Australia to greatly improve military cooking equipment including stoves. Dr. Hicks
also supported a substantially more generous ration of almost 4000 calories daily to
the troops. Professor Hicks used the slogan of “Fighting with Food” to promote both
cooking skills and relatively healthy diets in the British military.
By the end of the war, Britain and its dominion countries and colonies had
generally healthier civilian populations than before the conflict due primarily to
improvements in diet. This was the result of co-operation between government
officials, nutritional scientists, medical doctors, and quartermasters in the military.
Nutritionists became much more prominent in the post-war world in defining both
the quality and quantity of food intake to insure healthy lives.
Lord Woolton, British Ministry of Food, Biography
Frederick James Marquis, later known as Lord Woolton, head of the British
Ministry of Food, was born into a working-class family in Manchester, England in
1883. He was an excellent student in school and won a “County Council Exhibition”
competition which allowed him to attend the highly ranked Manchester Grammar
School. He soon surpassed his modest family in terms of education. (Marquis had
been admitted to Cambridge University but had to decline its offer due to financial
32
�Frankel, Food Rationing
limitations and his father's ill health). He majored in chemistry and psychology as an
undergraduate and ultimately earned a graduate degree in economics at the age of 23.
Marquis became quite interested in sociology as a postgraduate and was involved in
the “settlement movement” of the early twentieth century in Liverpool. The
movement advanced the notion that poverty could be alleviated with the creation of
communities of both rich and poor who would share knowledge and skills. Marquis
studied the poor in Liverpool and never forgot the consequences of poverty. This
experience would greatly affect his work at the Ministry of Food during World War
II.
Marquis was involved in teaching, social work, school management, and
journalism in his early career. He managed to avoid military service in World War I
due to feet problems. He suffered from life-long intestinal issues which would also
affect his Ministry of Food work in terms of a perceived healthy diet. Marquis’s great
career break came from an employment offer at the Lewis's Department Stores
through a chance meeting with Sir Rex Cohen who was chain's Managing Director.12
Marquis was able to experience all aspects of the retail business through the 1920's
and 1930s and was pivotal in growing the company into the largest department store
chain in Britain. He became quite prominent throughout the country and was
knighted in 1935 in recognition of his service to the British retail industry. Marquis
took the title of Lord Woolton. In April 1939, Woolton was asked to advice the
British War Office on military uniforms and was given the position of “Technical
Advisor on Textiles.” Woolton immensely disliked this job which entailed supplying
clothing to the British military. There was an immense lack of communication and a
wall of bureaucracy within the war office which made his position an almost
impossible task. As an example, he was able to purchase pants for the military but
not the buttons required for the trousers (in that pre-zipper era for flies.) The
buttons were not deemed as clothing material and had to be ordered by a separate
department which did not coordinate with Woolton's division. When Woolton
mentioned this problem to the Prime Minister's office, he was told by Sir Horace
Wilson that “you are up against the machine of the Civil Service.”13 Woolton’s
experience paralleled our present-day U.S. President Donald Trump. Both had
12
13
Sitwell, Eggs or Anarchy, 50.
Ibid., 59.
33
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substantial business careers and were thrust into bureaucratic, red tape, public service.
The “civil service machine” point can be compared to Trump's notion of “the swamp”
in Washington. Both men were determined to "drain" their respective swamps.
Woolton was ultimately recognized for his service at the War Office by King George
VI in June 1939 by being elevated to the peerage of the House of Lords. Later that
year, he was appointed Director General of Equipment and Stores in the newly
formed Ministry of Supply with the task of managing clothing for the entire British
nation. This position, in turn, lead Woolton to the Ministry of Food directorship in
April 1940. He was first appointed by Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and was
asked, unexpectedly, to continue in the role after Winston Churchill took the prime
minister position later in the year.
Lord Woolton used his substantial past experience as a successful business
leader in his position as Director of The Ministry of Food, sometimes to the great
annoyance of the ministry's career civil servants. He even ruffled Winston Churchill's
feathers at times. Churchill generally disdained the notion of businesspeople in
government. Woolton emphasized his humble background to the British public,
often noting that he had come from a working-class family. His study of British
poverty in the early twentieth century was an extremely important factor in the
formulation of his plans for feasible food distribution goals during the war. Woolton
called upon the cooks of Britain to act as front-line soldiers and creatively utilize
whatever food was available. He appeared regularly on the BBC's morning Kitchen
Front radio program in order to communicate directly with the British public. He
emphasized that the British war effort depended upon the hard job of industrial
workers who had to be fed sufficiently in order to maximize their effectiveness. He
warned people not to hoard and strongly hinted that hoarders would be punished if
Lord Woolton first determined the state of Britain's food supply both in terms of
domestic and imported sources.
A National Registration Day was held in late September 1939 to ascertain the
number of people, including the royal family, who had to be fed in the country during
the approaching war. The registration day was a success, with 41 million out of the
total British population of 46.5 million responding. Ration books were to be issued
to insure equitable food distribution. Woolton ultimately felt responsible for the food
security for all 532 million citizens throughout the entire British Empire. He insisted
34
�Frankel, Food Rationing
upon the highest business standards of all working at Ministry of Food and did not
tolerate employee indiscretions. He was quite pleased to replace career civil servants
with responsible businesspeople whenever possible.
A study of the diets of working-class families in sections of London indicated
that those respondents tended to eat plain and relatively basic foods. This research
greatly helped Woolton mold future food distribution plans. He was keenly aware
that a sufficient food ration was critical for maintaining high public morale which was
essential for winning the war. Woolton was particularly concerned about food imports
and the potential problems caused by disruption. A poll in late 1939 found that 60
percent of the British public comprehended the necessity for food rationing.14
Woolton decided to implement the rationing effort before it actually needed in order
to ensure British food security.
The rationing program formally began in January 1940, first for butter, bacon,
and sugar, and later in March, for stable meat prices as opposed to meat quantities.
Tea rationing followed in July. In 1941, jam, marmalade, syrup, treacle, and eggs
were added to the rationing list. Rice, dried fruit, condensed milk, cereal, canned
vegetables, soap, candy, biscuits, and oaks were included in 1942 in the midst of the
war's food import shipping crisis. Sausage was the last food rationing item to be
included in 1943. Allowances for various foods were made throughout the war
depending upon each item’s availability. The ration books were “buff-coloured” for
adults and green for children. The books controlled the amounts of food allocated on
a weekly or monthly basis. Purchases were marked in the books by shopkeepers to
ensure that those items could not be bought for a second time in the allocated
rationing period. The ration book themselves became a precious commodity but were
not a substitute for payment. Rationing was completely universal in Britain during the
war years and was administered by the Ministry of Food which used information
compiled from the National Registration Day. Individuals which special nutritional
requirements such as infants and pregnant mothers were provided with extra rations
for specific foods. Food stores kept the redeemed coupons and forwarded them to
local Food Offices which then allowed the shops to purchase new stock from
registered food wholesalers. The Food Offices reported to local Food Control
Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska, Austerity in Britain: Rationing, Controls, and Consumption, 19391955 (New York: Oxford, 2000), 70.
14
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Committees which, in turn, reported to Divisional Food Offices who were in direct
communication with the Ministry of Food. There was a substantial British food
hierarchy created, consisting of 1,200 local offices, 1,520 control committees, and 19
divisional offices. All food retailers, hospitals, and caterers were included in this
reporting system.
Woolton also viewed rationing as an opportunity to institute a healthier diet as a
means to enhance life in Britain. He utilized educators, agricultural experts,
nutritionists, and dieticians for advice on achieving this goal. After the war
concluded, Woolton firmly believed that he had been successful in contributing to the
overall improvement of health for the British population. Because Britain has a rather
rigid social class system, it is noteworthy to appreciate Woolton's remarkable rise
during his life from a humble, working class background to becoming a major
business and government leader as well as an important political figure after the war.
United States Rationing
The United States economy was pulled out of the Great Depression by World
War II. America did not have a meaningful and viable welfare system in place in the
1930s in spite of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's best efforts and intentions to
help the 15 million unemployed in the country. Hunger was rampant throughout the
country. In 1941, the Office of Defense Health and Welfare Services estimated that
about 45 million Americans who did not have sufficient food to maintain good
health. The U.S. Surgeon-General, Thomas Parran, warned during the year that the
food situation could be a threat to the country's military strength and industrial
production as well as lowering the morale necessary to fight in a major war. General
Lewis Hershey, head of the Draft Board, found that 40 percent of the men called
up for military duty were unfit to serve as a result of poor nutrition.15 World War II
brought an end to the massive unemployment suffered by the country during the
Great Depression. The wartime economy also brought relative affluence to the
American civilian population. Average food expenditures increased by 8 percent.
The U.S. Government initially was forced to introduce rationing in order to divert
high quality and condensed food to both the American military and wartime allies.
The U.S. rationed canned meats, fruits, and vegetables domestically to honor lend15
Collingham, Taste of War, 417.
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lease commitments to its British, Soviet, and Chinese military partners. In 1943,
sugar, candy, coffee, various dairy products such as butter and cheese, frozen and
dried produce, and red meat were also added to the domestic food rationing list.
The U.S. Office of Production Management was responsible for the
redistribution of material necessary for the war effort. The Office conducted a
conference with leading businessmen to present a shopping list of what was needed
for this worldwide military effort. Each corporation volunteered to supply the
requested items on the list and, of course, expected payment for the goods and
services provided. Secretary of War, Henry Simpson, believed this business profitmaking approach was necessary and vital during the war in order to maximize the
country’s industrial potential. This strategy was, indeed, extremely successful. By late
1942, the American military economy was greater than that of the combined enemy
Axis powers. By the end of the war in 1945, the U.S. had produced over two-thirds of
the military equipment used by the Allies during the conflict.
The U.S. Government was very cautious about its interventionist measures on
the civilian population for both morale and political reasons. The federal government
introduced rationing in order to fairly distribute various food item shortages equally
across the country's social and economic groups. The public was told that rationing
was necessary in order to protect the ability of individual food choices. The
government used the ideology of personal freedom to justify its rationing restrictions.
The American public generally had a somewhat hostile attitude toward government
intervention. The business sector was even more opposed to government dictates.
The relatively hands off approach used by the U.S. government with regard to food
consumption during the war was enacted with these attitudes in mind. This strategy
did limit the influence of nutritionists in determining standards for the American
diet. It also should be noted that the U.S. Government never had a food czar during
World War II with comparable powers to Britain's Lord Woolton and the Ministry
of Food. This lack of a strong U.S. government food executive was partially the result
of the American hands-off policy with regard to private business operation and the
relatively lax food rationing to the civilian population. It can be speculated that if the
war had gone badly for the U.S. resulting in the need for greater food restrictions, a
food czar might have indeed been appointed by either FDR or his successor, Harry
Truman.
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The U.S. National Research Council created two boards in 1940 to determine
the country's food policy during the upcoming conflict. The first commission was the
Food and Nutrition Board (NFB) with the purpose of gathering dietary research and
nutritional standards. The second commission was the Committee on Food Habits
(CFH) with the task of implementing the NFB's findings into specific
recommendations for meals. The NFB presented its most influential findings at
National Nutrition Conference in May 1941. The NFB data included a table of daily
allowances for various foods and vitamins necessary to maintain good health. This
table was utilized by the U.S. Federal Government and various private agencies for
both civilian and military use. The recommendations tended to be overly generous
and included a wide variety of foods. They were partially created to placate the
agricultural industry and various food interest groups. The NFB recommendations
were widely circulated in the mass media of the day which included newspapers,
magazines, and radio. The Department of Agriculture printed a brochure in 1943
entitled the “National Wartime Nutrition Guide.” The results of this campaign were
mixed. By the end of the war, the American public understood the value of healthy
and balanced meals but did not necessarily follow the recommended guidelines. An
opinion poll taken in May 1943 found that rationing and shortages had made almost
no impact on the civilian American diet. The biggest complaint by the U.S. public
was the rationing of red meat which was being diverted to both the American and
British military. There was a small black market for red meat during the war, but it
never reached the point of being a threat to the U.S. economy. There was also
substantial public resentment regarding sugar rationing. Sugar was redirected to the
wholesale food sector from retail stores. The U.S. food industry conducted the War
Advertising Council which was attended by members of the advertising and media
communities as well as government officials. Its purpose was to provide strategies for
promoting healthy eating. The Council's results were also mixed. American
nutritionists, in general, had little executive power during the war and were primarily
limited to only providing advice (which much of the public failed to heed.)
Private employers tended to be responsible for feeding their workers and
created eating facilities of their own discretion. The U.S. government generally took
a “hands off” approach to regulating industrial catering and food provision. The
Office of Price Administration (OPA) paid little attention to workers' complaints of
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small meal portion size and accompanying high prices charged at company cafeterias.
The OPA's Nutrition Division (ND) was given the task of assessing factory cafeteria
lunches. In one example, the ND found that an Illinois plant's cafeteria meal
offerings were 71 percent “poor” in terms of quality and quantity but well nourishing
according the NFB guidelines. Workers made high incomes during the war and
could well afford to feed themselves. The main advantage of eating in a company
cafeteria was the convenience but certainly not the culinary experience. There was
never any danger of mass malnutrition or starvation in the U.S. during the war as was
the situation in most of the other combatant nations.16
It is interesting to note the Coca-Cola used the war to maximize both civilian
and military consumption. The company was exempt from sugar rationing as it was
the primary soda vendor for military bases and war factories. Consumption of its
Coca-Cola and Dr. Pepper drinks were encouraged for every meal and work breaks.
The popularity of the Coca-Cola brand was spread throughout the world by
American servicemen and military canteens during the war. This popularity has had
“staying power” to the present day.
The deep historical racial divide in American society continued through the
war years. African Americans were employed in low wage menial positions in both
the civilian and military sectors. Segregation was actively enforced. African
Americans were excluded from the benefits of wartime wages while were forced to
deal with wartime inflation. The Roosevelt Administration did not adequately
address the black community's grievances during the war. (The country would not
deal with these matters until forced to do so in the post-war period of the 1950s and
1960s). Many of the New Deal relief programs were phased out during the war which
particularly hurt the country's southern farming belt. One important program which
was retained was the provision for school lunches. These meals were critical to
mothers of school children who working in war plants, and as a result, did not have
the time to prepare mid-day meals for their offspring. Anthropologist Margaret
Mead, head of the Committee on Food Habits, argued for school lunch menus which
would not be offensive to the various ethnic groups in the country. This suggestion
ultimately led to a rather homogenized American diet. A major glitch in the school
lunch program was the problem that the federal government would cover the cost of
16
Collingham, Taste of War, 423.
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the food, but the states had the responsibility of building and maintaining
lunchrooms and kitchens as well as paying the workers. This resulted in some of the
poorest states in the nation having the fewest school lunchroom programs which, in
term, led to the least nutritious diets for their numerous needy residents. It can be
concluded that the American food rationing system was far less effective as a welfare
tool than the rationing system implemented by the British during the war.
The U.S. Government provided generous meals to its military forces during
World War II in order to maintain both maximum fighting strength and troop
morale. Standard rations at American military bases contained 4,300 calories per day
while troops on the front line received over 4,700 calories daily. Few U.S. draftees
felt any national obligation to serve in the military and complained about both the
food and pay whenever polled. General George Marshall instituted an overall plan
which recognized troop welfare as an essential element of waging a successful war.
To ensure high morale, the U.S. military maximized field hospitals, bathing facilities,
mail delivery, recreation, and good nutrition for the troops. For many recruits from
poor states, the food in the military was substantially better, in terms of both quality
and quantity, than their past regular diets as civilians. The menus for the U.S.
military were based on the same principles as the school lunch program. They were
filled with generic “American” food with the notion of not offending ethnic customs.
American military bases around the world featured Post Exchange stores with
supplemental treats including candy, tobacco products, and drinks. These stores
greatly helped Coca-Cola's popularity grow to the point of soft drink dominance.
U.S. Troops initially used C rations at the front which were packaged in awkward
containers with generally unappetizing food. Later in the war, K rations replaced C
rations which included a tastier diet, eating utensils, cigarettes, soap, and even toilet
paper. American troops were supplied with meals which were far superior to those of
any other combatant nation, Allied and Axis, in the war.
The stress of combat often caused loss of appetite. U.S. military
quartermasters paid close attention to this matter and developed efficient field
kitchens to provide fresh, hot appetizing food for the soldiers at the front lines to help
ease their stress. B rations were introduced and prepared at these newly renovated
field kitchens which provided each front-line serviceman with five pounds of fresh
and hot food daily. B rations were, indeed, the "gold standard" of military meals
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served by any country during World War II. B rations included a wide range of
foods, supplemental ingredients, and condiments and was certainly a morale booster
for troops in the front lines.
Conclusion
The United States emerged from the war as a superpower with enormous
resources to produce a healthy and plentiful food supply for its population. America
had only weak emotional support among the civilian population for the world
conflict, perhaps because the country was buffered by the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans
from the Axis Powers. The U.S. quickly dropped food rationing after the war and
was extremely reluctant to reinstate it. The British public, on the hand, had an
extraordinary amount of support for the war effort and were determined to not accept
a Nazi regime. The German military was just a few miles off the coast of Britain in
occupied France and in nearby waters. The British were willing to accept far more
sacrifices than their American counterparts.
Hunger was rampant at the end of World War II. A major drought in 1946
effected Europe, the Soviet Union, and portions of South America, the Indian
subcontinent, and Asia. The American public had no interest in another round of
rationing. Former U.S. President Herbert Hoover was in charge of the "Famine
Survey" which included visits to thirty countries in less than two months. Hoover
pressured the British to distribute over one million tons of food reserves to the less
fortunate on the European continent. The British government was forced to
introduce bread rationing and cut meat consumption. The country had to extend
food rationing until 1954. The British nutritionist, John Boyd Orr, was elected
director-general of the newly established Food and Agriculture Organization in 1945
with the goal of buying surplus food to be distributed to needy nations. He produced
a movie in 1946, World of Plenty, whose theme was that the dietary and agricultural
techniques developed by the Allies during the war should be applied to the entire
post-war world. Orr was awarded for his work with the Nobel Peace Prize in 1949.
And yet, the British government did not feel that his proposals were realistic and did
not support implementing them.
The U.S. preferred to send food aid to struggling European nations through
individual grants rather than as part of an international coalition. The Marshall Plan
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was enacted in 1947 to help rebuild war-torn Europe and was also used a political and
ideological tool against the new communist enemy. The Marshall Plan attempted to
highlight capitalism's ability to provide for a comfortable and abundant lifestyle. In
the post-war years, Britain lost much of its influence and territory in its empire. One
of the most significant impacts after the war was the rise of American ideal of
abundant food for all of its citizens. World War II greatly advanced the science of
nutrition, agricultural production, and food processing but, unfortunately, did not
necessarily enhance healthy diets. Instead, the advances of nutritional science
brought increases in refined carbohydrates, sodium, and essentially "empty" calories to
many foods. The results, in turn, have led to more widespread obesity along with
accompanying health problems.
Postscript
This writer is a member of the Baby Boomer generation and was born a few years
after World War II had ended. I had a sister who was about one year younger. Both
of my parents were in the U.S. military during the war serving in the European
theater. My father was in the infantry and saw action at the Battle of Bulge where he
was awarded a Purple Heart medal. My mother was an army nurse. Neither
discussed the details of their wartime exploits (as was common of that generation),
but my mother proudly told of capturing four German soldiers who surrendered to
her with the Allies' “safe passage” leaflets. My parents met immediately after the war
and were married within a year. Our family lived a comfortable middle-class life, first
in suburban Boston and later in suburban New York.
During the ensuring two decades after the war, my parents provided us with three
substantial and nutritious meals each day with menus that might have been inspired
by their U.S. military service. Breakfast would include fruit juice, eggs, pancakes,
waffles, and breakfast meat as well as toast. Lunch would consist of sandwiches made
with cold cuts, tuna, or peanut butter and jelly accompanied by a desert of cookies
and, sometimes, candy or a piece of fruit. Dinners included meat as the most
prominent portion, usually steak, which was served three to five times per week along
with a small salad, “instant mashed” potatoes, and canned vegetables, and were
completed with a packaged desert of cookies, cake, and ice cream. Occasionally, the
dinner meat menu would be altered with roast beef, lamb, pork chops, poultry,
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and seafood. My mother's specialty, meatloaf, was served a couple of times per month
and was considered a "gourmet" treat. My sister and I would constantly complain
about the repetitious steak dinners. My parents would simply grin and tell us about
their experiences during the Great Depression and the hunger which they witnessed
in Europe during the war. The frequent family steak dinners may have been the
psychological result of the U.S. domestic red meat rationing which our relatives on
the home front had endured during World War II. Our parents provided us with a
large glass of milk at every meal. We children were given daily vitamins in the form of
a liquid which my mother put in our milk with an eyedropper. She would camouflage
the taste of the vitamins with chocolate or strawberry syrup. Our family consumed
mainly canned fruits and vegetables although we certainly could have afforded fresh.
Both of my parents would have a daily cocktail before dinner and sometimes gave us
"Shirley Temple" non-alcohol beverages. When reflecting on this menu, it seems
apparent that my parents were serving the same, rather bland, generic American food
which was served in the military and in school lunch programs during the war. My
mother was intensely hygienic, probably as a result of her career as a registered nurse,
and taught us at an early age to wash our hands both before and after meals as well
the proper techniques for cleaning plates, bowls, utensils, and food surfaces.
Our family barely utilized the school lunch program which was first introduced by
the FDR Administration's New Deal during the Great Depression in the 1930's.
Our elementary school near Boston did not have a student lunchroom but did serve
milk and cookies each school day to students in their classrooms. This was a
supplement to lunches brought from home. Our newly constructed junior high and
recently renovated high schools in suburban New York City did have student
cafeterias which provided both hot and cold meals. The food quality in both schools
was only fair. My parents continued to pack school lunches for us. The quality of the
food did seem to improve slightly during our high school years. Metal school lunch
boxes became quite popular in 1950s and 1960s. They contained sufficient space for a
single serve meal along with an insulated bottle and cup for a beverage. The lunch
boxes were adorned with popular childhood characters from television, movies, and
cartoons. The lunch box concept was an innovation from the ration containers used
by American front-line troops during World War II.
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As our family became increasingly affluent, we would regularly eat Sunday
dinner at restaurants serving the same traditional American cuisine which we
consumed at home. My parents frequently went out with their friends on Saturday
nights and would always make sure that before they left, we children and our
babysitter, were sufficiently fed with either frozen TV dinners or store-bought roasted
chicken and sides and, of course, deserts, almost in the style of a military field
kitchen. When the 1960s arrived, a third night of eating out was added, usually in the
middle of the work week, at a casual restaurant or cafeteria. My mother did not seem
to especially enjoy cooking and baking although her food was, indeed, very good.
Our family had little experience with “foreign” food in the post-war years. We
children thought that pasta came from a can. Frozen "international cuisine"
purchased at a supermarket was generally terrible. It was only as a young adult that I
experienced "authentic" Italian, Chinese, and Mexican cuisine (which, of course, has
been "Americanized" for U.S. taste buds). I also found that I greatly enjoyed hot,
spicy condiments which had been unknown in my youth. Our family certainly
enjoyed the abundant and relatively inexpensive food of post-war America which has
endured to this day in the 21st Century.
Addendum
In 1940, the British government issued the Yellow Move Edict, which required
the nation’s most important ministries to relocate from London to other parts of the
country in order to avoid German bombing and sabotage. The Ministry of Food
moved 5,000 employees and office equipment to the small seaside town of Colwyn
Bay in North Wales. A token staff remained at the Ministry’s Portman Square offices
in London to mask the relocation. The Ministry occupied office space in most of
Colwyn Bay’s schools, private homes, retailers, hotels, and on the local Penrhos
College campus. The relocation effort was a complete success which the Germans
never discovered. Had the Germans known about Colwyn Bay, they have easily
destroyed the Ministry of Food offices with comprehensive bombing and, as a result,
caused mass starvation throughout Britain.
Lord Woolton was an excellent business negotiator and was able to obtain
extremely favorable arrangements for the Ministry of Food especially from career civil
servants. A good example is with Woolton’s dealings with James Gardiner, the
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Canadian Minister for Agriculture and Defense, in the autumn of 1940. Woolton
pushed Gardiner for a very low price for Canadian wheat. Gardiner balked, claiming
that Canadian farmers required a sufficiently higher price for their crop. Woolton
responded that Britain would no longer purchase Canadian pork if the wheat price
was not met. This was a bluff by Woolton, as the British desperately needed the
pork. Gardiner did accept Woolton’s offer. Woolton admitted later that he was
actually ashamed of his low-price wheat offer to the Canadians. He was representing
the British public rather than Canadian farmers. Perhaps, Gardiner accepted this
pricing because he was either a poor government negotiator or he knew his British
cousins were really in major trouble.
One of Lord Woolton’s proudest accomplishments was creating the Queen’s
Messengers truck convoy which fed Londoners during the Blitz. The convoy
consisted of 144 vehicles and was staffed by the Women’s Voluntary Service. The
vehicles served both hot and cold food and would go bombed areas immediately after
the “all clear” signal was heard. Woolton managed to obtain most of the Queen’s
Messengers funding from the British War Relief Society of America and
supplemental money from the Queen. This endeavor allowed Woolton to fulfill his
psychological goal of helping the needy by using his tremendous negotiating skills.
He developed a closer relationship with both the royal family and the entire British
nation.
Lord Woolton was very slow to act upon the black market which began after
British food rationing commenced in early 1940. He basically ignored the “grey
market” in which individual households paid food retailers “under the table” for
additional rationed items. He was also unconcerned with alcohol beverage price-
gouging as he felt that liquor was a luxury rather than a necessity. However, as the
black market expanded and flourished during the first year of rationing, Woolton
steadily came to the realization that it had to be quelled. He issued the Standstill
Order in early 1941 to halt large-scale black market activities. The Ministry of Food
printed pamphlets which defined illegal black market activity as that of obtaining
profits out of proportion for services rendered through “abnormal or unauthorized”
methods. Banks were ordered to check their accounts for possible money-laundering
deposits and withdrawals. Convicted black marketeers could be harshly sentenced to
a maximum of 14 years in prison. The Ministry of Food created a Director of
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Enforcement position for detecting and prosecuting black market activity.
Interestingly, while there was widespread British participation in the grey market
during the rationing period, a Gallup poll of the British public conducted in 1943
found that a substantial majority of respondents believed that Woolton was
exaggerating the amount of actual black market activity. It should be noted that
Winston Churchill was generally apathetic or sometimes annoyed with Woolton’s
actions regarding the black market.
Britain’s problems with the American Lend-Lease food program stemmed
from larger issues pertaining to the overall Allied conduct of the war and the question
of the postwar British Empire. The American FDR administration was insistent that
the British allow their various colonial territories to become independent after the war
which the British vehemently opposed. The British government, however, realized
that its country was extremely dependent upon American aid and support. The
friction between the two countries continued throughout the war and into the
postwar years.
E.B. Sledge brings to light U.S. military policy regarding food for combat
troops in his book, With the Old Breed.17 He notes that on the morning of Peleliu
Island invasion, U.S. Marines were served a traditional hearty steak and egg breakfast
(which was also a tradition of the Australian military.) This big meal caused
substantial digestive and intestinal problems among the troops during the initial
Peleliu assault. The movie, Saving Private Ryan, by Steven Spielberg, illustrated
similar health issues during the Normandy D-Day invasion. Sledge mentioned that
one of his best meals on Peleliu was during the first night of combat. His “dinner”
consisted of K ration bouillon broth made with the island’s polluted water. The hot
soup relieved some of his anxiety from that first day of fighting. (He indicated that
his company was able to obtain fresh water on the following day.) Sledge endured
extreme stress and exhaustion during his frontline combat duty which was further
complicated by the island’s intense heat weather. He mentioned in his memoir that
he had almost no appetite. During the ensuing weeks of battle on Peleliu, terrible
sanitation conditions developed on the island which, in turn, brought massive
infestations of huge bluebottle flies. These flies made eating during the daylight
almost impossible. (The U.S. did attempt to eradicate the island’s flies with newly
17
EB Sledge, With the Old Breed (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981).
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developed DDT spray, which proved to be ineffective). Sledge’s company was forced
to eat cold C rations at night when the flies were not present. The food was
unheated as any cooking fire could have drawn enemy fire. It is interesting to note
that the U.S. Marine supply chain, during the course of the unexpectedly long combat
activity on Peleliu, appeared to have found it necessary to revert to the older C
rations. Field kitchens would have been very difficult to operate in this theater due to
the island’s rough terrain and constant Japanese sniper fire.
Two life-long friends have supplied interesting stories about their parents
which relate to the theme of this paper. Roland Misarti’s father, Gabriel, a sergeant in
the U.S. Air Corps, was stationed at an airfield just outside London during World
War II. His primary job was maintaining the planes’ radio equipment. He had a
second task of distributing off-duty leave passes to U.S. servicemen on the base.
Gabriel met his future wife (and Roland’s mother), Anne, in London. They were
married there in 1944. Wedding cakes were generally not available due to British
rationing. Gabriel was apparently very proficient with the off duty leave pass system
much to the delight of his fellow comrades. They were able to scavenge for the
indigents necessary for a delicious wedding cake for the Misarti couple at their
London reception. Gabriel brought his bride, Anne, home to the U.S. after the war.
The couple was invited to a friend’s home for dinner. Anne brought her British
rationing book to the meal and offered it to her hosts as gratitude for the delicious
food. The hosts laughed and told her that food rationing books were not needed in
America. Anne was amazed and quite surprised by their response. She had no idea
that her British rationing book could not be used the U.S.18
Peter Zeidler’s father, Louis, was a second lieutenant in the supple chain for
the Manhattan Project which produced the first atomic bombs (subsequently dropped
on Japan ending World War II). Louis was based in NYC and worked for this
operation during much of the war. He did have not any details regarding who was
being supplied with food and equipment in New Mexico. He only became aware of
the results of his activities at the end of the war. Unfortunately, Louis passed away
many years ago. This writer knew him quite well. His wartime experience would
have an excellent addition to this article.19
18
19
Roland Misarti, personal communication, April 21, 2020.
Peter Zeidler, personal communication, April 20, 2020.
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This article is being published at the height of the covid-19 pandemic in the
U.S. The American food supply chain is currently stressed. Meat processing plants
have been shut down which may result in shortages. Fresh produce availability has
been altered. Food retailers have placed limits on certain products which is, in itself,
a form of self-imposed rationing. This period in covid-19 era might be studied in the
future as a sociological comparison to U.S. food rationing during World War II. A
major difference is that, during World War II, food rationing was dictated by the
U.S. Government while in the current time frame, food restrictions are the result of
private industry.
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�Schwarz, Water Keepers
Water Keepers (Winner of the 2021 Janick Prize)
Kathryn Schwarz
Among the Potawatomi people, women are the Keepers of
Water. We carry the sacred water to ceremonies and act on its
behalf. ‘Women have a natural bond with water, because we are
both life bearers, ’my sister said. ‘We carry our babies in internal
ponds and they come forth into the world on a wave of water. It
is our responsibility to safeguard the water for all our relations.
― Robin Wall Kimmerer, Citizen of the Potawatomi Nation
The Colorado River is the lifeblood of the western United States.
Geographically, socially, economically and politically, this river has shaped some of
the most formative forces in North American history. The river has been tamed for
agricultural purposes, resulting in one of the largest hydroelectric facilities in the
world, Hoover Dam. As the Colorado Basin dries south of the dam and the western
United States faces unprecedented climate challenges, water seems to make its way to
the forefront of nearly every environmental conversation. Politicized and monetized,
water has rapidly re-evolved into our most valuable natural resource. In this article,
the Colorado River and Hoover Dam serve as a case study to the efficacy of
hydroelectricity and the interference of agriculture economy and politics in the last
century of American history. Included will be an examination of the historical
significance of the Colorado River to its surrounding landscape. Additionally, a
significant portion will discuss the history through which human agency, including
intentions and effect have had on the lands surrounding, the river. Overall, this work
explores the context and moment in American history when men chose agribusiness
over the well-being of other humans. The displacement and struggle of indigenous
peoples, plants and animals only underscore the insidious and continued tension
which existed between different human populations during this time. Viewed through
the lens of Hoover Dam, this moment in history is exposed as an investment in big
business astride the social and economic dismissal of nearly the entire American
population.
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The Colorado River is well over six million years old. Its history can be
gleaned by way of the mightily cleaved limestone geologic structures it has left in its
wake, most notably the Grand Canyon. The Canyon ranges in depth from a mile in
places to six thousand feet in others, with a width of between ten and eighteen miles.
This geology represents not just the river’s history, but the history of the entire earth
as we know it. Researchers at Arizona State University claim that there are few better
places on our planet which better embody the story of the earth’s formation based
purely on the forces which carved the Grand Canyon. Most notably, the Colorado
River has exposed, over the course of six million years, nearly two billion years of our
earth’s story:1
Layers of limestone, sandstone, shale, granite, and schist make up the
Grand Canyon’s rock sequences. These layers continue to be worn
away through water and wind erosion, creating the cliffs and slopes
that make up this fantastic play of shape and color through time and
space.2
For twelve thousand years, indigenous Native American tribes have
recognized the importance of the Colorado River, with contemporary Havasupai,
Hopi, Hualapai, Paiute, Navajo, Yavapai-Apache, and Zuni Tribes all still a part of
vital decision making regarding issues related to the river. There are twenty more
tribes in Arizona, making up the Intertribal Council of Arizona whom currently own
one-third of the allotment rights in Arizona on the Colorado River. This is
approximately 717,000 acre-feet of water rights. Water has always been a significant
staple in the formation and success of productive and lasting civilizations worldwide.
North American natives were not the only people who realized the necessity of a
bountiful water source.3
Prosperous societies require a freshwater source. Water holds a permanent
place in the history of civilizations worldwide. Historians have even made sure that
water was one of the main criteria in the categorization process. This author posits
that water was the main criteria. Without the ability for tribes (otherwise nomadic)
“Colorado River.” Nature Culture and History at the Grand Canyon,
https://grcahistory.org/history/colorado-river/, accessed 27 September, 2020.
2
Ibid.
3
Ibid.
1
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to remain in one place to grow food, our ancestors would never have had the time or
wherewithal to develop art, laws, or language. They also would not have needed to
protect a land which solely offered sporadic food. Water meant the development and
enrichment of civilizations in locations where people could settle permanently.
Human history, as something separate from of the history of our animal
ancestors, first took shape around seven million years ago in what would be modern
Africa. We know that humans evolved from monkeys. With fossil evidence of the
isolation of monkeys having developed in Africa, we can also assume that humans
originated there. During this period, one association of African apes split in to three
separate groups; the modern chimpanzee, the modern gorilla and humans. It was not
until 1.8 million years ago and many evolutions later, that the first human ancestor
would leave Africa as found through fossilized skeletons on Java, an island in
Southeast Asia. In Europe, the reach of humans was even later at 500,000 years ago.4
Climate played an important role. Without tools, clothes were improbable
and thus the ability to stay warm in temperatures non-conducive to being naked or at
least largely exposed was impossible. The indications of the use of tools didn’t appear
until around the same time as the evidence of humans in Europe; beginning with the
harnessing and implementation of fire. Documentation reveals that it was
substantially later that humans colonized the colder parts of the world. Just a mere
blip on the evolutionary timeline, 20,000 years ago marks the first solid evidence of
human habitation in North America.5 The Colorado River may have seen some of the
first examples of inland civilizations. Humans may have existed in the Americas up to
40,000 years ago, but according to experts, the further one explores in the past, the
evidence becomes weaker and less reliable.6 The dominant hypothesis is that the
migration and first human inhabitants would have travelled from Asia across the
Bering Land Bridge. The bridge was only visible when ice is locked on land and the
Jared M. Diamond. Guns, Germs, and Steel: the Fates of Human Societies. New York: Norton,
2017, 36.
5
Simon Worrall. “When, How Did the First Americans Arrive? It's Complicated.” Tracking a
Mystery: When and How the First Americans Arrived. National Geographic, June 9, 2018.
https://www.nationalgeographic.com/news/2018/06/when-and-how-did-the-first-americans-arrive-its-complicated-/, accessed 9 November, 2020.
6
Ibid.
4
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surrounding sea levels dropped. This meant that as human ancestors arrived in North
America, they would have been bearing witness to the last Ice Age. 7
Considerably behind the rest of the human race at this stage, the inhabitants
of these diffuse areas of the world developed last, but their advancements thereafter
were not slow. Choices in location were critical, as geography, as aforementioned is
one of the first necessities to the foundation of a civilization. Specifically, this meant
access to fresh water for drinking and agriculture. The ability to locate and determine
plants and animals which could be domesticated allowed the hunter gatherer style of
living to fade away. The earliest North American residents also traded goods on the
river to survive. Traversing large expanses of land required many supplies which river
trade and travel would eliminate. Trade opened doors for exploration and conquests
ultimately resulting in the settlement of areas more south. Once humans grew and
cared for their food in the same areas in which they lived, their ideas wandered from a
constant need to locate food, to indulge the further elemental requirements of a
civilization. This included art, a common language and laws. Around the exact same
time, the earliest inhabitants of modern-day Russia were experiencing a very similar
situation on their mighty Volga River.
The link between fresh water and agriculture would fuel the ongoing
maturation of the human species, primarily because of their dependence on rivers.
Colder climates made for shorter growing periods and reduced the variety of what
could be grown. As a result, inhabitants of the colder regions, especially in the north,
would have most likely been experts in animal husbandry. Specific breeds would have
been mandatory. Steppe tundra, the ecosystem found in the plains of primitive North
America, would have contained early megafauna which thrived in an environment
consisting primarily of permafrost covered meadows. Large amounts of skeletal
remains, suggestive of domestication, including reindeer, caribou and bison are
among the documented archaeological discoveries found buried in the permafrost
there. It would have been with the skills acquired handling, caring for, butchering and
preparing these animals which would enable the primitive northern civilizations of
North America to survive. Furthermore, using their intense knowledge of these crafts,
7
Ibid.
52
�Schwarz, Water Keepers
it would be through trade that they really began to thrive; and rivers would serve as
essential arteries to connect themselves to one another. 8
Throughout history, across the continents, spanning climates, water runs like
an artery through successful societies. The Egyptians have the Nile River. The
Russians have the Volga, the Chinese the Yellow and Yangtze Rivers, South America
the Amazon and the Americans have the Colorado. After the Louisiana Purchase, in
1803, the western United States experienced a massive population surge. With the
help of the Colorado River, undoubtedly this river supplied our country with
technology insurmountable by any other river in the United States. The water from
the Colorado feeds crops exported to countries across the globe. Its influence
reverberates worldwide, feeding not just the country in which it resides, but so many
others as well.
The Colorado River begins on the Continental Divide in the Rocky
Mountains. Winding its way 1450 miles south, it ends in the Gulf of California in
Mexico:
The hardest working river in the West is as diverse as it is unique.
Passing through no less than 11 different national parks and
monuments as it tumbles through the varied landscapes of seven
states and two countries, it’s a critical water supply for agriculture,
industry, and municipalities, from Denver to Tijuana, which fuels a
$1.4 trillion annual economy. Fishing, whitewater paddling, boating,
backpacking, wildlife viewing, hiking, and myriad other recreational
opportunities contribute some $26 billion alone. 9
Also featured along this vital waterway is Hoover Dam, the behemoth hydroelectric
plant built in 1936. Originally called the Boulder Canyon Project, the dam was
commissioned by Franklin Delano Roosevelt as a part of his (Second) New Deal.
Both of FDR’s “New Deals” included vast ideas and civil projects meant to carry the
United States economy out of the Great Depression. In reality, the farmers living in
California’s Imperial Valley, had been struggling with the damages incurred by the
river’s annual flooding well before the stock market crashed, before the Great
Jared M. Diamond. Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York: Norton,
2017), 100.
9
“Colorado River.” American Rivers, October 15, 2019.
https://www.americanrivers.org/river/colorado-river/, accessed September 26, 2020.
8
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Depression, and a long time before Roosevelt’s idea to boost the American economy
using this monolithic dam. The flooding became politically charged in the early
nineteenth century, and The Boulder Canyon Project Act (BCPA) was passed by the
seventieth Congress on December 3, 1928.10 The Act read, “to provide construction
of works for the protection and development of the Colorado River Basin, for the
approval of the Colorado Compact and for other purposes.”11
Pause. This moment is important. In a governmental vacuum, this appeared
to be ordinary legislation as a champion for the unemployed emerged, plans in hand.
However, this instant marks something pivotal in the larger American (if not world)
history, as a distinct choice was made to place one person’s interests above another’s,
again. On this occasion, both farmers and great scores of American citizens heard an
ally in government, offering jobs, new technology, and new opportunities for wealth.
What the indigenous people, (already relegated to humiliating reservations courtesy
of the US Government) heard, was that they did not matter as much as this new
technology does, and your lives are not as important as the white American men who
need this land to progress and succeed. The Native Americans, including tribes from
both the Navajo and Hopi feared the dam’s construction would interfere with their
water source, even though article seven of the Colorado River Compact, signed by
then President Herbert Hoover in 1922, specifically states, “Nothing in this compact
shall be construed as affecting the obligations of the United States to Indian Tribes.”12
This dam may have been part of Roosevelt’s New Deal, but it was also an
extension of Manifest Destiny. White Americans believed that not only was it their
right to develop this land, but their destiny to expand their culture no matter whose
culture disappeared in the process. The agenda was clear, to promote and save
agriculture, to prop up the struggling American unemployed, and to assert dominion
again over Native American peoples. For as much as this civil project was about the
promotion of American people, it was as much about the dismissal of those in the
way.
Boulder Canyon Project Act (1928), accessed 27 September, 2020.
https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=false
11
Ibid.
12
Kathleen Lusk Booke and Zoe Quinn. “Hoover Dam and the Colorado River Compact, United
States.” Building the World. UMass, Boston, March 27, 2013. Accessed November 24,
2020.http://blogs.umb.edu/buildingtheworld/energy/hoover-dam-and-colorado-river-compactunited-states/,
10
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Indeed, the Hoover Dam was not the only item on the agenda for the BCPA.
From a more structural point of view, flood control was certainly a part of the desired
effect; but as was a new electrical source which was desperately needed by the growing
populous of the western United States. The Boulder Canyon Act also outlined plans
for the All-American Canal, which would eventually connect the fertile agricultural
lands of the Imperial and Coachella Valleys with the Colorado River. Added benefits
as well to include better navigability on the river. Following the ratification, (or
approval) of six of the seven riparian states, the project was certified June 25, 1929 at
a cost allocated by the government of 165 million dollars.13
Hoover Dam is a giant work of architecture and economic success; it is also a
catastrophic scar on the environment of the southwestern United States. At first, the
proposal was endearing to the United States citizens. They were looking forward to
going back to work. Creating jobs grew the economy. The Wall Street Journal gives
this view:
As FDR told 10,000 spectators at the Colorado River dam site and 20
million more via radio, the dam meant gainful employment, cheap
hydroelectric power, reliable irrigation and protection from the
obstinate elements, all ripped from a forbidding desert canyon by the
hand of a visionary federal government. Eleanor Roosevelt, who
accompanied her husband on his visit to the Colorado River, would
tell friends that the trip brought home to her the sweeping
achievement of his administration as if for the very first time.14
Unfortunately, the dark side of FDR’s marathon of economic stimuli, is the
disruption of habitats. Hoover Dam is also an environmental nightmare. From an
agricultural and agronomical point of view, it was absolutely necessary, but at the
expense of an environment which has suffered a traumatic amputation of its natural
existence.
Before construction could even commence, the site needed to be ready for the
influx of laborers and families who would build it. First, Boulder City was blasted out
Ibid.
Michael Hiltzik, “Hoover Dam's Perpetual Power: Franklin Roosevelt's Signature Project Created
More than Jobs and Energy,? It Incited One of Our Nation's Greatest Transformations.” Water
Education Foundation. Accessed September 29, 2020. https://www.watereducation.org/aquafornianews/hoover-dams-perpetual-power-franklin-roosevelts-signature-project-created-more-jobs
13
14
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of the desert. Intended to be a worker’s community, built with the sole purpose of
housing laborers for the dam. Next, came a twenty-two foot wide, seven mile long
paved highway from the town to the work site. Also constructed prior to Hoover
Dam’s manufacture was a 23 mile long arm off the Union Pacific Rail Line
connecting Boulder City to nearby Las Vegas, as well as a ten mile section built
specifically so materials could be transported to the site. Lastly, was the nearly 230
miles of power lines originating in San Bernadino California, which supplied
electricity to the Boulder Canyon Project. 15 Only then, did they begin excavation of
the actual earth around the proposed location.
First, the mighty Colorado needed to be diverted. Achieving this feat alone
was no easy task. Four tunnels were blown through the walls of Black Rock Canyon,
each fifty feet in diameter.16 These tunnels took the water around the construction
site which was located in the gorge between Nevada and Arizona.17 More than 5.5
million cubic yards of earth were removed from the site in preparation for
development. Next, another million cubic yards of stone was placed in the
construction site before the concrete was poured. Hoover Dam is a concrete arch style
dam, with the water load held by both gravity and the horizontal arch. 21,000
laborers worked on site, pouring 160,000 yards of concrete per month for a total of
4.36 million total cubic yards throughout.18
Hoover Dam, and the Boulder Canyon Project, started with the premise of
saving flood-ravaged areas. Unseen consequences have included the displacement,
dismissal and devaluation of American indigenous natives, the diminishing, to
absolute eradication of nutrient rich silt deposits along the banks, as well as prolific
erosion of riverbanks. The dam and consequent lakes also facilitated vital irrigation
to an area ready to erupt with agronomy. Regrettably, the environmental debacle lies
in the type of habitat around Hoover Dam, forced to endure an agricultural boom
with soil non-conducive to the crops introduced and pushed for decades thereafter.
This is only one of the many complications of hydroelectricity. Environmental
sustainability was not considered; and not only the sustainability of the dam itself but
Bureau of Reclamation, “Hoover Dam,” Hoover Dam, Bureau of Reclamation, accessed September
29, 2020. https://www.usbr.gov/lc/hooverdam/faqs/damfaqs.html
16
“Boulder Canyon Project Act (1928)” Our Documents Initiative: National Archives and Records
Administration. Accessed September 29, 2020. https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=false
17
Bureau of Reclamation, “Hoover Dam.”
18
Ibid.
15
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of the biome and habitats it accompanied. Early Twentieth century American Civil
projects, while beneficial to citizens, would not have seen the same kind of
environmentalist forethought as today. Hydro-power plants, when erected in the
wrong location are far worse for the environment than the production of fossil fuel
energy they help prevent. Hydro energy is considered “sustainable” because its
“renewable”, unlike fossil fuels; but as water levels deplete, the situation for Hoover
Dam and the Colorado basin become more dire. Hoover Dam’s hydro power plant is
not sustainable long term. As the basin dries, the consequences of poorly engineered
agricultural conquests are apparent. A common theme it would appear for early
American farmers out west. Desertification is a sweeping problem worldwide.
Hoover Dam is a contributing factor to this creeping plague of increasing deserts and
the disappearance of arable lands.
Skeptics of Global Climate Change preach that the earth’s natural tendency
to warm and cool over periods of time is natural. Scientists say many changes await,
and none are more obvious than the upswing in cataclysmic weather events.
Desertification is an example. Desertification is not always this slow, centuries-long
evolution. Contrary to popular belief, desertification is not synonymous nor comes
automatically with drought. It is actually the mismanagement of land during times of
drought. The residents of the Southern Plains of the United States found this out
relatively fast, in an event that today we call the “Dust Bowl”. At the time of Hoover
Dam’s construction, United States farmers were just barely emerging from this
similar agricultural disaster of the early twentieth century.
Historically, the Great Plains of the United States were covered by a moisture
holding plant called buffalo grass. Stretching from Canada to Southern Texas and
wedged between the Missouri River and the Rocky Mountains, the terrain is windy
and flat. The soil however, held the water well enough to feel sogginess only twelve
inches down. It perfectly resisted the constant wind and was food for the bison who
grazed there in mass; with roots that stretched up to five feet below the ground.
After the buffalo were nearly eliminated, and the Native Americans forced to
reservations, US government promoters deceitfully promised potential homesteaders
limitless possibilities in the West. Flocking by the thousands, drawn by the dreams of
owning and working their own land, the earliest American residents of the plains
states arrived to find a climate where it was nearly impossible to cultivate crops. With
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rain rare, coupled with the constant wind, it was too dry to legitimately pursue
agriculture, but they had no choice. So they pursued it anyway.
In 1907, the Southern Plains began a wet period. Unscrupulous real-estate
agents, and climate “experts” persuaded potential buyers to purchase land, telling
them the climate was undergoing a permanent change. Agents told them the wind
was slowing down and the rain could actually penetrate the soil better if they cleared
the buffalo grass. Wheat became a cash crop almost overnight. World War One
proved easy inspiration, as the German blockade of Russian wheat caused a
worldwide shortage. In five years, more than eleven million acres of virgin soil were
plowed up to begin to grow wheat in the Great Plains, with farmers claiming, “wheat
will win the war.”19 The 1920s proved to be a great time to be a wheat farmer in the
plains of the United States.
The stock market crashed October 29, 1929. It wasn’t long afterwards that the
first (recorded) dust storm hit Texas in 1932. The storms were frequent thereafter,
sometimes every day. Their presence filled the horizon from ground to sky with a
black cloud of dirt that could deposit up to three feet of sediment in their wake. As
the climate of the plains returned to normal after the wet period, drought followed.
The land, previously held in place by moisture dense buffalo grass was now easily
lifted in the air by the ever-present plains winds. Daily storms were devastating to
both the agricultural boom there and quality of life. Dust pneumonia killed
thousands, parents sent their kids away to live with relatives and when the farmers
finally fled the plains, they were met with contempt everywhere they landed. It was
obvious that Americans placed heavy value on the success of their farmers. The
refugees from the Dust Bowl were treated as utter failures.
During the Great Depression, in conjunction with the dust storms in the
plains states, a huge mass migration of families emerged from the dead farms of the
Great Plains. Nearby, California’s population exploded by nearly twenty percent. 20
Regardless of where they arrived from, what their occupation was, or how much
money they had, the plains migrants were given one, all encompassing, derogatory
nickname. They were called, “Okies.” They were sneered at for talking different and
segregated from daily activities, the same as African Americans were. “There was a
19
20
“Wheat will win the war,” The Dust Bowl, directed by Ken Burns (Washington, DC: PBS, 2012).
Ibid.
58
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sign in the movie theatre in the central valley of California which basically said,
‘Niggers And Okies Upstairs.’ Another which read, ‘Okie go back, we don’t want
you.’”21 They stayed in ramshackle roadside tent cities called “Little Oklahomas”,
“Okievilles”, or “jungles”, and worked as migrant farm workers on the big agricultural
farms in California’s Central Valley. Mostly starving and grossly underpaid, families
struggled to have basic human necessities. Author, and Dust Bowl refugee Sanora
Babb wrote in her memoir, Whose Names Are Unknown, “These simple rights are
part of the heritage of Americans. It is difficult for them to understand that none of
them remain. Their whole lives are concentrated now on one instinctive problem:
that of keeping alive.”22
A precedent for the poor and poverty discrimination had already been set.
President Hoover was navigating his way through decidedly turbulent waters during
the Great Depression. The stock market crash and the ensuing financial crisis caused
widespread poverty, but the president believed in limited federal government
intervention in the economy. Because he was himself “self-made” in terms of wealth,
Hoover believed that it was only going to be through hard work that the poor could
extract themselves from their impoverished state. Because of the lack of government
intervention, those suffering began to blame Hoover for not helping them.
Shantytowns on the outskirts became known as “Hoovervilles”, and the newspaper
blankets they used to keep warm were called “Hoover Blankets.” The connection
between a lack of government compassion for people, and the suffering of those
affected by political bulldozing strategies was obvious. This era was one plagued by
minority exclusion. People were puppets at first of the US government, only to be
thrown aside. The extermination of the buffalo grass, buffalo, Native Americans,
wheat farmers followed by a second wave of repulsion for the Native Americans was
another way powerful politicians would let nothing stand in the way of progress, no
matter who they used and steamrolled in the process.
Anti-immigrant sentiment existed even between states. Nature was blamed
for bad luck, and humans migrated to where the food was, bringing with them a
southern culture not understood and thus feared in California. The fear of
encroaching or new traditions put local residents on edge, and the farmers were
21
22
Ibid.
Sanora Babb, Whose Names Are Unknown (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 2004).
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blamed for ruining land which should never have been tilled to begin with. Dust
distribution, remnants of the Dust Bowl, from lands well south of the disappearing
snowpack in Colorado are definitively to blame for multiple facets contributory to the
drying of the Colorado River Basin. The color of dust attracts sunlight being that it is
darker than snow, accelerating the melting process and preventing accumulation.23
According to the United States Geological Survey, peak snow water is accumulated
two to three weeks earlier than it was in the 1970s, and snowmelt timing is
accelerated 17-18 days from 1993.24 Multiple sites within the Rocky Mountains were
measured. Continuous measurements of snow sublimation indicate a seasonal loss of
anywhere from 2-30 percent of annual snow water equivalent.25
The ramifications of irresponsible agricultural procedures and thus
desertification is ravaging the western United States today. This includes the most
important swaths of land designated for growing irrefutably essential amounts of our
food and produce products. Additionally, as per agreements like the Colorado
Compact, water from the Colorado must not be impeded in any way from flowing at
original levels through lands (mostly reservations) designated to Native Americans.
Hoover Dam is responsible for the redirection of enough water, that it is
catastrophically harming the water table and environment of the western U.S.26 The
23
Graham A. Sextone, “Colorado River Basin Focus Area Study: Snowpack Hydrodynamics,” United
Sates Department of the Interior, April 16, 2016. Accessed October 22, 2020.
https://www.usgs.gov/mission-areas/water-resources/science/colorado-river-basin-focus-area-studysnowpack-hydrodynamics?qt-science_center_objects=0.
24
Ibid.
25
Ibid.
26
This type of large scale, (literally) astronomical damage is common with these behemoth dams.
Another example is The Three Gorges Dam along the Yangtze River in China. This is the largest
dam and hydroelectric facility in the world. It displaces an obscene amount of water. So much in fact
that according to NASA, the lake behind the dam disrupts the lunar relationship between the earth
and the moon and elongates the earth’s day by .06 microseconds. These facts are humbling; enough
to make one ponder their insignificance on earth, and reflect on the ramifications of these massive
hydroelectric facilities at the very least. Even more disturbing are the consequences of disrupting the
habitat and ecosystems surrounding these architectural monstrosities. The primary function of the
Three Gorges Dam was invariably similar to the goals of Hoover Dam and the Boulder Canyon
Project. They wanted to protect downstream towns and cities from the river’s unpredictable and
damaging floods. The three major cities Three Gorges is supposed to “protect” are Nanjing, Shanghai,
and Wutan. Yes, the epicenter of the 2020 COVID 19 (Coronavirus) worldwide pandemic. These
connections are not accidental. In our quest for bigger and better, humans in the Anthropocene have
found loopholes in nature’s laws, racing to the deepest, darkest and farthest reaches of our planet. Our
ingenuity is leading to both great things as well as terrible, like Global Climate Change and the
emergence of super bugs resistant to bacteria. COVID-19 may not be the direct result of the Three
Gorges Dam, but the market where it emerged, including animals and meat sold there have certainly
been affected by the changes made by the people that live there including the largest dam on the
60
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water levels in Lake Mead have been consistently falling over the past decades. Less
than twenty years after Hoover Dam’s construction, years after being relocated to
reservations in the eastern part of Arizona, the Navajo Native Americans and four
other tribes took their Colorado River water allotment grievances all the way to the
Supreme Court in a case called Arizona v. California. With water necessities for both
a growing population of people and crops, California’s water usage was always side
eyed by the rest of the Colorado Compact signatories. In the original case, called
Arizona I, the US government stepped in to intervene on behalf of the five tribes
looking to secure a future for their water. The verdict was that the government would
uphold their agreement with the Native Americans as put forth in the Colorado
Compact, securing allotment rights. However, the courts added that the water levels
could be open to adjustment, conveying their concern for a lack of settlement of
boundary disputes. In the second half of this case, (Arizona II) the Quechen tribe,
had to give back 25,000 acres of land to the US government in order to make sure
their water needs were guaranteed.27 If the US government had not yet effectively
humiliated the Native Americans, this was surely another large blow. Dam
construction is notorious for burying history and cultures, among other things. 28 As
an aside, a world away, the Egyptians faced similar struggles at almost the exact same
time as they constructed the Aswan High Dam during Nasser’s regime. 29
planet. For more information, please consider this source: Staff, E&T editorial. “China Officials Insist
Three Gorges Dam Is Safe, as Online Rumours of Collapse Rise,” RSS, July 9, 2019. Accessed
September 30, 2020. https://eandt.theiet.org/content/articles/2019/07/chinaofficials-insist-threegorges-dam-is-safe-as-online-rumours-of-collapse-rise/
27
Arizona v. California, 531 US. 1 (2000).
28
Zombie diseases emerge all the time. Called “zombies”, they are presumed dead, but they are in fact
not dead at all and re-emerge at a later date. Global Climate Change has a part to play as well,
although not always. A recent example occurred in 2016 in Siberia. According to George Stewart, a
medical bacteriologist at the University of Missouri College of Veterinary Medicine, an outbreak of
anthrax killed more than 2000 caribou and sickened thirteen people. They caught it from 75-year-old
spores stored in the ground, which were released due to the permafrost melting. If humans continue
the magnitude of projects like Hoover Dam or Three Gorges, or even just our large fossil fuel
consumption, there is a distinct possibility we are reaching heights of achievement or depths for that
matter, holding secrets which should stay buried or at the very least, less disturbed. For more
information on this please consider the following source: Stephanie Pappas. “'Zombie' Anthrax
Outbreak in Siberia: How Does It Kill?” LiveScience. (August 2, 2016), Accessed November 20, 2020.
https://www.livescience.com/55621-zombie-anthrax-kills-in-siberia.html
29
Lake Nasser was formed behind the Aswan High Dam in Egypt in 1964. During ancient times in
Egypt, immense garrisons existed along the banks of the Nile River. Their purpose was to intimidate
anyone entering the country and to monitor vital trade routes from the South. The garrisons were all
located within sight of each other so that if something went awry, reinforcements were never far away.
The most grand of these military outposts was located in upper Nubia (now Sudan) very close to the
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In western America’s infancy, in order to facilitate the development, and
support the massive influx of people flocking west, new infrastructure was
implemented to carry water to and nourish people and their agricultural conquests.
The Colorado River, Hoover Dam and subsequent irrigation pipelines can be
understood in the context of these developments. Today, one of the major issues
facing modern engineers at many aging civil project sites, are the hundred-year-old
underground pipes, with even older technology. Contemporary humans owe a fair
amount of our inspiration for water distribution to our ancient Roman ancestors.
They were pioneers in water management, burying their pipelines and aqueducts so
that the land may be otherwise utilized above ground for dwellings, roads, or
agriculture. Today, as in ancient Rome, the damage done by unseen pipes (broken or
otherwise) is just as bad, costly and usually noticed well beyond the timeline of an
easy or cheap, or health-conscious repair.
The ramifications of these potential pipeline mishaps are only felt when
something goes awry, and usually when it does, large amounts of money are needed to
address often catastrophic damage due to the unseen (underground) issue. An
example faced in ancient Rome was lead leakage even though they didn’t know it at
the time. Hundreds of Roman pipes were made of lead; some of them stretched for
border of Egypt. It was called the Fort at Buhen. The fortress covered 13,000 square meters, and
could house over 3500 troops. The walls were 16 feet thick and 33 feet tall, spanning 490 feet along
the shoreline. In 1964 Egypt began construction on two dams, the upper and lower Aswan Dams near
these ancient sites. Archaeologists warned the Egyptian government that priceless historic sites would
be destroyed if the dams were completed, including the garrison at Buhen. When the government
offered no signs of stopping their project, UNESCO formed a campaign in March of 1960 to save the
relics from the Buhen site. For more information please consider this source:“Buhen.” SFDAS. French
Archaeological Unit Sudan Antiquities Unit (March 16, 2017), Accessed November 10, 2020.
https://sfdas.com/publications/ouvrages-specialises-en-ligne-ouvrages/article/buhen?lang=en It
became a tourist attraction and rescue mission all in one. A few of the artifacts including the entire
18th dynasty temple were dismantled and moved to the National Museum of Sudan in Khartoum, but
the site could not be entirely excavated in time for the completion of the dam. The construction on the
dams finished in 1970 along with the formation of Lake Nasser, the reservoir behind it. Lake Nasser
completely submerged the entire site of the Buhen fort. As long as there is a Lake Nasser, the
remnants of one of Egypt’s ancient neolithic monuments will remain submerged in its own watery
tomb. Today, the only visitors swimming past its vast walls are the once endangered Nile Crocodiles,
whom have made a drastic comeback as the lake offers them a newly protected habitat rich in
freshwater food sources. This may be good news for the crocodiles, but as ecologists may argue, the
repercussions for just this one animal, a predator with no other natural enemies can change the face of
a habitat forever. A statement that people are most certainly not alone in being affected by these dams.
For more information please consider this source: Dr. Jan Geisbusch, Buhen: An Egyptian Fortress in
Nubia,” Egypt Exploration Society, Accessed November 10, 2020. https://www.ees.ac.uk/buhen-anegyptian-fortress-in-nubia
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more than 1750 meters, or 5,742 feet.30 Thankfully (to some extent) for the Romans,
their water had a heavy concentration of calcium. Calcium deposits lined the pipes
and prevented lead from leeching into the supply, but not in the standing water.
Evidence of lead deposits in skeletal remains found in Roman archaeological sites
suggest lead exposure was common.31
Hoover Dam was not built with lead pipes. Instead, the dam’s engineers used
steel, which was stronger and safer than any available material at the time. The
problem with steel is that it corrodes when exposed to moisture and oxygen for
prolonged periods of time. There is a lot of both at Hoover Dam. Additionally, with
pipes and considerable infrastructure below ground, the corrosion of the steel is
worrisome to say the least.32 It is not merely that people won’t know there is an issue
until the structure exhibits signs of flooding or inefficiency, but the other areas of
corrosion which have remained undetected:
Corrosion is the destructive attack of a material by reaction with its
environment. The serious consequences of the corrosion process have
become a problem of worldwide significance. In addition to our
everyday encounters with this form of degradation, corrosion causes
plant shutdowns, waste of valuable resources, loss or contamination of
product, reduction in efficiency, costly maintenance, and expensive
overdesign. It can also jeopardize safety and inhibit technological
progress.33
The fact that something as massive as Hoover Dam could structurally falter due to
archaic technology like rusty pipes is daunting on its own. Additionally, the habitat
around the dam is suffering due to both depletion of the aquifers in surrounding
territory due to irrigation and the crater the dam created in the earth. The fault lines,
or tectonic plates nearby are fairly active and pose an immediate threat to the
Kathleen Lusk Brooke, and Zoe G Quinn. “Aqueducts of Rome, Italy,” Building the World Blog
University of Massachussetts Boston, (October 21, 2017), Accessed October 14, 2020.
http://blogs.umb.edu/buildingtheworld/waterworks/aqueducts-of-rome-italy/
31
Ibid.
32
David Sedlak, “How Development of America's Water Infrastructure Has Lurched Through
History.” The Pew Charitable Trusts (March 3, 2019), accessed October 22, 2020.
https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/trend/archive/spring-2019/how-development-of-americas-waterinfrastructure-has-lurched-through-history.
33
Kelly Wardlow. “About Corrosion and Environment,” Corrosion and the Environment. Lehigh
University (2002), Accessed October 15, 2020.
https://www.lehigh.edu/~amb4/wbi/kwardlow/corrosion.htm
30
63
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structure and the surrounding lands, habitats and inhabitants. Of particular interest is
the Mead Slope Fault (MSF), which lies in Las Vegas, extremely close to Hoover
Dam. Specifically, it is located on the southeastern side of Boulder Basin in the Lake
Mead area of Arizona. According to the Arizona Geological Survey:
The MSF is one of a number of fault zones in the Las Vegas area that
is geologically young (has evidence of late Quaternary activity), but the
close proximity of the MSF to Hoover Dam is particularly concerning
as it impounds the largest reservoir by volume in the U.S. and supplies
water to millions of people in Arizona, Nevada, and Southern
California. The NE-SW-trending Mead Slope fault system is one of
several faults in the Lake Mead area that have accommodated
substantial late Cenozoic left-lateral displacement.34
The lands and peoples around Hoover Dam and the Colorado River are in
danger of catastrophic injury from either natural or man-made disasters. The dam
was a potential bombing target for the German Luftwaffe during World War Two.
The dam is a sleeping giant. America’s water infrastructure is old. Some of the
foundational elements are left over from the very first investments. They are aging
and in desperate need of replacement, but according to researchers at PEW Trusts,
the United States government has been reluctant to invest in the water systems. The
American Government has notoriously waited until systems have deteriorated to such
an extent that they fail, at which point we have no option other than to repair and
upgrade them. It is clear that the people who live near these large civil projects have
obviously not been the US government!s main priority. An example of these archaic
and dangerous systems occurred just recently and to devastating effects in Flint
Michigan. 35 According to US census data, the poverty rate in Flint, Michigan is 41
percent. This means that 41 percent of citizens are living below the poverty line,
unable to provide for themselves what the government considers to be necessary daily
care. In 2014, Flint city officials switched the city’s drinking water supply to the Flint
River. Upon doing so, millions of people were drinking water contaminated with lead
JY Ben-Horin, “Mead Slope Fault Mapping, Lake Mead, Arizona,” Arizona Geology E-Magazine
Updated March 23, 2018. https://blog.azgs.arizona.edu/blog/2018-03/mead-slope-fault-mappinglake-mead-arizona
35
David Sedlak, “How Development of America's Water Infrastructure Has Lurched Through
History.” The Pew Charitable Trusts, updated March 3, 2019.
https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/trend/archive/spring-2019/how-development-of-americas-waterinfrastructure-has-lurched-through-history
34
64
�Schwarz, Water Keepers
resulting from archaic leaching pipes. When this crisis struck, state and federal
officials repeatedly denied that there was an issue despite having concrete evidence
that there was a problem. This health crisis is still ongoing, with residents of the city
relying on NGO (Nongovernmental organizations) donated bottled water. The
government ended their program to supply bottled water last year. The citizens are
poor, suffering and purposefully ignored, and according to PEW Researchers this
pattern of government negligence is common. Hoover Dam, as an appendage of the
Colorado River, is similarly interfering with and poisoning the river. With the river’s
natural function disrupted, ecologies changed and volatile technology crumbling, each
play a part in the tragedy both coming and current.
The Colorado River is a vital water source for many, not just those directly
situated on its banks. This includes Denver, Colorado, Salt Lake City, Utah,
Albuquerque, New Mexico, Los Angeles, and San Diego both in California for
public water supply as well as the Imperial Valley in California for agricultural water
supply. The river and its tributaries provide water for approximately 30 million
people and irrigates nearly four million acres of agricultural land. 36 Currently, the
Colorado’s water supply is managed by a complex system of treaties, interstate
agreements, international treaties and Supreme Court decrees. 37 According to the
United States Geological Study, about 85 percent of all off-stream water use is
designated for agricultural, with the majority of on source water being utilized for
hydroelectric power. Total water use from 1986-2010, excluding inter basin transfers,
averaged about 17 million acre-feet. The geological study also mapped the growth in
human population to the Colorado River Basin, with the increase estimated at
approximately 4.6 million people in 1985 to 9.4 million in 2010.38 Today, 30 million
people live there and depend on the Colorado River for water.39 The water in the
dams along the Colorado River supply ten percent of the nation’s population with
water.40
United States Geologic Survey. Colorado River Basin Focus Area Study. United Sates Department
of the Interior (April 2, 2016) Accessed October 22, 2020. https://www.usgs.gov/mission-areas/water36
resources/science/colorado-river-basin-focus-area-study?qt-science_center_objects=0
37
Ibid.
38
Ibid.
39
“Population Growth,” Save the Colorado, Accessed October 22, 2020.
http://savethecolorado.org/threats/population-growth/
40
David Sedlak, “How Development of America's Water Infrastructure Has Lurched Through
History.” The Pew Charitable Trusts, March 3, 2019.
65
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
The water level on the Colorado has been falling for the last ten years.41
Simultaneously, the western United States, from Texas to California have faced tragic
droughts in recent years and they aren’t alone. The allocation of water from the
Colorado River for agronomy is staggering. Legal disputes over water allocation
rights are increasing and not just in the United States.42 The Colorado River spans
more than one country, as do many other rivers in the world.43
Transboundary water sources and their associated politics have been a hot
topic at the United Nations for decades. On December 8, 1970, the General
Assembly adopted Resolution 2669, entitled "Progressive Development and
Codification of the Rules of International Law Relating to International
Watercourses.” This Resolution probes the interdependency of nations and their
freshwater resources dating back as far as 1959. In the 20 years that followed the
1970 resolution, many studies were done to research the effects of countries that share
a source of water, especially fresh water. This means that the larger goal of the UN
during these case studies had to be the creation of some rules on transboundary water
sources. The UN Convention in 1997 was focused specifically on this exact issue and
https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/trend/archive/spring-2019/how-development-of-americas-waterinfrastructure-has-lurched-through-history, accessed October 22, 2020.
41
Ibid.
42
One such river in the midst of a dangerous political volley is the Nile River, specifically the water
located between Ethiopia and Egypt. The Nile River Delta is in trouble. A massive hydro electric dam
called the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) is currently under construction on the Blue
Nile in Ethiopia. If the project is allowed to continue its negative effects will be felt region wide as
water and nutrient rich silt levels heavily diminish down river. As population numbers continue to rise,
the livelihoods of the citizens of the Nile River Delta as well as the surrounding ecosystems are under
direct assault by the greed of short-sighted politicians and government officials. According to the
latest data from the African Community Advancement Initiative, half of Egypt’s 80 million citizens
live in the delta region. Of these 40 million people 29 percent of all their jobs in the area are related to
agriculture, and 15 percent of Egypt’s entire GDP is produced in this specific ecosystem. Farmers are
currently facing an array of issues in the area from salination of underground water tables, to global
climate change that threatens to raise sea levels enough to swallow 30 percent of the delta within the
next 15 years. For more information, please consider this source: Daniel Donovan, “Egypt’s Coming
Climate Calamity,” US News and World Report, April 3, 2018.
www.usnews.com/opinion/blogs/world-report/2015/04/03/climate-change-is-consuming-the-niledelta-and-egypt-with-it
43
As the Ethiopians continue construction on the GERD they play god with 40 million people’s
water-source. It has been estimated that by 2025 1.8 billion people will be living in absolute water
scarcity, which is defined as annual per capita freshwater availability below 1000 cubic meters a year.
Additionally, two-thirds of the world’s population could be living under water-stressed conditions with
annual freshwater availability below 1700 cubic meters per capita. For more information on this
subject, please consider this source: Inga M. Jacobs, The Politics of Water in Africa: Norms,
Environmental Regions and Transboundary Cooperation in the Orange-Senqu and Nile Rivers (New
York: Continuum International Books, 2018), 2.
66
�Schwarz, Water Keepers
on May 21, 1997 this came to fruition as the UN adopted a resolution containing
norms that would hold countries liable for their actions on waterways that directly
affected other countries dependent on the same shared water source.
These principles outlined strict guidelines for countries to follow stating that
one country must give other countries the opportunity for negotiations regarding
construction projects on shared water sources. The UN principle entitled the “No
Harm Doctrine” also stipulates that watercourse nations must take all appropriate
actions to prevent the direct harming of other watercourse nations. Lastly, the most
blatantly ignored, is the principle of “Prior Notification.” It states that it is required
that other riparian states are informed that a “planned measure might change the
course or volume of water resources so that they might threaten the rights of riparian
owners of the adjoining sovereignty a claim may be lodged…and thus the interests on
both sides will be safeguarded”.44
In 1944, the United States and Mexico signed a treaty which mandated that
the US provide Mexico with 1.5 million acre-feet of water annually. The treaty also
specified that on years when there was surplus that 200,000 additional acre feet would
be given to the Mexicans. This treaty is managed by the International Water and
Boundary Commission.45 The point through which Mexico can access their share of
the water on the Colorado River is located at Morelos Dam, between Los Algodones
Mexico and Yuma County Arizona.46 Consequentially, due to all the dams and manmade re-routing tactics along the river, the water rarely reaches its natural delta, the
Gulf of California in northern Mexico. Subsequently, the citizens of Mexicali,
Tecate and Tijuana have to ask permission and receive a water allowance. This need
to request permission was especially degrading because these municipalities had to ask
from a country that erected infrastructure to suit their own needs without taking into
consideration that the water they usurped was not all theirs to take in the first place.
Global Climate Change has played a role as well; beginning in 2007, Mexico realized
they needed to review the treaty. A series of cooperative agreements between the US
and Mexico were reached, determining that the United States must aid Mexico in the
Inga M. Jacobs, The Politics of Water in Africa: Norms, Environmental Regions and
Transboundary Cooperation in the Orange-Senqu and Nile Rivers. (2012), New York: Continuum
44
International Books. Forward pg. 12.
45
“Colorado River Water and Mexico.” Water Education Foundation, updated October 2020.
https://www.watereducation.org/aquapedia/mexico-and-colorado-river-water
46
Ibid.
67
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
restoration of water amounts regardless of shortages. Most importantly, was one of
the agreements called “Minute 319.”47 In the wording, Mexico agreed to take less
water in years of drought but sought (and gained) the ability to store water in Lake
Mead (the reservoir behind Hoover Dam) in years of surplus. The intention was to
be able to bank water in Lake Mead for times of emergency and shortages. Ten years
later, in 2017, Minute 319 was edited and finalized, becoming “Minute 323”:
A continuation of Minute 319 called Minute 323 was finalized in
September 2017. The agreement provides a continuous flow of water
to the Colorado River Delta and expands the restored habitat area
from 1,700 to 4,300 acres. Mexico will continue to store water in Lake
Mead and both governments will provide funding and other resources
for research projects along the border and throughout the region.48
With aging infrastructure, tectonic activity and what would now seem to be a
figurative handcuff to the wrist of another country, the United States is struggling to
continue to repair their relationship with Mexico, their riparian neighbor. Another
revival of Manifest Destiny is prevailing in this instance, monopolizing the water,
livelihood and lives of millions of Mexicans; funding short sighted and expensive
conciliatory efforts to remain in control of the Colorado River.
Agriculture economy includes plants, but a factor often and dangerously
overlooked in the fight to save water are the growing herds of cattle and other
livestock raised on ranches and feed supplied by the Colorado River. Animal
agriculture is responsible for 51% of human caused global climate change. People
enjoy eating meat, especially those privileged to have grown up where it is a staple of
a daily diet. Technology and agribusiness have turned meal expectation on its head.
Many Americans have grown accustomed to eating copious amounts of meat every
day. Historically, meat was expensive: it was labor intensive, and it was special. This
is no longer the case. The average porterhouse steak in a restaurant today is 16
ounces. The USDA recommended portion of meat per meal is 3 oz., which equals
the size of a deck of playing cards. For fish, the portion should be the size of a
personal checkbook. 49 That three-ounce piece of meat required 660 gallons of fresh
Ibid.
Ibid.
49
Choose MyPlate." Choose MyPlate. Accessed November 2, 2020. https://www.choosemyplate.gov/.
47
48
68
�Schwarz, Water Keepers
water to produce. This includes both the water the animal drank as well as the water
it took to grow the feed it ate. It takes 2500 gallons of water to raise one pound of
beef, 447 gallons for one pound of eggs, and 900 gallons per pound of cheese.50
Factory-style farming to feed a growing human appetite is sucking 300 times the
amount of water needed from sources like the Colorado River. With government
subsidies aiding the mass production of agriculture, US officials have a laser focus on
maintaining America’s GDP, rather than maintaining the lives of citizens. The
current health crisis in Flint, Michigan underscores this point.
The Colorado River, Mexican citizens and existing habitats are suffering at
the hands of procrastinating and indifferent United States government officials.
Water allocation rights belong to everyone along the river or water source alike. At a
certain point, complacency and currency have overtaken ingenuity and integrity. This
formidable river has been around for six million years. Through ice ages and our
ancient ancestors, this water source has carved a permanent place in the history books.
Human’s attempts to tame it await a centennial anniversary in the coming years,
along with what will most likely be a difficult decision regarding a dynamic
environment and vital ramifications involving the people which rely on it.
Globally, rivers and their names reflect the foundations of life as we humans
understand them. The Volga River in Russia, originally named the Atil River, in
Turkish translates to the word Attila, or father. The Mississippi, named by the
Anishinabe people, of the Ojibwe Tribe similarly means, “Father of Waters.” The
Yangtze transforms to “Child of the Ocean.” The Spanish named the Colorado
which translates to “tinted red.” Like the blood which flows through our veins the
Colorado flows through North America. This red river holds a precariously important
role, which has been essential to the survival, and development of both the foundation
of the North American continent, as well as the United States as we know it today.
Notwithstanding, is the relationship water has to people. As an essential element to
life, the connection humans have to vital water sources is not just historically relevant,
but socially. Like money, or other objects of wealth, water on the Colorado has been
used to facilitate certain lifestyles, while ignoring others. The history of powerful and
influential people often revolves around money, or valuables, but after observation,
"Everything about California Water That Matters." Water Education Foundation (2017) (data from
1991), Accessed November 2, 2020. https://www.watereducation.org/all-california-water-sources
50
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water has emerged as a key component to this story as well. The history of the United
States, its business, its economy and its people could just as easily be called the history
of the United States and its relationship with water. The Colorado River and the
Hoover Dam do not reveal anything new about human nature, but expose an ageless
power struggle among people, a tension between those who have and those who have
not; a moment when a timeless choice was made between power and compassion.
Jacques Yves Cousteau famously wrote that we should not ignore our water resources
lest “we forget that the water cycle and the life cycle are one.” We did not forget it,
but we definitely used it as power and leverage.
70
�Standrowicz, History of the Jews in Russia
A History of the Jews in Russia
David Standrowicz
Since the eighteenth century, Jews comprised a significant minority
population in the Russian Empire and eventually the Soviet Union. During the reign
of Catherine the Great, for example, the empire acquired lands of present-day eastern
Poland and Lithuania that contained a large population of Jews, leading to the
emergence of Jews as a major ethnic minority in the empire. Throughout history and
not only in Russia, Jews have faced discrimination based on anti-Semitism--
sentiments against Jews. In the Tsarist Empire, Jews had numerous rights restricted
and were not treated equally before the law as their non-Jewish counterparts. They
were only allowed to reside within a large area of land known as the Pale of
Settlement, established by Catherine the Great in present-day Ukraine, Belarus,
eastern Poland, and Lithuania, and they were required to pay fees in order to reside
outside the pale. Between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Jewish
communities faced more violent acts of anti-Semitism in the form of pogroms,
organized riots. From the rise of Imperial Russia to the twentieth century, Jewish
people in the Russian empire dealt with anti-Semitism in numerous forms, where
they were separated from the rest of Russian society with restricted rights and were
eventually subject to extreme violence.
As early as the Medieval era, Jews in Europe faced anti-Semitism in numerous
forms. In European countries, the majority of anti-Jewish sentiment could be divided
into two main types, religious and racist. Religious anti-Semitism referred to
discrimination against members of the Jewish faith, which was based on teachings of
the Christian church. Anti-Semitic Christians discriminated against Jews based on
their faith and the common teaching that the Jews were responsible for the execution
of Jesus of Nazareth, whom the Christians recognize as the messiah. Since this form
of anti-Semitic thought was based on religion, religious anti-Semites believed that
Jews could be included in the predominantly Christian society through conversion.1
1
Eli Weinerman, “Racism, Racial Prejudice and Jews in Late Imperial Russia,” Ethnic and Racial
Studies 17: 3 (1994): 443.
71
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
It was different from racist anti-Semitism because religious anti-Semites believed that
Jews were inferior due to their faith rather than their race or ethnicity. According to
historian Pål Kolstø, the Jews were accused of having killed Christ, and it was
commonly believed that their “bloodthirstiness” had continued to the present day.
Kolstø described anti-Jewish sentiment when he stated: “proof of this was found in
their alleged killing of Christian boys for ritual purposes. This medieval superstition,
which in earlier centuries could be heard all over Europe, in Russia lingered on until
the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.”2 In the Medieval era, many Europeans
believed in the superstition that Jews ritually killed Christian children and used their
blood to make matzo, a thin unleavened bread commonly eaten by Jews. Due to the
Christian teaching that the Jews were responsible for the death of Jesus and the
medieval superstition that Jews would ritually kill Christian boys, religion served as a
basis for a majority of anti-Semitic thought in the Russian empire.
In addition to religious anti-Semitism, racist anti-Semitism began to emerge
in Europe during the late nineteenth century. In racist anti-Semitism, it was believed
that Jews were inherently different and separate from the Aryan race due to their
biological and psychological nature.3 While religious anti-Semites believed that Jews
could be integrated into European society through conversion to Christianity, racist
anti-Semites believed that since their “inferior” racial qualities could not be changed,
Jews could not be included in Aryan society. In the Russian empire, anti-Semitic
intellectuals and political officials in the nineteenth century attempted to restrict the
rights of Jews based on ethnicity rather than religion. Historian Eli Weinerman
points out that “these proposals were aimed at Jews who had converted to the
Orthodox faith and who, in contrast to the rest of the Jewish population, had enjoyed
the same rights as the Empire's Orthodox peoples.”4 As time progressed, Russian
anti-Semites began to refer to racist theories to justify prejudice against the Jewish
population. Government officials and politicians proposed that rights should be
restricted not only for religious Jews, but also for people of Jewish descent who had
converted to Orthodox Christianity. Therefore, the nineteenth century saw the
Pål Kolstø, “Competing with Entrepreneurial Diasporians: Origins of Anti-Semitism in
Nineteenth-century Russia,” Nationalities Papers 42:4 (2014): 692.
3
Weinerman, “Racism, Racial Prejudice and Jews in Late Imperial Russia,” 443.
4
Ibid., 445.
2
72
�Standrowicz, History of the Jews in Russia
emergence of racist anti-Semitism alongside the longstanding religious anti-Semitic
thought.
There were numerous factors outside religious discrimination and racist
theories that contributed to the rise of anti-Semitism in the Russian empire. As the
Tsarist empire began to modernize and transition toward an industrialized country
with a growing economy, economic factors began to play a role in anti-Jewish
sentiments. Conservatives in the empire associated the Jews with capitalism and
feared Jewish economic activity because they believed that it undermined the political
power of the landowning elites.5 Furthermore, cultural factors led to opposition to
Jewish involvement in the arts. Opponents of Jewish inclusion often accused Jewish
people, including converts to Christianity, for distorting Russian culture due to their
flawed knowledge of the Russian language, national character, and traditions.6 In the
late nineteenth century, however, a new factor that contributed to increasing anti-
Jewish sentiments began to emerge. The last two tsars of the Russian empire were
both anti-Semites who actively supported restriction of the rights of Jews. Since his
father had been assassinated by a Jewish man in 1881, Tsar Alexander III was both an
anti-Semite and a devout reactionary, eager to suppress revolution. According to Pål
Kolstø, “Much of the anti-Jewish legislation that was adopted in the last decades
before the 1917 revolution clearly was part of a drive to combat left-wing terrorism.”7
Since Jews were disproportionally represented in revolutionary parties, often due to
the way Jews were treated under the Tsarist empire, Jews were often associated with
left-wing radicalism, leading to a political basis for discrimination against the Jews.
With the association of Jews with economic activity, limited knowledge of Russian
language and culture, and revolutionary involvement, anti-Semitism in the nineteenth
century was largely driven by numerous economic, cultural, and political factors.
Anti-Semitism in the Russian empire was originally based on religious
discrimination that had existed since the Medieval era, but the nineteenth century
saw the rise of a variety of new factors that contributed to anti-Jewish sentiment.
Anti-Semites in the empire expressed these sentiments in a variety of ways, including
public demonstrations, literature, and bias in the legal system. One of the most
5
6
Ibid., 453.
Ibid., 454.
Pål Kolstø, “Competing with Entrepreneurial Diasporians: Origins of Anti-Semitism in
Nineteenth-century Russia,” Nationalities Papers 42, No. 4 (2014): 692.
7
73
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
significant symbols of anti-Semitism in the Tsarist empire was the concept of
pogroms, which were violent riots carried out against the Jews. During such riots,
crowds of Russians expressed their hatred of Jews, revolutionaries, and the
liberalization of the Tsarist government. For instance, historian Victoria Khiterer
described that during a pogrom in Nezhin, the crowd of pogrom-makers screamed,
“We don’t need Jews and democrats, they torment us, get them out of our city … If
the students don’t give us lists of the democrats, we know ourselves some of them and
will make short work of them right now.”8 Since Jews in the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries were connected with revolutionary parties and left-wing
radicalism, crowds often expressed their opposition to Jews and liberals together,
claiming that such people tainted their society. Aside from the pogroms, Russian
anti-Semites frequently expressed their anti-Jewish beliefs through literature.
Historian Pål Kolstø points out that they produced an entire library consisting of
books, booklets, and articles that discussed the necessity of fighting the Jews and
restricting their rights.9 Unsurprisingly, many of the most prominent texts within this
collection of anti-Semitic works were written by strong believers in Orthodox
Christianity who wrote their works in a religious language. This assortment of works
dedicated to the spread of anti-Semitic thought reveals that much of the opposition
to the Jews in the Tsarist empire stood on religious beliefs as the main foundation.
One of the more unusual expressions of anti-Semitism in the Russian empire
was through an extreme bias against Jews in the legal system. The issue of
discrimination in the legal system was emphasized in the writing of Mary Antin, a
Jewish girl who grew up in the Pale of Settlement and noticed the injustice that Jews
suffered in Russia. In her writing, Antin described how Jews were constantly at the
mercy of the police, judges, and their non-Jewish neighbors. According to Mary
Antin, “If you chased their pigs when they came rooting up your garden, or objected
to their children maltreating your children, they might complain against you to the
police, stuffing their case with false accusations and false witnesses.”10 She adds that
such cases would be brought to the court if a Jewish individual or family was not well
Victoria Khiterer, “The October 1905 Pogroms and the Russian Authorities,” Nationalities Papers
43, No. 5 (2015): 790.
9
Pål Kolstø, “Competing with Entrepreneurial Diasporians: Origins of Anti-Semitism in
Nineteenth-century Russia,” Nationalities Papers 42, No. 4 (2014): 704.
10
“Mary Antin: A Little Jewish Girl in the Russian Pale, 1890,” Internet History Sourcebooks Project
(November 1998), accessed April 8, 2021. https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/.
8
74
�Standrowicz, History of the Jews in Russia
acquainted with the police. Furthermore, Jews would lose the trial before it even
began because judges in the Russian court system were often anti-Semitic themselves
and thus biased against Jews. The exclamations of pogrom-makers, writings of antiSemitic Russians, and treatment of Jews by their non-Jewish neighbors as well as in
the legal system all illustrate the widespread anti-Jewish sentiment in the Tsarist
empire.
One of the most visible symbols of discrimination against the Jews on a
political level in Russia was the Pale of Settlement. The area of land known as the
Pale of Settlement was established in 1791 under Catherine the Great in order to
restrict the movements of the Jewish people in present-day Belarus, who had become
subjects of the tsar following the first partition of Poland in 1772.11 When the Tsarist
empire acquired new land in present-day Poland and Lithuania, the pale was
expanded to the western and southern boundaries of the empire. According to Pål
Kolstø, the purpose of the establishment of the Pale of Settlement was to limit the
permitted area of residence for Jews, in which the government sought to ensure the
growth of a non-Jewish middle class outside the pale.12 Jewish people were not
allowed to reside outside the pale unless they paid fees and were granted special
permission. Even so, Jews were constantly at the mercy of local authorities who made
decisions regarding the restrictions of activities of the Jews, which included the
eviction of Jews from their respective towns or cities. For example, Kolstø pointed
out that “in 1891, some thirty-thousand Jews, mostly artisans, were expelled from
Moscow and sent back to the Pale. This constituted more than eighty-five percent of
the Jews living in the city.”13 Although Jewish people could pay fees and receive
permission from the authorities to settle outside the Pale of Settlement, they could
have this permission taken away at any time and for no reason at all. The pale served
as a reminder that the Jews would always be treated as second-class citizens inferior to
their non-Jewish counterparts, and they were always living at the mercy of the Tsarist
authorities.
In her personal narrative, Mary Antin described the conditions of Jews living
in the Pale of Settlement in Russia, emphasizing the constant fear of the tsar.
Pål Kolstø, “Competing with Entrepreneurial Diasporians: Origins of Anti-Semitism in
Nineteenth-century Russia,” Nationalities Papers 42, No. 4 (2014): 698.
12
Ibid., 698.
13
Ibid., 699.
11
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According to Antin, many Jews hung portraits of the tsar Alexander III in their
homes because it looked well when police or government officials visited the village
on business. For example, she wrote, “The czar was a cruel tyrant – oh, it was
whispered when doors were locked and shutters tightly barred, at night – he was a
Titus, a Haman, a sworn foe of all Jews – and yet his portrait was seen in a place of
honor in your father's house.”14 Even though many of the Jews secretly resented the
tsar as much as he resented them, they never spoke of such sentiments outside their
homes. Instead, they hung portraits of the tsar in their homes and appeared to show
support for the monarchy so that they would not be suspected of being
revolutionaries. It was expected that every Jewish congregation say a prayer for the
health of the tsar, and the chief of police would close any synagogue that refused to
do so. Similarly, all houses were expected to fly flags of the Russian empire on royal
birthdays, and failure to do so would result in being dragged to the nearest police
station and a fine of twenty-five rubles.15 Mary Antin explained the wrath of the
authorities on royal birthdays when she stated, “a decrepit old woman, who lived all
alone in a tumble-down shanty, supported by the charity of the neighborhood,
crossed her paralyzed hands one day when flags were ordered up, and waited for her
doom, because she had no flag.”16 Antin narrated that the policeman broke down the
door, sold every item found in the old woman’s house, and finally hung a flag above
the roof of the dilapidated house. Since Jews were often associated with revolutionary
parties and radicalism, they were expected to show loyalty to the tsar, and these
expectations were often stricter for the Jews than their non-Jewish neighbors. Even if
an elderly individual with poor health could not afford to purchase a flag, the
authorities often showed no mercy but arrested the individual without remorse.
The establishment of the Pale of Settlement, despite its purpose to restrict the
activity and advancement of the Jewish people in Russia, had some positive effects on
the Jewish communities due to their confinement. Through a geographical and
statistical analysis, historian Richard Rowland arrived at the conclusion that due to
the restriction of Jewish settlement, Jews comprised a highly urbanized community in
the Tsarist Empire. According to Rowland, nearly one-half of the Jewish population
“Mary Antin,” Internet History Sourcebooks Project.
Ibid.
16
Ibid.
14
15
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in the pale resided in urban centers, in comparison to only one-tenth of the non-
Jewish population.17 While only ten percent of the non-Jewish population in Russia
lived in urban centers, the Jews were highly concentrated in urban centers with nearly
fifty percent residing in cities. Rowland also reported that although Jewish people
comprised just over one-tenth of the population of the Tsarist empire, they comprised
nearly two-fifths of the urban populations. In eight of the twenty-five provinces, the
majority of the urban population consisted of Jews.18 The large proportion of the
Jewish population residing in cities may have been advantageous because due to their
residence in cities, Jews were closer to large markets and industrial centers with
factories, which provided them with nearby opportunities for work. Thus, the one
potential advantage of the Pale of Settlement was that much of the Jewish population
was highly concentrated in urban centers where they were close to job opportunities
rather than small, isolated villages.
Aside from the Pale of Settlement, the Tsarist government sought to restrict
multiple rights of Jews in the empire in order to keep them at a second-class status in
Russian society. While the pale limited where Jews were permitted to reside, other
regulations were passed to oppress Jewish people in education and professional fields.
For example, Jews were highly discouraged from becoming lawyers, an influential
occupation in politics and justice, in order to keep Jewish influence out of the legal
system.19 Russian society actively sought to keep Jews from advancing into the higher
classes of society, which led to violent conflicts over the social status of Jews.
Historian Heinz-Dietrich Löwe explained the reason for such oppression when he
stated, “Because of their being restricted to a position of poverty and low social status,
many people might have felt the need to look down on somebody lower still on the
social ladder—the Jews.”20 Many of the non-Jewish peasants in the Tsarist empire
were bitter about their social status, confined in a state of poverty. Consequently,
they needed another group of people to look down upon and frequently chose the
Jews as a target of social and economic oppression, keeping them lower on the social
ladder.
Richard Rowland, “Geographical Patterns of the Jewish Population in the Pale of Settlement in Late
Nineteenth Century Russia,” Jewish Social Studies 48, No. 3 (1986): 218.
18
Ibid., 219.
19
Pål Kolstø, “Competing with Entrepreneurial Diasporians: Origins of Anti-Semitism in
Nineteenth-century Russia,” Nationalities Papers 42, No. 4 (2014): 700.
20
Heinz-Dietrich Löwe, “Pogroms in Russia,” Jewish Social Studies 11, No. 1 (2004): 19.
17
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As a result of social and economic oppression of Jewish people, Russian elitists
and officials sought to keep Jews out of a variety of fields, especially academics. Jews
faced vicious discrimination in education, often with quotas that prevented Jews from
comprising more than a certain low percentage of the student body at many schools.
The pursuit of secondary education was common among Jewish people due to the
economic situation in the Pale of Settlement. The pale was already excessively
crowded with tradesmen such as goldsmiths, cobblers, artisans, and shopkeepers.
Since a higher education created new opportunities, Jews often pursued education and
academics as an alternative path of life.21 In her personal narrative of life as a Jew in
the Pale of Settlement, Mary Antin described the harsh conditions of Jewish children
seeking an education. Jewish children desiring admission to schools had to face
physical examinations, where Antin pointed out that “the brightest Jewish children
were turned down if the examining officers did not like the turn of their noses.”22
Examining officers were very hostile toward Jewish children, judging them on shallow
details such as the look of their noses, based on a common stereotype of Jewish
physical features.
According to Antin, Jewish candidates had to take a separate examination in
which nine-year-old Jewish children were expected to answer questions that not even
thirteen-year-old Gentile children were expected to answer.23 Even if Jewish children
answered questions correctly and confidently, they often received a low grade with no
opportunity for appeal. Mary Antin added that the conditions did not improve for
Jews who entered universities, for the school life for Jews was a “struggle against
injustice from instructors, spiteful treatment from fellow students, and insults from
everybody.”24 Similarly to secondary schools, Jewish children seeking to attend
universities faced excessively challenging examinations, dishonest marking, and blunt
bias against Jewish candidates. Jewish children were heavily oppressed and
discouraged from receiving higher education not only due to the desire to keep them
at a second-class status, but also because Jews in the nineteenth century were often
associated with revolutionary ideals. Therefore, officials in the Tsarist empire sought
Pål Kolstø, “Competing with Entrepreneurial Diasporians: Origins of Anti-Semitism in
Nineteenth-century Russia,” Nationalities Papers 42, No. 4 (2014): 700.
22
“Mary Antin: A Little Jewish Girl in the Russian Pale, 1890,” Internet History Sourcebooks
Project, November 1998, accessed April 1, 2021. https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/.
23
Ibid.
24
Ibid.
21
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that keeping Jews out of secondary schools and universities not only kept them at
their respective social status, but also prevented them from becoming highly educated
and exposed to radical ideas.
Anti-Jewish sentiments in education were felt not only at the local level, but
also at the political level, where even the tsar was fully aware of the issue and openly
supported the restriction of Jewish children in schools. Historian Alex Valdman
explained political discussions of Jewish children and education when he stated,
“Suggestions to limit Jewish students’ enrollment were discussed in some circles even
in the days of Alexander II, and after his assassination these ideas found firm support
among government officials, including the new tsar, Alexander III.”25 Tsarist officials
considered limitations on the number of Jews accepted into schools as early as during
the reign of Alexander II, a tsar responsible for many progressive reforms in the
nineteenth century. However, after he was assassinated by a Jewish man and his son
Alexander III rose to the throne, the Tsarist government gave full support of
restrictions on Jews receiving higher education as well as other rights among the
Jewish population.
School administrators at the local level also freely expressed their anti-Jewish
sentiments, which were based on both religious and racist anti-Semitism. According
to Alex Valdman, the principal of the Vitebsk Gymnasium bluntly declared that the
typical characteristics and traits of the “Jewish race” were clearly notable among
Jewish children, including those attending Russian schools. Valdman added that
among other school principals and administrators, “The principal from Vitebsk did
not hesitate to attribute a whole range of stereotypes to his Jewish students, including
uncleanliness, an inclination toward anti-Christian and anti-Russian conspiracy,
greed, immorality, and even the smell of garlic, which Jews allegedly brought with
them into classes.”26 Anti-Semitic thought among Russian school administrators
included a combination of both religious and racist beliefs. Jews, including Jewish
children, were accused of anti-Christian and anti-Russian conspiracy, and they were
stereotypically associated with uncleanliness, greed, and immorality. School
Alex Valdman, “A Miracle in Minsk: Secondary Education and Social Mobility in the Pale of
Settlement before 1887,” Jewish Social Studies 24, No. 2 (2019): 145.
26
Ibid., 146.
25
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principals also commonly agreed with stereotypes portraying Jewish physical
attributes, including large noses and the smell of garlic.
Although nearly one-half of the Jewish population in the Tsarist empire
resided in urban centers, the remainder of the population resided in small villages
known as shtetls. Shtetls were small towns largely segregated between Jews and nonJews where Jewish residents mostly spoke a dialect known as Yiddish, a combination
of mostly Hebrew and German along with influences from Eastern European
languages as well. In the shtetl, Hebrew was the language of the educated, as Jewish
boys were all expected to learn Hebrew and study the Torah, the holy book in the
Jewish faith. According to historian Ben Pinchuk, “Yiddish as the language and the
basis of shtetl popular culture included significant Slavic influences, as did the shtetl’s
folklore, music and cooking.”27 Although the Jews in the diaspora maintained their
connection to the Hebrew language and the Jewish faith and culture, they were
influenced by various customs in Eastern Europe such as music, folklore, and
cooking. Jewish immigrants from shtetls in Eastern Europe brought with them these
culture influences and as a result, formed their own unique Jewish identity. Ben-
Cion Pinchuk mentioned that Jews in the shtetl were physically distinguishable from
their non-Jewish Slavic neighbors, often possessing a darker skin complexion, for
example. Pinchuk described the common physical appearance of Jews in shtetls when
he stated, “During most of the nineteenth century, the men had beards and side-locks
(peyes), that set them further apart from the Slavic peasant.”28 Since it was a Jewish
custom that men not shave their facial hair or the sides of their heads, Jewish men
were easy to distinguish from their non-Jewish counterparts due to their bears and
sideburns. As descendants of Israelites who had migrated into Europe during the
diaspora, Jewish people continued to follow cultural traditions that made them stand
out from non-Jews in Europe.
Shtetl culture in the Tsarist empire was largely driven not only by the Yiddish
language and Slavic influences, but also by the holy book known as the Torah.
Nearly every aspect of individual, family, and community life in the shtetl were
determined by the Torah in these small Jewish communities.29 Historian Ben-Cion
Ben Pinchuk, “Jewish Discourse and the Shtetl,” Jewish History 15, No. 2 (2001): 170.
Ben-Cion Pinchuk, “The Shtetl,” Cahiers Du Monde Russe 41, No. 4 (2000): 503.
29
Ben Pinchuk, “Jewish Discourse and the Shtetl,” 173.
27
28
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Pinchuk pointed out that Judaic law had the most significant influence on the nature
of the shtetl, in which working hours were affected by daily prayer, and all business
came to a half on the Shabbat, the weekly day of rest in Judaism. Pinchuk also
mentioned that “Preparing for the Shabbat occupied an important part of the week
and could be noticed in the stores, at the marketplace and in the street.”30 In the
Jewish faith, the Shabbat was not only a weekly day of rest, but a day dedicated to
prayer, devotion to God, and worship in synagogues. Furthermore, the observance
Jewish holy days such as Pesakh, Sukot, and Purim all highlighted the Jewish culture
of the shtetl. Similar to the weekly Shabbat, all closed and everyday work came to a
complete halt in these villages. Customs observed on each holiday were visible in the
streets, illustrating the importance of Jewish faith and traditions in the shtetl.
In addition to markings of Jewish culture, shtetls were often recognized for
their appearance, which was different from that of other towns in Eastern Europe.
Shtetls were often described by travelers as dull and rundown, reflecting extreme
poverty and neglect, and having squalid conditions even in comparison to dull
Russian provincial towns.31 Sanitation was extremely poor in these villages, often
dubbed worse than in the poorest of Russian towns, with refuse simply thrown into
the street.32 The shtetl generally consisted of a central marketplace and a few brick
buildings surrounded by dilapidated wooden huts, generally lacking gardening or
decorations unlike those in non-Jewish villages. Ben-Cion Pinchuk described the
conditions of life in the shtetl when he stated, “The houses were crowded, the streets
without pavement or adequate drainage, the stores with little merchandise.”33 The
squalid conditions of the houses in the village revealed the restriction of Jews in the
Tsarist empire to a lower social status. Lack of attention to gardening, painting, and
decoration in comparison to non-Jewish neighbors also reflected the reservation for
external beauty often found in traditional Judaism.34 Therefore, houses in the shtetl
were often built mostly of wood, straw, and clay, which were the most cheap and
readily available building materials in the region.
Ben-Cion Pinchuk, “The Shtetl,” 503.
Ibid., 499.
32
Ibid., 500.
33
Ibid.
34
Ibid., 501.
30
31
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Since shtetls were too small to have a need for government buildings, the
majority of public buildings in these villages were devoted to the Jewish population.
Near the center of the villages were the synagogues, Jewish houses of prayer and
assembly. The number and appearance of synagogues reflected both the size of the
community and material well-being.35 The central synagogue was always built large
enough to accommodate the entire community for both religious and social purposes.
Synagogues served the Jewish community not only as houses of worship, but also as
assembly halls and places of study. According to historian Ben-Cion Pinchuk, “Small
places of worship were to be found all over town. They carried different names, Beit-
midrash, Shtibl, Kloiz, and served different sections of the community. Besides being
places of worship, the synagogues were also centers of learning of the scriptures and
their commentaries.”36 The most significant place of study and instruction in the
shtetl, however, was the Kheder, meaning “room,” located in the private residence of
a teacher who provided children with basic education. Thus, both synagogues and
“rooms” were places where children learned the Hebrew language and studied the
Torah along with its important teachings. These small school rooms could be found
all over the shtetl where children would gather to receive a basic elementary
education. Aside from the synagogue and the Kheder, shtetls in the Tsarist empire
also consisted of a Jewish cemetery, a kosher slaughterhouse and butcher shop, and a
ritual bath known as the Mikveh.37 To a travelling outsider, the cemetery was one of
the first signs that a Jewish community resided nearby. The buildings within the
shtetl village reflected the importance of the Jewish faith and customs, as each village
contained several buildings dedicated to the Jewish community, either for worship,
education, ritual bath, or kosher food preparation.
Although everyday life in the shtetl may have been relatively peaceful, during
the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Jews in all corners of the Pale of
Settlement were faced with violence in the form of riots known as pogroms. While
anti-Semitism had existed in Europe since the Medieval era, a new form of anti-
Semitism emerged in the Tsarist empire, which involved political reasons. Partially
since they were tired of being oppressed as second-class citizens, Jews in the empire
Ibid., 502.
Ibid., 502.
37
Ibid., 502.
35
36
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were often associated with revolutionary parties along with many of the non-Jewish
peasants. Jews were largely represented in Russian revolutionary parties, especially in
the Pale of Settlement where the first Marxist party in the empire, known as the
Bund, grew and prospered.38 The Bund worked to create a modern socialist future
free of conflict between ethnic groups, and also to protect Jews from pogrom violence
as anti-Jewish violence increased. A growing Zionist movement in the Pale of
Settlement, along with other Marxist socialist parties, defended Jewish communities
and stood up against pogrom violence for the first time between 1903 and 1905.39
This was a pivotal moment in the history of Jews in the Russian empire because
socialist parties such as Marxists, Zionists, and the Bund actively defended the Jewish
population by standing up against anti-Semitic violence.
The treatment of Jews as second-class citizens and emergence of pogroms in
the empire led many Jews to resent the Tsarist authorities. Many Jewish individuals
such as a young man named Grigorii Aronson chose to fight back by joining
revolutionary socialist parties. Among many other Jews in the Pale of Settlement,
Aronson was eager to spread revolutionary ideals that opposed the oppressive Tsarist
government. Between 1909 and 1914, for example, he worked as an editor for a
democratically oriented newspaper in Minsk and joined the Bund. Grigorii Aronson
enjoyed working openly and above ground as a newspaperman, public figure, and
activist for the Jewish workers’ party.40 Historian Gerald D. Surh described
Aronson’s contribution to the revolutionary effort by declaring, “He wrote several
books on Russian revolutionary politics, Russian Jewish history and even a book of
verse. Aronson also wrote prolifically for the Yiddish press on topics of concern to the
American Jewish community of his generation.”41 Grigorii Aronson was a confident
individual who courageously expressed opposition to the Tsarist government, writing
several works on both revolutionary politics and the history of Jews in Russia. He was
one of many individuals, especially in the Jewish community, who were tired of being
oppressed under the tsar and openly joined revolutionary parties that advocated for
reform.
38
Gerald D. Surh, “Russian Jewish Socialists and Antisemitism: The Case of Grigorii Aronson,”
Patterns of Prejudice 51, No. 3-4 (2017): 253.
Ibid., 258.
Ibid., 256.
41
Ibid., 257.
39
40
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While Jewish revolutionary parties such as the Bund and the Zionists aimed
to stand up to anti-Semitic violence and protect the Jewish communities from
pogroms, the violence did not stop. Pogroms began to occur in the Tsarist empire in
the late nineteenth century in 1881, and as time progressed toward the early twentieth
century, these riots became more violent and deadly. For instance, on May 2, 1881, a
telegram was sent in St. Petersburg regarding a pogrom that involved the destruction
of Jewish property. According to the author of the telegram, “One hundred houses
were pillaged, a quantity of furniture being thrown into the streets. Two hundred
people were injured during the riots.”42 In this pogrom, rioters pillaged and
vandalized some one-hundred houses in the Jewish community, throwing furniture
and belongings into the street. Two-hundred people were wounded in the process.
A similar pogrom occurred on an unknown date in 1881, during which the author of
a telegram described that “the rioters, aided by an influx of peasants from the
surrounding villages to join in the general melee, sacked the houses of the Jews,
destroyed their furniture, and stole or spoiled their wares.”43 Since no Jews were
killed during these early pogroms in 1881, it can be concluded that the goal of these
pogroms was not to kill anyone, but rather to destroy Jewish property and create fear
and intimidation.
Statistics regarding fatalities and injuries illustrate a change in the nature of
pogroms between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. For example,
historian Stefan Wiese concluded that the pogroms between 1881 and 1882 resulted
in a total of twenty-five Jewish fatalities, some of which seemed accidental rather than
intentional.44 The pogroms in the late nineteenth century revealed no evidence that
rioters used forms of violence to ensure victim’s deaths, such as the mutilation of
bodies. Thus, it is likely that the earlier pogroms were carried out to create fear and
intimidation rather than to deliberately murder members of the Jewish community.
On the contrary, pogroms in the twentieth century yielded higher numbers of
casualties, demonstrating a more violent nature of the riots. Historian Victoria
Khiterer reported that roughly six-hundred ninety pogroms took place between
42
“The Jewish Chronicle: Outrages Upon Jews in Russia, May 6, 1881,” Internet History Sourcebooks
Project, January 1999, https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/.
Ibid.
Stefan Wiese, “‘Spit Back with Bullets!’ Emotions in Russia's Jewish Pogroms, 1881 — 1905,”
Geschichte Und Gesellschaft 39, No. 4 (2013): 475.
43
44
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October 18 and 29 in 1905 alone, most of which occurred in the land of present-day
Ukraine where the majority of the Jewish population resided.45 Khiterer stated that in
the later pogroms, some three-thousand one-hundred Jews were killed, some twothousand severely injured, and more than fifteen-thousand wounded.46 Unlike the
earlier pogroms, statistics reveal that the later pogroms in the twentieth century,
which were most frequent and severe in 1905, were more violent, widespread, and
deadly.
Pogroms in the Tsarist empire were planned and executed largely in response
to the growing revolutionary movement, which was extremely prominent among
Jewish communities in the Pale of Settlement. Ironically, the vast majority of pogrom
victims were peaceful Jewish residents who were not involved in the revolutionary
movement. According to historian Victoria Khiterer, Russian authorities claimed
that the pogroms in October 1905 had occurred spontaneously against Jews and
radical members of the intelligentsia.47 However, Khiterer explained the involvement
of the authorities in these riots when she stated, “Clearly these pogroms were well
prepared in advance by anti-Semitic monarchist organizations, usually with the
connivance or active support of local authorities, for the suppression of revolutionary
activities.”48 The similarity of pogroms throughout the empire in October 1905
reveals that they were not spontaneous, but deliberately carried out by anti-Semitic
organizations, often with the active support of local authorities. Therefore, planning
and preparations for the riots were no secret to the authorities. Khiterer added that
the police in Odesa and Simferopol expressed their satisfaction with the upcoming
pogroms as acts of revenge against the Jews for their alleged involvement with
revolutionary activities. Instead of being mere spontaneous acts of violence, pogroms
in 1905 were deliberately planned and often approved by the local authorities in their
respective towns and cities.
During the 1905 pogroms, acts of violence against Jewish individuals were
much more extreme than they were during the earlier pogroms in the 1880’s. For
example, on April 25, 1905 in the city of Zhitomir, a man named Doctor Valknovskii
Victoria Khiterer, “The October 1905 Pogroms and the Russian Authorities,” Nationalities Papers
43, No. 5 (2015): 788.
46
Ibid., 788.
47
Ibid., 789.
48
Ibid.,: 790.
45
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claimed to have witnessed seven young men chasing a group of roughly twenty Jews,
beating them on their backs with sticks and clubs.49 Rather than simply inflicting
fear, rioters in the 1905 pogroms sought to create serious pain and suffering for their
victims. Historian Victorian Khiterer described another scene of violence during a
demonstration in Kyiv, in which “the crowd beat all Jews which it met on the street.
If after a few minutes an injured Jew tried to stand up or crawl away, they beat him
again.”50 Khiterer added that policemen often actively participated in the violence in
which they broke into city apartments and houses, often killing all the occupants
regardless of age. She illustrated a particularly disturbing scene during one pogrom
when she stated, “The rioters threw Jews from the top floor of multistory buildings,
raped girls and women before killing them, and tore babies to pieces in front of their
mothers.”51 Rioters, including policemen who actively supported the violence, would
mercilessly injure, murder, and torture innocent Jews of all ages, raping young girls
and forcing mothers to watch their babies be killed at their hands. While the
pogroms between 1881 and 1882 served the purpose of keeping the Jews and other
revolutionaries in line under the Tsarist rule, the 1905 pogroms proved to be much
more extreme. Rioters took pleasure in killing, harming, and torturing the innocent.
Non-Jewish bystanders expressed a wide range of reactions to the anti-Jewish
violence spreading throughout the Russian empire in the twentieth century. Most of
the gentile population was indifferent to the brutal fate of the Jews, while only the
most courageous gentiles hid or defended Jewish victims. Rioters who found Jews in
the residence of a Christian family not only killed the Jews, but also the Christians
who attempted to protect the Jews from the violence.52 For instance, a young
Christian student named Veneroky attempted to defend the Jews in the pogrom, but
was killed in front of the police.53 As riots began to spread through cities and towns
with significant Jewish populations, many Jews attempted to leave their homes and
find safety elsewhere. However, pogrom-makers organized gangs who attacked and
killed Jews at railway stations, on trains, and near river ports, ensuring that the Jews
49
Stefan Wiese, “‘Spit Back with Bullets!’ Emotions in Russia's Jewish Pogroms, 1881 — 1905,”
Geschichte Und Gesellschaft 39, No. 4 (2013): 472.
Victoria Khiterer, “The October 1905 Pogroms and the Russian Authorities,” Nationalities Papers
43, No. 5 (2015): 791.
51
Ibid., 793.
52
Ibid., 794.
53
Ibid., 794.
50
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�Standrowicz, History of the Jews in Russia
would not escape from their “revenge.”54 Even Jews who attempted to escape the
violence would find themselves at the mercy of travelling gangs of pogrom-makers.
While some gentiles opposed the extreme violence against the Jewish communities,
others proudly took part in the riots and joined the pogrom-makers. Historian Stefan
Wiese described the attitude of many rioters during the demonstrations when he
stated, “One of the first elements to catch the eye when studying contemporary
accounts of the pogrom is the festive mood noted among the non-Jews.”55 Observers
of the atrocities often remembered the rioters’ excited facial expressions and laughter
while carrying out acts of violence against their victims. Onlookers also reported that
the pogrom-makers shouted degrading and insulting words and also sang disturbing
songs in the midst of the demonstrations. Some gentiles were horrified by the
violence and courageously attempted to defend the Jews or hide Jewish families in
their homes, jeopardizing their own safety. Meanwhile, rioters and their followers
joined in the celebratory feeling of the pogroms, taking pleasure in harming, killing,
and torturing the Jews they encountered in the streets.
From the beginning of Imperial Russia to the twentieth century, Jews in the
Russian empire faced anti-Semitism in the form of social and economic oppression,
restriction of rights, and extreme violence through pogroms. Anti-Semitic
discrimination had existed in Europe since the Medieval era, with the notable
superstition that Jews ritually killed Christian children and used their blood to make
matzo. In the Russian empire, the Pale of Settlement was established under the reign
of Catherine the Great to confine the settlement of Jews to an area of land on the
western and southern boundaries of the empire. Jews faced discrimination in
education and universities as well as the legal system. Beginning in the late
nineteenth century, anti-Jewish sentiment led to the execution of pogroms that
became increasingly violent and deadly as time progressed into the twentieth century.
These acts of discrimination, oppression, and violence against Jewish communities
were driven by numerous factors including religious beliefs, racist theories, Jewish
stereotypes, and the association of Jews with revolutionary activity. Generations of
anti-Semitism pushed hundreds of thousands of Jews to emigrate from the Russian
Ibid., 795.
Stefan Wiese, “‘Spit Back with Bullets!’ Emotions in Russia's Jewish Pogroms, 1881 — 1905,”
Geschichte Und Gesellschaft 39, No. 4 (2013): 477.
54
55
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empire to other countries in western Europe as well as the United States of America.
The Jewish people in the Tsarist empire spent centuries living within a society that
needed a group to look down upon, leading the government to oppress them by
restricting their rights and keeping them in at a lower social status.
88
�Walker, 1619 Project and Capitalism
The 1619 Project and Capitalism: A Review
Evan Walker
Capitalism is as American as apple pie and winning world wars. It is
exemplified by the American mentality encapsulated in the classic phrase: “Anyone
can make it if they pull themselves up by their bootstraps.” However, for a lot of
people, it is more difficult to enjoy the fruits of such an ethic. I am talking of course
about African Americans. In 1619, the first African slaves landed on America’s shores
and started building the infrastructure for what would later become the world’s
biggest superpower of a nation. The release of the 1619 project has helped popularize
knowledge of the linkage of modern American capitalism and slavery. But thanks to
the New York Times and the journalists and historians who contributed, the
knowledge has hit the mainstream, and it in turn has sparked a new debate about race
and economics. The broad argument for capitalism’s linkage to slavery is that modern
financial institutions were founded in slavery. Wall Street itself, built by slaves. The
state of New York as a financial powerhouse, finds its roots in slavery. Matthew
Desmond, a writer for the Times, states his thesis: “In order to understand the
brutality of American capitalism, you have to start at the plantation.”1 To understand
his argument, we must dive deeper into the 1619 Project.
Founded by the Dutch in 1625, the New Amsterdam colony would later
become known as “New York.” After the English acquired it, slavery expanded
significantly. At one point, “40 percent of households had slaves.”2 The slaves of New
York built much of the local infrastructure, including famous roads like Broadway
and Bowery Street. New York City’s investment in slavery greatly expanded. Starting
in 1799, New York would pass a series of laws gradually banning slavery. But
investors continued to pour money into the slave enterprise, because many New York
financiers practically bankrolled the plantations to the south because of the cotton
Matthew Desmond, “In Order to Understand the Brutality of American Capitalism, You Have to
Start on the Plantation,” New York Times Magazine (August 14, 2019).
2
Tiya Miles, “How Slavery Made Wall Street,” New York Times Magazine (August 14, 2019).
1
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boom. According to Tiya Miles, New York City held “financial domination” of the
southern plantations: “New York City’s economic consolidation came as a result of its
dominance in the southern cotton trade, facilitated by the Erie canal.”3 Slavery started
New York’s financial dominance.
In the nineteenth century, cotton what was oil is now. It was a very widely
traded commodity. The problem with harvesting cotton is that it was—and is—a very
labor intensive, menial task. Cotton also sucks up the nutrients from soil quickly, so
growing cotton required the opening of more land for cultivation. So the US did what
it does best: seized land that was not theirs. Entire forests had to be cleared, and
slaves played a dominant role in chopping and axing those trees. As cotton expanded,
so did slavery, and so did American economic prosperity. By 1831, the US was
producing more than half of the world’s cotton crop, at 350 Million pounds of cotton
that year.4 Four years later, the US produced 500 million pounds. Northern and
Southern white elites grew rich off the labor of the enslaved people. This large-scale
production of the crop “hastened the invention of the factory,” an invention which led
to the Industrial Revolution and changed the course of human history. Desmond
asks: “Was it slavery that started the industrial revolution or was it just the mass
production of cotton?”5 Desmond addresses this question by pointing out that the
mass production of cotton could not have happened without slaves. Historian Eric
Williams put it best in his 1944 book “Slavery and Capitalism” when he said that
slavery helped finance the industrial revolution.6
Desmond points out how modern companies use a form of management that
finds its origins in slavery: “You report to someone, and someone reports to you.
Everything is tracked, recorded and analyzed…Data seems to hold a sway over every
operation.”7 However, in Accounting for Slavery; Caitlin Rosenthal points out that
until recently, economic historians played scant attention to the question of how
slavery impacted management practices: “slavery plays almost no role in histories of
management.”8 Desmond also cites Alfred Chandler’s 1977 book The Visible Hand.
Ibid.
Desmond, “In Order to Understand the Brutality of American Capitalism.”
5
Ibid.
6
Scott Reynolds Nelson, “Review Essay: Who Put their Capitalism in My Slavery?” Journal of the
Civil War Era 5, no. 2 (June 2015): 290.
7
Desmond, “In Order to Understand the Brutality of American Capitalism.”
8
Caitlin Rosenthal, Accounting for Slavery (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2019), 6.
3
4
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Since this book’s publication, business historians have come to a consensus that
modern business and management practices can be traced back to major railroad
companies, with slavery playing only a small role in their adoption.9 According to
Richard R. John, a business historian from Harvard University, “Chandler grounded
his account of the managerial revolution in a three-stage model of economic
development.”10 Chandler argues that the first stage from 1790-1840 had no
influence on modern business practices. Instead, he finds the origin in the second
stage which was from 1840-1880 due to the steam railroad and the invention of the
telegraph. Desmond points out that plantations needed to put their production into
overdrive. To do this, they needed to make a hierarchical system where one person
reports to another to make sure that everything is running smoothly. If this sounds
familiar, it is because that is how almost every office in America works. One person
reports to another to make sure that everybody is being held accountable for their
work. There was also a “central office” made up of the plantation owners and lawyers
to make sure long-term goals are being met. This sounds more and more like the
modern American corporate structure. On one particular plantation, “The owner
supervised a top lawyer, who supervised another lawyer, who supervised an overseer,
who supervised three bookkeepers, who supervised 16 enslaved head drivers and
specialists (like bricklayers), who supervised hundreds of enslaved workers.”11 Like
modern companies, slave owners knew that to get maximum profit that they had to
get the most amount of work possible out of their slaves. Bookkeepers kept a close
watch on the output of each plantation. Plantation “entrepreneurs” like Thomas
Affleck wrote a book called the “Plantation Record and Account Book” which
released eight editions until the ending of the Civil War. According to Caitlin
Rosenthal, this book “was really at the cutting edge of the informational technologies
available to businesses during this period.”12 What Desmond has done is prove the
link between the managerial business practices of slave owners and modern corporate
America.
I agree with Desmond in all of the points that he made. America was built on
Alfred D. Chandler, Jr., The Visible Hand (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 285.
Richard R. John, “Elaborations, Revisions, Dissents: Alfred D. Chandler’s The Visible Hand after
Twenty Years,” Business History Review 71, no. 2 (Summer 1997): 156.
11
Desmond, “In Order to Understand the Brutality of American Capitalism.”
12
Rosenthal, Accounting for Slavery.
9
10
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the scarred backs of slaves. It was slavery that jumpstarted the industrial revolution. It
was slavery that hastened the invention of the factory. Still today we see signs of
slavery in our corporate structure, in our business practices. To conclude, slavery has
an indisputable link with modern American capitalism.
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The Puritan Religion and the Salem Witch Trials
Stephanie Miller
The Salem witch trials, which were conducted during the years 1692-1693,
were a dark time in American history. It is a part of this country’s past that will live
on forever, one where the people who lost their lives will always be remembered in
history books as a great tragedy. The chaos and uncertainty that accompanied those
times remain a hot topic of discussion, and the events and texts of those times are still
studied today. While there were a few different causes that fueled the trials, perhaps
one of the most prominent ones was the Puritan religion. But just how much of an
effect did this religion have on the Salem witch trials? There is no doubt that religion
was very important to the people of New England during this time, and it was taken
very seriously. The first English settlers of America left Great Britain in search of
religious freedom and most of them were Puritans. This religion had a great effect on
what happened during the Salem witch trials and why the trials took the road they
did.
In 1630 John Winthrop was the governor of Massachusetts. The ship that he
arrived on, the Arbella, was part of a fleet that carried some of the earliest settlers
from England to the New World. This new expedition of colonializing the New
World led Winthrop to deliver his famous sermon, “A Model of Christian Charity,”
which would come to be widely associated with the phrase, “a City upon a Hill.”
When referring to “a City upon a Hill,” Winthrop was using the analogy of how the
Puritans were to be the shining example for the people of the new colonies. Their
Puritan faith was to be the beacon of light and hope, and they were to set the
standards of what a good and Godly life ought to be. When speaking of Winthrop’s
sermon, Edmund S. Morgan said that, “It offers an explicit statement…of the idea
that the Bay Colony was in covenant with God, a chosen people, a new Israel. It has
accordingly become the very emblem of the Puritan quest, the manifesto in which
Winthrop proclaimed the place of Massachusetts as a “city upon a hill”1. Although
Edmund S. Morgan, “John Winthrop's ‘Model of Christian Charity’ in a Wider
Context,” Huntington Library Quarterly 50, no. 2 (1987): 145–151.
1
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Winthrop did not settle in Salem, the Puritan beliefs carried on throughout most of
New England and they all followed relatively the same beliefs.
Puritanism was officially formed during the reign of Elizabeth I, who was the
last surviving child of King Henry VIII. Her sister Mary, who ruled before her, had
been a Catholic and was attempting to restore Catholicism in England after her
father’s establishment of the Church of England. During Mary’s reign, she attempted
to rid the country of Protestants which resulted in a violent pursuit, and Mary had
many of them executed; this earned her the nickname Bloody Mary. Elizabeth’s
religious beliefs did not exactly line up with her sister’s, and therefore, during her
reign, she led England back on track to follow the Church of England. There was
great division among the people as religions clashed, and people found it difficult to
get along. When Elizabeth ascended the throne, she welcomed the Protestants back
and turned the tables on the Catholics; it was now their turn to face religious
persecutions. However, some of the Protestants did not agree with the way Elizabeth
was running the Church, which led to a further split among the people. This division
would break off into another section of Protestantism, and it is during this time that
Puritanism is seen to have been fully established. There were two major beliefs in
Puritanism that set it apart from Catholicism and the Church of England. The first
was that Puritanism followed more closely to the scripture than most other
Protestants did. The second was that it simply enforced the practice of anti-
Catholicism. Puritans believed that the wrongdoings in the Catholic religion came
directly from the Pope, and therefore they wanted to separate themselves from being
under his rule. Francis J. Brenner states that, “For the Puritans…the papacy was the
source of all doctrinal and ceremonial errors that had taken the church off the course
initially set by Christ and his early disciples.”2 Puritans wanted a religion free from
the Pope, and one that followed closely to the scriptures for their teachings.
In Salem, religion was extremely important, and the majority of the people
that lived there during the trials were Puritans. Marilyn J. Westerkamp states that,
“the colonizers were mostly Puritans, and their identity as Puritans would come to
define not only the religious organizations but also the cultural climate, social
Francis J. Bremer Puritanism: A Very Short Introduction (New York. Oxford University Press,
2009), 7.
2
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environment, and political structures of New England through the next century.”3
Puritanism was the religion that was there during the start of the colonies and it had a
major influence on the colony’s growth and development. It was the foundation that
New England was built on, and the Puritan beliefs greatly affected most areas of how
the colonies were established.
For Puritans, staying loyal and true to God was the number one priority in
their lives, and it was something that they strived to do every day. To them,
witchcraft was just the opposite of this. Witchcraft was seen to be in association with
the devil, which was just about as far away as a person could stray from their faith. In
order for someone to become a Witch, it was believed that a person had to have had
direct contact with the devil and that they signed his book. That is why when the
accusations of witchcraft being practiced in Salem Village started to arise, the fear
spread very fast and the accusations were taken very seriously. Bryan F. Le Beau said
that “the accused were believed to have been enticed into their heretical beliefs by the
devil. They were charged with having participated in nocturnal rituals presided over
by the devil, wherein they engaged in orgies, renounced Christ, desecrated the
Crucifix, and paid homage to the devil.”4 It is very easy to see how much this would
be frowned upon by the Puritans and also why fear was such a large part of what
fueled the trials; in order for people to be witches, there had to be some sort of direct
contact with the devil. Because of the rash and ill judgement fear often brings to
people, it caused a lot of trouble for the villagers of Salem, even for those who were
innocent.
Accusations seemed to be coming from every corner. Even if there was no
proof behind an accusation, it would still be investigated in some form to either clear
the person’s name or take the necessary steps in order to rid the village of the witch.
Consorting with the devil was one of the worst sins a person could commit, and the
people of Salem truly believed that they needed to root out the evil that they thought
was infesting their village. If they did nothing, then the threat would spread, and
more and more people would fall victim to the witches and devil. There were several
young girls who lived in the Salem Village, such as Abigail Williams, who were
Marilyn J. Westerkamp, Women and Religion in Early America, 1600-1850: The Puritan and
Evangelical Traditions (New York: Routledge, 2020), 10.
4
Bryan Le Beau, Story of The Salem Witch Trials (New York: Routledge, 2017), 5.
3
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accusing some of the local women of being witches and said that they were using their
powers to make them ill. The young girls would go into fits and have seizures, and
their bodies would move and convulse in an unnatural way. Elizabeth Reis gives an
insightful view into what could have been the cause of this when she says:
Abigail Williams, Betty Paris, and others continued to experience their
afflictions and to accuse people of witchcraft. We will never know
exactly why, but whether accusers and witnesses sincerely believed that
the accused had signed a devil’s pact and afflicted others, whether they
contemplated political or familial revenge, whether they simply
continued to play a game that had gotten out of hand, whether they
pursued a strategy to deflect suspicion from themselves, or whether
they calculated fraud, they knew that their stories would be believed.
In their religious world witchcraft accusations…were credible and
demanded action because they were so threating.5
The Puritan religion required all accusations to be taken seriously, even if the person
accused was a God-fearing person who always attended church and lived a good life.
There was no one safe from the investigation once they were accused, no matter how
good of a religious person they were.
While those who were judging the accused were using their faith as a
guideline, those who were persecuted were also using their faith to see them through
their hardships. Mary Easty is an example of how some of the accused kept hold of
their faith, even when they were in the position of losing their lives. She was wrongly
accused and convicted of witchcraft, but she did not let that ruin her hold on her
faith, nor did it lead her to turn her back on God. Easty could have saved her life by
admitting to using witchcraft and publicly giving herself to God to be saved; as long
as the accused confessed to the crime of witchcraft and agreed to change their life for
the better, they would be saved from being executed. Tituba, a woman from the West
Indies who moved to Salem, accepted this plea for her life and was allowed to live
despite her involvement with witchcraft. In regard to this guilty plea, Lori Lee
Wilson explains that “those who confessed were not executed. The magistrates
reasoned that witches who confessed had repented of their sins, and the devil was no
longer with them. Besides, they were useful as witnesses against those who insisted
Elizabeth Reis, Damned Women: Sinners and Witches in Puritan New England (New York: Cornell
University Press, 1999), 7-8.
5
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they were innocent. Those who defended their innocence in spite of the testimony of
confessed witches and spectral evidence of the afflicted were hanged”.6 Tituba
confessed to what it was that she had done wrong and had also given the magistrates
names of other women who she said were also practicing witchcraft. The admission
of guilt was a way for people to escape death, but Easty would not take that plea; as a
Puritan, she believed that it was better to be truthful and honest than to lie to save her
own life. By lying, she could have endangered her soul which would have been much
worse than dying by a false accusation. If she died while remaining close to God, then
she had a good chance of entering Heaven after her death; if she lied, she might have
saved her mortal body, but by doing so she could have condemned herself to spend
eternity in Hell. These were just some of the views that the Puritans believed and
how their faith was an important part of the trials. While Easty was ready to lose her
life for holding on to her truths, she was also willing to sacrifice herself in order for
others to be spared.
In her final plea, Easty begged that she would be the last innocent life to be
lost on the accusation of witchcraft and that the judges would be able to see their
wrong doings and spare the other lives that were put before them. In her petition she
states:
I petition to your honors not for my own life, for I know I must die,
and my appointed time is set. But the Lord He knows it is, that if it be
possible, no more innocent blood may be shed…I question not but
your honors does to the utmost of your powers in the discovery and
detecting of witchcraft, and witches, and would not be guilty of
innocent blood for the world. But by my own innocence I know you
are in the wrong way. The Lord in His infinite mercy directs you in
this great work, if it be His blessed will, that no more innocent blood
be shed.7
Easty was willing to allow herself to be a victim of the unjust judgement cast on her,
as long as others would be spared the same fate. She knew that the standards and
logic that the judges and accusers were using to condemn people was flawed and that
many more would die if they continued down this path. Therefore, she knew
something had to change in order for things to take a turn for the better. Easty could
have been very spiteful and hateful towards those who were condemning her, but her
6
7
Lori Lee Wilson, The Salem Witch Trials (Minneapolis: The Lerner Publishing Group, 1999), 27.
“Petition of Mary Easty.”
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petition was full of selflessness and compassion. Her petition shows just how much
her faith meant to her and how it was a central point in her life.
Susannah Martin was another woman during the Salem witch trials who was
accused of using witchcraft. During her trial, she was a little more aggressive to her
judges and accusers than Easty was, but her point was the same as hers; that she was
innocent and that she would not lie to save herself. She stated that, “I desire to lead
my life according to the word of God.”8 When asked if she would lie, she replied, “I
would not tell a lye if it would save my life.”9 She knew lying could save her but
refused to go down that path. It was better to die while telling the truth than to live a
lie. They then asked her if she would tell the truth, to which she replied, “I have
spoken nothing else.”10 Both of these women were honest and truthful and did no
harm to anyone, and yet their lives were taken from them.
Arthur Miller’s famous play, The Crucible, also touches on the subject of
taking the guilty plea. Although his play is not completely historically accurate, he
based his characters on real people who lived during the trials and did his best to be as
accurate and truthful to the real-life situations as he could. In Miller’s notes on the
historical accuracy of his play, he states that, “The fate of each character is exactly that
of his historical model, and there is no one in the drama who did not play a similar—
and in some cases exactly the same—role in history”11. In Miller’s play, John Proctor
was a man who was convicted of witchcraft. After he and several other men joined
forces to attempt to save their wives from being executed, Proctor and some of the
other men found themselves in line with their wives to have their lives taken. Proctor,
like the other accused, was given the option to sign a confession and have his life
spared, as Tituba had done. It took some convincing, but Proctor seemed willing to
sign the confession and start a new life. But once it was mentioned that his confession
would be posted publicly for all the village people to see, Proctor refused. What is
interesting about this situation is that Proctor knew that by lying with his confession,
he was damning his soul. He accepted that in exchange for his life. But he could not
and would not allow his name to be ruined in the eyes of the people of Salem. This
was where he drew the line. When he was asked why he would not allow his name on
“Examination of Susannah Martin.”
Ibid.
10
Ibid.
11
Arthur Miller, The Crucible (New York: Penguin Classics, 2003), 2.
8
9
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the confession to be placed in public, he replied, “Because it is my name! Because I
cannot have another in my life! Because I lie and sign myself to lies! Because I am not
worth the dust on the feet of them that hang! How may I live without my name? I
have given you my soul; leave me my name!”12 Proctor was also struggling with the
idea of betraying his friends whom he had fought so hard beside in the attempt to
free their wives. He knew that if he signed a confession, it would be like turning his
back on them and make what they fought for seem like nothing.
While Easty and Martin were using religion to help them navigate the messy
waters they were in, those who were judging them were doing the same. John
Hathorne was one of the judges who conducted the Salem witch rials. He and the
other judges believed that what they were doing was right. They truly believed that
they needed to get rid of whoever was associated with witchcraft. Unfortunately, this
left little room for proper trials to happen, and the judges of the Salem trials are now
looked upon with anger and frustration. How could these men have killed twenty
innocent people? The reasoning behind this is that, as mentioned earlier in the essay,
witchcraft was strongly believed to have connections with the devil. Reis explains
that, “In the Puritan world Satan’s appearance signaled God’s severe displeasure. And
once Satan had successfully gained access to an individual or a community at large,
Puritans believed he was very difficult to exorcise”13. To have this kind of threat
hanging over the people of this village was just unacceptable and drastic measures
needed to be made in order to save the people of Salem. Hathorne and the other
judges saw what they were doing as a necessary act to save the village, and they were
blind to the evil that was coming from their actions. To them, the executions were a
necessary part of ridding the village of the witches, and their actions were seen as just
by a lot of people. The fear that was consuming the people of the village was enough
for the pleas of the innocently accused to fall on deaf ears. Only by confessing and
pledging a life devoted to God would their life be spared, and not everyone who was
accused was willing to risk losing their soul for their mortal life.
The Salem witch trials lead to a lot of tragedies and unjust actions, and there
can be no denying the horrible and unnecessary way that the twenty people lost their
Miller, The Crucible, 133.
Elizabeth Reis, Damned Women: Sinners and Witches in Puritan New England (New York:
Cornell University Press, 1999), 7.
12
13
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lives. It is a shame that the Puritan religion played such an important part in the bad
outcome of the trials, seeing as many people look to religion as a comfort and use it to
guide them through life. The Puritans attempted to be good and Godly people, but it
would seem that they let their religious beliefs get out of hand in an extreme way.
While it is not wrong to want to follow religious beliefs and practice them, people
cannot allow them to rule their lives in a negative way. Religion can often help people
see the good in bad situations and can bring out the best in people; most religions
practice compassion and charity. But the judges of the Salem trials were so caught up
in expelling every trace of witchcraft that they were blind to the good and innocent
people placed before them. They seemed determined to only see the negative side of
things during the trials and seemed to completely forget that these were actual people
that they were dealing with, and not just some evil manifestation. If they had taken a
step back and truly observed what was going on, the trials could have had a totally
different outcome. Instead, they were rash and excessive, and innocent people paid
the price for this.
While the judges let their religious views on witchcraft get out of hand, those
accused also used their religion as a way to hold on to hope. Easty and Martin were
determined to hold on to their faith in God and allowed His will to be done. They
did not lose faith and knew that if they remained loyal to God, they would get their
reward in the afterlife. They used their Puritan faith as a way to keep themselves from
falling into despair and did not let the dark situation they were in bring them to
despair in God. They seemed to have a very different view of things then the judges
and their accusers did, and while both sides were heavily relying on their faith, the
side of the accused allowed their religion to continue to be a beacon of hope in their
lives, while the accusers and judges allowed their faith to be turned into fear and ruled
their lives in a dark way.
The Salem witch trials are a lesson on how much religion can have an effect
on the lives of people, and how it can be turned into something ugly. It was not a bad
thing for the Puritans to want to live a life that was closely associated with God, it
was their religion and it was very important to them. However, there is the blatantly
obvious negative affect that this had on the accused people of Salem Village, and it
should be a reminder for people to always be vigilant in what path they are allowing
their religion to take them on.
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Two Georges: History in Black and White
Professor Danielle King
In the United States, the lives of Black men have been characterized by
vulnerability, instability, and insecurity. During enslavement, they were whipped,
raped, hunted by patrols, and killed with impunity. Europeans in the United
States had the privilege of disciplining Black people as they saw fit. The
Europeans who came to the United States were of British, Scottish, Dutch,
German, and Irish descent. The term European was swiftly replaced by “white” as
the antithesis of the Black enslaved people who originated from Angola, Congo,
Gabon, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, and Senegal. Being “white” became a
privilege that was used to sustain civil domination, especially after Bacon’s
Rebellion in 1675.
Nathaniel Bacon led Bacon’s Rebellion in Jamestown, Virginia, against
William Berkeley, the governor of the colony. European indentured servants and
enslaved Blacks became allied in their plan to destroy Jamestown. This
insurrection against Britain threatened to topple the socio-economic hierarchy. As
a result, laws were passed to make Blacks enslaved by heredity into perpetuity.
European indentured servants and farmers advanced in social stature as they were
given more power by landowners. This was specifically executed in order to create
more of a divide between “whites” and Blacks, to avoid any potential joining of
forces in future rebellions.
With the Missouri Compromise in 1820, Missouri was admitted to the
Union as a state that allowed enslavement. Maine was admitted as a free state,
and enslavement was banned in former Louisiana Purchase lands north of a
designated land line. Additionally, in that same year, states that required voters
to be property owners, removed that clause for “white men” and added new, and
different requirements for Black men. As a result, “white” men rose in society
and became more protective of maintaining their increased wealth, power, and
status.
The chasm between Black and “white” continued to widen after the
Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 and expanded further throughout the period
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of Reconstruction from 1865- 1877. This era was a short-lived period of healing
and rebuilding in the South following the ending of the American Civil War. The
Reconstruction Act of 1866-1867 attempted to strike down restrictive codes that
targeted Blacks. The 14th Amendment in 1868 promised to provide equal
protection to Blacks under the law, and grant citizenship to all persons born or
naturalized in the United States. The 15th Amendment in 1870 granted suffrage to
Black men, however they remained disenfranchised by poll taxes, literacy tests, and
other means for almost another century. Despite these constitutional amendments
designed to aid Blacks, “white” dominance and subordination persisted. In 1880
Frederick Douglass observed that “the old master class is to-day triumphant, and
the newly enfranchised class in a condition but little able that in which they were
found before the rebellion.”1 Similarly, W.E.B. Du Bois wrote of the post-Civil
War era that “the slave went free; stood for a brief moment in the sun; then moved
back again toward slavery.”2
Growing up in rural Missouri in the 1920s, my father George was
sheltered as much as possible from knowledge of enslavement, and the Jim Crow
laws of the Deep South that prohibited Afrikan Americans from achieving
cultural equality through segregation. Born in 1927, George grew up in St.
Louis, Missouri, where the tremors of the Deep South’s racial earthquakes from
Black Codes, lynching, and peonage were felt.3
Joining the United States Airforce at eighteen, George was sent to
Frederick Douglass, The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (Boston: DeWolfe, Fiske, & Co.,
1895), 611.
2
W.E.B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America, 1860-1880 (New York: Free Press, 1998), 30.
3
Afrika has thousands of languages and evidence from Afrikan linguistics show that in most Afrikan
languages, there is no letter “c.” Languages carry historical messages from ancestors to new generations
with a sense of pride in ancestry. As these languages were revised and rewritten by Europeans, the
messages were erased. The Afrikan country Kongo become Congo, and the capital city of Ghana,
Akkra, is now Accra. As a colonizer, changing an existing language to suit European standards was the
beginning of the removal of Afrikan political, scientific, religious culture, then assigning it to the
colonizing oppressor. Gwendolyn Brooks, the first Black author to win the Pulitzer Prize, selected the
Kiswahili spelling of Afrika with a “k” in order to reconnect and fuse herself and her work with the
language of the ancestors. Brooks links her audience as well and signifies the loss of her potential
native language through enslavement. Haki R. Madhubuti, noted poet and author, advocated for
spelling “Afrika” with the letter “K” in his collection of essays, From Plan to Planet: Life Studies—The
Need for Afrikan Minds and Institutions (Chicago: Third World Press, 1979). In this collection,
Madhubuti encourages Black people to control their destiny and to step away from imposed control.
This self-determination and empowerment begins with reclaiming Afrikan languages.
1
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�King, Two Georges
Shepherd’s Field, Texas and became a Military Policeman. There, he experienced
racism after he, and military colleagues of Mexican ethnicity, were not allowed to
enter restaurants through the front door, if at all. Incidences like these instilled in
George contempt for all matters of racial injustice. Being in the service opened
his eyes to see the racism that had always existed. Nevertheless, upon returning
from his drafted voyage during the Second World War, he learned about the evils
of racism, and devoted his life to the elimination of this transgression.
Abandoning his original hopes of becoming a minister, George became a
journalist, aiming to correct attitudes “based on erroneous information” and enlighten
the public about the civil rights that had not been granted to Afrikan Americans.
Hand in hand with the church, George used his faith as a way to free him from the
troubles brought on by the dominantly “white” and racist community. In this respect,
the church acted as a liberator during his most difficult times and allowed him to
share as much information about civil rights with an ignorant community.
The rural South of George’s lifetime was a land void of civil laws that
protected the rights of minorities in the 1920s. Segregated movie houses, schools,
restaurants, lodging, and public transportation were the casualties of the South’s
racial warfare against civil rights that young George had to experience. When he
returned from the draft, he received his undergraduate degree in Journalism.
Seeking an occupation, George moved to Chicago with the hope of being able to
have his voice heard. In 1952, George began to work for The Chicago Daily
Defender, the principal Chicago newspaper aimed at promoting civil rights. The
newspaper appealed, apart from Chicago and the North, to the southern states,
encouraging Blacks to migrate to the North as a social upgrade from
sharecropping. At the Defender he covered the criminal courts, and community
news with stories about the uproar of a “white” community after a Black family
moved into a “white” housing project.
George worked at The Defender during a time of “tokenism” when Blacks
were hired minimally, their employers thought that one token Black employee was
enough to belie the company’s otherwise racist policies. Civil rights spokesmen
pushed the government to avoid punishing solely overt acts of racism like tokenism
and instead urged its’ elimination, giving Blacks fair representation in schools, jobs,
and other aspects of society. Court officials took heed of Lyndon B. Johnson and
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John F. Kennedy’s attempts to ensure that Blacks gained jobs based on merit and
not racial preference. Companies suspected of not hiring enough minorities were
penalized, and outreach to minorities became standard.
Civil rights groups like the National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People (N.A.A.C.P.) that George strongly supported, attacked school
segregation, exposed any uninvestigated lynching, and fumed over Black
unemployment under Roosevelt in 1941. The strain against the civil rights
coalition of Blacks, however, gave rise to new hostilities as “whites” felt this
“reverse racism” was unconstitutional.
Throughout the rest of his life, whether he was rallying in the Civil Rights
Movement or was infuriated at the Apartheid of South Africa, the church was the
crucial variable that George was allowed to use in his revolt against society and his
struggle for ethnic peace. Despite this history of hardship and pain, deliberately
designed to keep Afrikan Americans from advancing in all aspects of life, “white”
edicts of racism have not fully curtailed Black progress. This progress, ambition,
and sense of purpose has released latent “white” resentment that has resulted in the
lynching of Black men by “white” men in blue uniforms. In fact, the star-shaped
badges or insignia that some law enforcement officers wear today, are remnants of
the star-shaped badges that were used to identify the “Slave” Patrollers or Patty
Rollers that hunted Black people during times of enslavement.
George Floyd’s murder was a modern-day lynching. Who can forget the
scornful sneer, and casually pocketed hands of the “white” officer that snuffed out
George Floyd’s life by kneeling on his neck while three other officers stood idly by
and watched? Those officers are America’s legacy of white supremacy,
imprisonment, peonage, sharecropping, Jim Crow, lynching, and enslavement all
in one. Distressingly, the image of an unarmed George Floyd on May 25, 2020,
lying prone on the ground, with at least two “white” men standing over him, is
eerily similar to many archival photos of “whites” attending a lynching. These
troubling photos usually show crowds of “white” observers gathered around the
victim, with expressions ranging from exuberance to nonchalance. The fact that
George Floyd was murdered by a neck crushing injury, painfully recalls the many
Afrikan Americans who were lynched with nooses.
The similarities do not end there. Attending a lynching was an event.
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People sent picture postcards and kept souvenirs to prove they were there. With
George Floyd, the video of his lynching circumnavigated the globe within hours
with his own hashtags, #JusticeForGeorgeFloyd and #ICantBreathe. The latter
hashtag was previously utilized after the murder of Eric Garner by chokehold at the
hands of yet another “white” police officer. Black people everywhere have been and
continue to be viewed as inferior beings solely because of their skin color, with their
life-or-death dependent upon the whims of “whites.” The murders of Breonna
Taylor, Michael Brown, Tamir Rice, Walter Scott, Alton Sterling, Philando
Castile, Stephon Clark, and Amadou Diallo all involved police mistreatment and
stirred public consciousness. George Floyd’s murder was different.
What made the murder of yet another Black man in police custody spark
such outrage? There had been many prior calls for change regarding civil rights,
equalities, and injustices. At the time of Mr. Floyd’s murder, many people were at
home during the COVID-19 pandemic.
This meant that more people watched the horrifying video repeatedly,
recognized the abhorrence of the video, and were prompted to protest. Tensions
were already high from being forced to quarantine, coupled with the murders of
Ahmaud Arbery on February 23, 2020, and Breonna Taylor on March 13, 2020.
The pandemic brought high unemployment, contributing to even more people
being at home, allowing them to protest in droves without concern for work
responsibilities. For the first time, many people felt compelled to unify and march
together regardless of race, creed, or gender.
Learning from my father about race relations, as well as the sociological
and emotional challenges he endured brings the struggle for civil rights into
sharper perspective. He often taught me how disenfranchised people revolted
against the system with their writing, art, organizing, songs, churches, and
protests. Many of the people he knew, if not all of them, were actively involved in
agitating and awakening the minds, souls, and spirits of the oppressed.
Consequently, many people from that era produced literary work that has
become world-renowned, while others changed society with their actions,
all of which are now part of American history.
Many believe that “white” racism is a variant of ethnocentrism with
“white” privilege buried deep in American society since enslavement. After four
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hundred years of repeatedly demanding accountability for overt acts of racism and
countless lynchings of Black people, walking in the streets with signs protesting
George Floyd’s murder may or may not bring widespread structural change to a
fortified system of oppression. Our screams have been heard for years and yet,
they are still sometimes met with jeers, then silence. Nevertheless, we will
“It’s been a long time comin’, but I know, A change is gonna come.”4
wait,
“A Change is Gonna Come”, song by Afrikan American singer/songwriter Sam Cooke, February
1964.This song was inspired by events in Sam Cooke’s life such as being refused lodging while
traveling. The song became an anthem during the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s.
4
106
�
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https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/Vol._48_num._1_Clio_-_2021/6833/Clio_Ch_7_Miller.pdf
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Miller, Puritan Religion
The Puritan Religion and the Salem Witch Trials
Stephanie Miller
The Salem witch trials, which were conducted during the years 1692-1693,
were a dark time in American history. It is a part of this country’s past that will live
on forever, one where the people who lost their lives will always be remembered in
history books as a great tragedy. The chaos and uncertainty that accompanied those
times remain a hot topic of discussion, and the events and texts of those times are still
studied today. While there were a few different causes that fueled the trials, perhaps
one of the most prominent ones was the Puritan religion. But just how much of an
effect did this religion have on the Salem witch trials? There is no doubt that religion
was very important to the people of New England during this time, and it was taken
very seriously. The first English settlers of America left Great Britain in search of
religious freedom and most of them were Puritans. This religion had a great effect on
what happened during the Salem witch trials and why the trials took the road they
did.
In 1630 John Winthrop was the governor of Massachusetts. The ship that he
arrived on, the Arbella, was part of a fleet that carried some of the earliest settlers
from England to the New World. This new expedition of colonializing the New
World led Winthrop to deliver his famous sermon, “A Model of Christian Charity,”
which would come to be widely associated with the phrase, “a City upon a Hill.”
When referring to “a City upon a Hill,” Winthrop was using the analogy of how the
Puritans were to be the shining example for the people of the new colonies. Their
Puritan faith was to be the beacon of light and hope, and they were to set the
standards of what a good and Godly life ought to be. When speaking of Winthrop’s
sermon, Edmund S. Morgan said that, “It offers an explicit statement…of the idea
that the Bay Colony was in covenant with God, a chosen people, a new Israel. It has
accordingly become the very emblem of the Puritan quest, the manifesto in which
Winthrop proclaimed the place of Massachusetts as a “city upon a hill”1. Although
Edmund S. Morgan, “John Winthrop's ‘Model of Christian Charity’ in a Wider
Context,” Huntington Library Quarterly 50, no. 2 (1987): 145–151.
1
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Winthrop did not settle in Salem, the Puritan beliefs carried on throughout most of
New England and they all followed relatively the same beliefs.
Puritanism was officially formed during the reign of Elizabeth I, who was the
last surviving child of King Henry VIII. Her sister Mary, who ruled before her, had
been a Catholic and was attempting to restore Catholicism in England after her
father’s establishment of the Church of England. During Mary’s reign, she attempted
to rid the country of Protestants which resulted in a violent pursuit, and Mary had
many of them executed; this earned her the nickname Bloody Mary. Elizabeth’s
religious beliefs did not exactly line up with her sister’s, and therefore, during her
reign, she led England back on track to follow the Church of England. There was
great division among the people as religions clashed, and people found it difficult to
get along. When Elizabeth ascended the throne, she welcomed the Protestants back
and turned the tables on the Catholics; it was now their turn to face religious
persecutions. However, some of the Protestants did not agree with the way Elizabeth
was running the Church, which led to a further split among the people. This division
would break off into another section of Protestantism, and it is during this time that
Puritanism is seen to have been fully established. There were two major beliefs in
Puritanism that set it apart from Catholicism and the Church of England. The first
was that Puritanism followed more closely to the scripture than most other
Protestants did. The second was that it simply enforced the practice of anti-
Catholicism. Puritans believed that the wrongdoings in the Catholic religion came
directly from the Pope, and therefore they wanted to separate themselves from being
under his rule. Francis J. Brenner states that, “For the Puritans…the papacy was the
source of all doctrinal and ceremonial errors that had taken the church off the course
initially set by Christ and his early disciples.”2 Puritans wanted a religion free from
the Pope, and one that followed closely to the scriptures for their teachings.
In Salem, religion was extremely important, and the majority of the people
that lived there during the trials were Puritans. Marilyn J. Westerkamp states that,
“the colonizers were mostly Puritans, and their identity as Puritans would come to
define not only the religious organizations but also the cultural climate, social
Francis J. Bremer Puritanism: A Very Short Introduction (New York. Oxford University Press,
2009), 7.
2
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environment, and political structures of New England through the next century.”3
Puritanism was the religion that was there during the start of the colonies and it had a
major influence on the colony’s growth and development. It was the foundation that
New England was built on, and the Puritan beliefs greatly affected most areas of how
the colonies were established.
For Puritans, staying loyal and true to God was the number one priority in
their lives, and it was something that they strived to do every day. To them,
witchcraft was just the opposite of this. Witchcraft was seen to be in association with
the devil, which was just about as far away as a person could stray from their faith. In
order for someone to become a Witch, it was believed that a person had to have had
direct contact with the devil and that they signed his book. That is why when the
accusations of witchcraft being practiced in Salem Village started to arise, the fear
spread very fast and the accusations were taken very seriously. Bryan F. Le Beau said
that “the accused were believed to have been enticed into their heretical beliefs by the
devil. They were charged with having participated in nocturnal rituals presided over
by the devil, wherein they engaged in orgies, renounced Christ, desecrated the
Crucifix, and paid homage to the devil.”4 It is very easy to see how much this would
be frowned upon by the Puritans and also why fear was such a large part of what
fueled the trials; in order for people to be witches, there had to be some sort of direct
contact with the devil. Because of the rash and ill judgement fear often brings to
people, it caused a lot of trouble for the villagers of Salem, even for those who were
innocent.
Accusations seemed to be coming from every corner. Even if there was no
proof behind an accusation, it would still be investigated in some form to either clear
the person’s name or take the necessary steps in order to rid the village of the witch.
Consorting with the devil was one of the worst sins a person could commit, and the
people of Salem truly believed that they needed to root out the evil that they thought
was infesting their village. If they did nothing, then the threat would spread, and
more and more people would fall victim to the witches and devil. There were several
young girls who lived in the Salem Village, such as Abigail Williams, who were
Marilyn J. Westerkamp, Women and Religion in Early America, 1600-1850: The Puritan and
Evangelical Traditions (New York: Routledge, 2020), 10.
4
Bryan Le Beau, Story of The Salem Witch Trials (New York: Routledge, 2017), 5.
3
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accusing some of the local women of being witches and said that they were using their
powers to make them ill. The young girls would go into fits and have seizures, and
their bodies would move and convulse in an unnatural way. Elizabeth Reis gives an
insightful view into what could have been the cause of this when she says:
Abigail Williams, Betty Paris, and others continued to experience their
afflictions and to accuse people of witchcraft. We will never know
exactly why, but whether accusers and witnesses sincerely believed that
the accused had signed a devil’s pact and afflicted others, whether they
contemplated political or familial revenge, whether they simply
continued to play a game that had gotten out of hand, whether they
pursued a strategy to deflect suspicion from themselves, or whether
they calculated fraud, they knew that their stories would be believed.
In their religious world witchcraft accusations…were credible and
demanded action because they were so threating.5
The Puritan religion required all accusations to be taken seriously, even if the person
accused was a God-fearing person who always attended church and lived a good life.
There was no one safe from the investigation once they were accused, no matter how
good of a religious person they were.
While those who were judging the accused were using their faith as a
guideline, those who were persecuted were also using their faith to see them through
their hardships. Mary Easty is an example of how some of the accused kept hold of
their faith, even when they were in the position of losing their lives. She was wrongly
accused and convicted of witchcraft, but she did not let that ruin her hold on her
faith, nor did it lead her to turn her back on God. Easty could have saved her life by
admitting to using witchcraft and publicly giving herself to God to be saved; as long
as the accused confessed to the crime of witchcraft and agreed to change their life for
the better, they would be saved from being executed. Tituba, a woman from the West
Indies who moved to Salem, accepted this plea for her life and was allowed to live
despite her involvement with witchcraft. In regard to this guilty plea, Lori Lee
Wilson explains that “those who confessed were not executed. The magistrates
reasoned that witches who confessed had repented of their sins, and the devil was no
longer with them. Besides, they were useful as witnesses against those who insisted
Elizabeth Reis, Damned Women: Sinners and Witches in Puritan New England (New York: Cornell
University Press, 1999), 7-8.
5
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they were innocent. Those who defended their innocence in spite of the testimony of
confessed witches and spectral evidence of the afflicted were hanged”.6 Tituba
confessed to what it was that she had done wrong and had also given the magistrates
names of other women who she said were also practicing witchcraft. The admission
of guilt was a way for people to escape death, but Easty would not take that plea; as a
Puritan, she believed that it was better to be truthful and honest than to lie to save her
own life. By lying, she could have endangered her soul which would have been much
worse than dying by a false accusation. If she died while remaining close to God, then
she had a good chance of entering Heaven after her death; if she lied, she might have
saved her mortal body, but by doing so she could have condemned herself to spend
eternity in Hell. These were just some of the views that the Puritans believed and
how their faith was an important part of the trials. While Easty was ready to lose her
life for holding on to her truths, she was also willing to sacrifice herself in order for
others to be spared.
In her final plea, Easty begged that she would be the last innocent life to be
lost on the accusation of witchcraft and that the judges would be able to see their
wrong doings and spare the other lives that were put before them. In her petition she
states:
I petition to your honors not for my own life, for I know I must die,
and my appointed time is set. But the Lord He knows it is, that if it be
possible, no more innocent blood may be shed…I question not but
your honors does to the utmost of your powers in the discovery and
detecting of witchcraft, and witches, and would not be guilty of
innocent blood for the world. But by my own innocence I know you
are in the wrong way. The Lord in His infinite mercy directs you in
this great work, if it be His blessed will, that no more innocent blood
be shed.7
Easty was willing to allow herself to be a victim of the unjust judgement cast on her,
as long as others would be spared the same fate. She knew that the standards and
logic that the judges and accusers were using to condemn people was flawed and that
many more would die if they continued down this path. Therefore, she knew
something had to change in order for things to take a turn for the better. Easty could
have been very spiteful and hateful towards those who were condemning her, but her
6
7
Lori Lee Wilson, The Salem Witch Trials (Minneapolis: The Lerner Publishing Group, 1999), 27.
“Petition of Mary Easty.”
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petition was full of selflessness and compassion. Her petition shows just how much
her faith meant to her and how it was a central point in her life.
Susannah Martin was another woman during the Salem witch trials who was
accused of using witchcraft. During her trial, she was a little more aggressive to her
judges and accusers than Easty was, but her point was the same as hers; that she was
innocent and that she would not lie to save herself. She stated that, “I desire to lead
my life according to the word of God.”8 When asked if she would lie, she replied, “I
would not tell a lye if it would save my life.”9 She knew lying could save her but
refused to go down that path. It was better to die while telling the truth than to live a
lie. They then asked her if she would tell the truth, to which she replied, “I have
spoken nothing else.”10 Both of these women were honest and truthful and did no
harm to anyone, and yet their lives were taken from them.
Arthur Miller’s famous play, The Crucible, also touches on the subject of
taking the guilty plea. Although his play is not completely historically accurate, he
based his characters on real people who lived during the trials and did his best to be as
accurate and truthful to the real-life situations as he could. In Miller’s notes on the
historical accuracy of his play, he states that, “The fate of each character is exactly that
of his historical model, and there is no one in the drama who did not play a similar—
and in some cases exactly the same—role in history”11. In Miller’s play, John Proctor
was a man who was convicted of witchcraft. After he and several other men joined
forces to attempt to save their wives from being executed, Proctor and some of the
other men found themselves in line with their wives to have their lives taken. Proctor,
like the other accused, was given the option to sign a confession and have his life
spared, as Tituba had done. It took some convincing, but Proctor seemed willing to
sign the confession and start a new life. But once it was mentioned that his confession
would be posted publicly for all the village people to see, Proctor refused. What is
interesting about this situation is that Proctor knew that by lying with his confession,
he was damning his soul. He accepted that in exchange for his life. But he could not
and would not allow his name to be ruined in the eyes of the people of Salem. This
was where he drew the line. When he was asked why he would not allow his name on
“Examination of Susannah Martin.”
Ibid.
10
Ibid.
11
Arthur Miller, The Crucible (New York: Penguin Classics, 2003), 2.
8
9
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the confession to be placed in public, he replied, “Because it is my name! Because I
cannot have another in my life! Because I lie and sign myself to lies! Because I am not
worth the dust on the feet of them that hang! How may I live without my name? I
have given you my soul; leave me my name!”12 Proctor was also struggling with the
idea of betraying his friends whom he had fought so hard beside in the attempt to
free their wives. He knew that if he signed a confession, it would be like turning his
back on them and make what they fought for seem like nothing.
While Easty and Martin were using religion to help them navigate the messy
waters they were in, those who were judging them were doing the same. John
Hathorne was one of the judges who conducted the Salem witch rials. He and the
other judges believed that what they were doing was right. They truly believed that
they needed to get rid of whoever was associated with witchcraft. Unfortunately, this
left little room for proper trials to happen, and the judges of the Salem trials are now
looked upon with anger and frustration. How could these men have killed twenty
innocent people? The reasoning behind this is that, as mentioned earlier in the essay,
witchcraft was strongly believed to have connections with the devil. Reis explains
that, “In the Puritan world Satan’s appearance signaled God’s severe displeasure. And
once Satan had successfully gained access to an individual or a community at large,
Puritans believed he was very difficult to exorcise”13. To have this kind of threat
hanging over the people of this village was just unacceptable and drastic measures
needed to be made in order to save the people of Salem. Hathorne and the other
judges saw what they were doing as a necessary act to save the village, and they were
blind to the evil that was coming from their actions. To them, the executions were a
necessary part of ridding the village of the witches, and their actions were seen as just
by a lot of people. The fear that was consuming the people of the village was enough
for the pleas of the innocently accused to fall on deaf ears. Only by confessing and
pledging a life devoted to God would their life be spared, and not everyone who was
accused was willing to risk losing their soul for their mortal life.
The Salem witch trials lead to a lot of tragedies and unjust actions, and there
can be no denying the horrible and unnecessary way that the twenty people lost their
Miller, The Crucible, 133.
Elizabeth Reis, Damned Women: Sinners and Witches in Puritan New England (New York:
Cornell University Press, 1999), 7.
12
13
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lives. It is a shame that the Puritan religion played such an important part in the bad
outcome of the trials, seeing as many people look to religion as a comfort and use it to
guide them through life. The Puritans attempted to be good and Godly people, but it
would seem that they let their religious beliefs get out of hand in an extreme way.
While it is not wrong to want to follow religious beliefs and practice them, people
cannot allow them to rule their lives in a negative way. Religion can often help people
see the good in bad situations and can bring out the best in people; most religions
practice compassion and charity. But the judges of the Salem trials were so caught up
in expelling every trace of witchcraft that they were blind to the good and innocent
people placed before them. They seemed determined to only see the negative side of
things during the trials and seemed to completely forget that these were actual people
that they were dealing with, and not just some evil manifestation. If they had taken a
step back and truly observed what was going on, the trials could have had a totally
different outcome. Instead, they were rash and excessive, and innocent people paid
the price for this.
While the judges let their religious views on witchcraft get out of hand, those
accused also used their religion as a way to hold on to hope. Easty and Martin were
determined to hold on to their faith in God and allowed His will to be done. They
did not lose faith and knew that if they remained loyal to God, they would get their
reward in the afterlife. They used their Puritan faith as a way to keep themselves from
falling into despair and did not let the dark situation they were in bring them to
despair in God. They seemed to have a very different view of things then the judges
and their accusers did, and while both sides were heavily relying on their faith, the
side of the accused allowed their religion to continue to be a beacon of hope in their
lives, while the accusers and judges allowed their faith to be turned into fear and ruled
their lives in a dark way.
The Salem witch trials are a lesson on how much religion can have an effect
on the lives of people, and how it can be turned into something ugly. It was not a bad
thing for the Puritans to want to live a life that was closely associated with God, it
was their religion and it was very important to them. However, there is the blatantly
obvious negative affect that this had on the accused people of Salem Village, and it
should be a reminder for people to always be vigilant in what path they are allowing
their religion to take them on.
100
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https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/Vol._48_num._1_Clio_-_2021/6832/Clio_Ch_3_Frankel.pdf
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Frankel, Food Rationing
Food Rationing in World War II
David Frankel
This writer has maintained a healthy diet and regular exercise throughout his
adult life, with a strong belief that both lead to longevity. He was attracted to the
topic of food rationing from the book, The Taste of War by Lizzie Collingham, and
further inspired by the biography of Lord Woolton, the innovative head of the British
Ministry of Food during much of World War II, in a book entitled Eggs or Anarchy
written by British food critic William Sitwell.1
Lizzie Collingham's premise is that food growth, production, and distribution
were critical issues involving the World War II conflict and its ultimate outcome.
Food was a driving force for both the Axis Powers, especially Germany and Japan,
and the Allied Powers. There was substantial food mismanagement and neglect
worldwide throughout the war in such diverse areas as the Indian subcontinent,
Africa, and China.2 William Sitwell chronicles the life of Frederick James Marquis,
ennobled Lord Woolton, who was appointed Minister of Food in 194 0. He had
ultimate responsibility for the feeding of all citizens of the British Empire throughout
the war. Food was an important tool to all combatant nations in terms of
maintaining maximum military strength and high morale as well as determined
support for the war effort on the home front.3 Great Britain was forced into a
centralized economy which Collingham terms as "war socialism" during the conflict
while the United States, the only combatant country with more than adequate
agricultural resources, was able to take a more laissez-faire approach with minimal
food controls.
British Rationing
British food rationing was designed to ensure a fair and equitable distribution
of available food to all social classes and to prevent hoarding. Collingham believes
Lizzie Collingham, The Taste of War: World War II and the Battle for Food (New York: Penguin,
2013); William Sitwell, Eggs or Anarchy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2016).
2
Collingham, Taste of War.
3
Sitwell, Eggs or Anarchy.
1
25
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that while the British, in general, did a very good job with its limited domestic food
resources, it failed miserably in such areas as the Indian state of Bengal where three
million residents died of a preventable, man-made famine.4 The U.S rationing system
was much less vigorous than the British as America had more than sufficient food
supplies and was actually able to export food to other Allied nations.
Food's role in the War World II conflict stems back to developments in the last
quarter of the nineteenth century when the urban areas of Europe shifted from a
primarily grain-based diet to one of meat (which this author believes is the exact
opposite of what should comprise a healthy diet). The future Axis powers, Germany,
Italy, and Japan, all felt quite disadvantaged by the dominance of the British Empire
and the United State in terms of international food trade at the time. All three Axis
countries felt that this disadvantaged trade position deterred each from reaching their
respective great power potential. Visions of substantial, self-sustaining agrarian
empires drove the Axis countries to war in the 1930s and resulted in
horrendous German and Japanese atrocities during the conflict.
Britain entered World War II as the country most depend upon wheat
imports, yet never had to ration bread during the war. (Ironically, bread rationing was
introduced immediately after the conflict had ended). Instead, early in the war, the
Ministry of Agriculture, through local County War Agricultural Executive
Committees, successfully advanced the concept of substituting potatoes for bread.
The ministry introduced new technological innovations for enhanced agricultural
production and pricing policies which greatly benefited British farmers who were
encouraged to grow certain crops--in particular, potatoes. It was later analyzed after
the war that these technological advances may not have been as effective as originally
planned. The success of British farmers may have simply been due to increasing
agricultural acreage and old-fashioned hard work. This diligent effort allowed for the
British internal food supply to increase from 33 to 4 4 percent during the war and
enabled the nation to cut back on some costly imports of non-essential foodstuffs. In
194 3, Britain was able to cover half of its bread grain requirements with domestic
wheat. Potato production increased by an impressive 8 7 percent which, in turned,
motivated the Ministry of Food to encourage potatoes as a substitute for bread. The
paradox was that there was a surplus of potatoes. This surplus was diverted as feed for
4
Collingham, Taste of War, 147-48.
26
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hogs. The great shame of this overgrown potato crop was that it was not utilized to
combat the tragedy of Bengal famine on the Indian subcontinent. The British
rationale at the time was concerned with what was considered higher priorities and
logistics regarding the overall war effort as well as Winston Churchill's general
disdain of the citizens of India.
The British also benefited from the American lend-lease program which
started in March 194 1. The U.S. supplied Britain with large quantities of frozen and
canned meat which, in turn, boosted home front morale. Iceland also benefited
during the war by supplying Britain with fish. The Ministry of Food constantly
complained about by the high cost of fish during the war years from both imported
and domestic sources, but its complaints were generally unheard. Iceland was able to
build a substantial foreign currency reserve during the war with its fish trade and
utilized this currency to increase its fishing industry in the postwar years.
An equally important source of food to Britain during World War II came
from the various dominions and colonies in its empire. The Commonwealth countries
had to sometimes restructure their domestic agricultural sectors to accommodate the
motherland's nutritional needs. The Australians supplied Britain with much of its
frozen meat including a failed dehydrated mutton program at both the beginning and
end of the war. Starting in 194 3, however, Australian meat was almost entirely
diverted to the U.S. military in the Pacific theater. Canada became Britain's major
source of pork products. New Zealand provided significant amounts of dairy products
to the British. A non-Commonwealth country, Argentina, supplied about 4 0 percent
of the British meat requirements during the war. Condensed food was the key to
keeping Britain adequately fed. Collingham notes that the British were forced to
sacrifice “taste” for “energy” in their food supply.5
The Battle of the Atlantic deeply impacted the imported British food supply.
During the early years of the war, German U-boats inflicted tremendous losses on
British merchant marine shipping. Britain was unable to make up for these loses as
the German Luftwaffe bombed British shipyards, docks, food warehouses, and
transportation systems. Late 1939 brought a wartime food crisis to the British Isles
resulting from insufficient levels of wheat and flour plus an incapacity of the rail
system to transport food to the various geographical locations which required this
5
Ibid., 13.
27
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food. The autumn and winter of 194 0-4 1 was the apex of the British food supply
problem. Prime Minister Churchill set up the Battle of the Atlantic Committee
which concentrated on repairing ships and docks with 4 0,000 men diverted from the
armed services. The American lend-lease program, commencing in early 194 1, was
immensely helpful in allowing the British to repair ships in American shipyards. It
should be noted that, throughout the war, there was substantial American distrust of
British estimates for food requirements.
The British Ministry of Food found itself in a position of having to convince
its allies, the U.S. included, that a maximized food export effort to Britain was
required in order to continue its war effort. Lord Woolton, to be discussed later in
this paper, miscalculated the U.S. capacity of providing food to Britain including
substantial amounts of meat.6 The Ministry was constantly fearful that food imports
would drop to a point of providing insufficient nourishment to the British population
and military. The Ministry's estimates of high food requirements were frequently met
with skepticism by United States Minister of Agriculture, Claude Wickard, who was
also concerned about American domestic civilian and military food supplies. Wickard
referred to the British as “companions in misfortune.”7 The American War Shipping
Administration was certain that British requests for food were based on an
overestimate of stocking needs. Ultimately, Harry Hopkins, the U.S. administrator
for the lend-lease program, agreed to divert frozen meat to Britain which had been
originally allocated for the Soviet Union.8 The British public, even at the height of
The Battle of the Atlantic, was never confronted directly with the problem of hunger,
but did have to substitute various foods for others. The most serious threat to the
British food chain occurred in 194 2 and 194 3 with the American refusal to replace
the meat supplies from Australia which had been diverted to U.S. military forces in
the Pacific theater. As the Battle of the Atlantic turned in favor of the Allies in 194 3,
Britain's food supply became more stable although the Ministry of Food was never
quite comfortable with the food situation until 195 4 , nine years after the war had
ended, when rationing finally came to end.
Ibid., 139.
Ibid., 114.
8
Ibid.
6
7
28
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British Empire Rationing
World War II intensified Britain's exploitation of its empire. The Colonial
Development and Welfare Act was created in 194 0 to control economic development
throughout the British Empire. The goal of this act was to fully utilize the colonies'
resources to the advantage of the homeland. Many of the empire colonial governors
felt that food rationing was not a feasible option for both political and economic
reasons and, instead, entered into “gentleman’s agreements” with food suppliers and
traders in their respective territories to keep food prices stable. These agreements
were constantly ignored. The poor in many of the British colonial territories
suffered greatly from inflated food prices. The high prices pushed the poor into less
nutritious, cheaper food which, in turn, led to increased health issues. The British
actually exported food stocks throughout the war from its colonies, many with food
supply problems, in order to support the empire’s worldwide military efforts. Food
riots took place in Iran, Lebanon, and Syria in 194 2 as well as behind the front lines
during the Allied North Africa campaign. White farmers in Rhodesia were allowed to
utilize unwilling, conscripted African laborers to maximize their agricultural
production. The Rhodesian colonial government created the Native Labour Supply
Commission, which continued forced farm labor through the 197 0s and was greatly
responsible for Britain's loss of the colony (which was later renamed the present-day
Zimbabwe). Lord Swinton, the Resident Minister for West Africa, coordinated the
economic policy for the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone, Gambia, and Nigeria territories.
Lord Swinton's goal was to keep food supplies stable at affordable prices for his
colonial citizens while, at the same time, exporting cash crops to the British
homeland and allies. Britain, in turn, used the net profits from this endeavor to help
pay for the American Lend-Lease program.9
Australia provided over half of the supplies used by the U.S. military in the
Pacific theater. By the middle of the war, Australia and New Zealand were supplying
over one million American servicemen with about 95 percent of their food
requirements. Australia diverted its meat export from Britain to the U.S. troops.
America, in turn, pledged to pick up the Australian meat export slack to the UK.
This supply arrangement had its problems. The U.S. failed to meet its meat quota
9
Ibid., 139.
29
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obligations to Britain while the Australians were not providing the desired high
quality of meat to the U.S armed forces. The U.S. military sent a division of
nutritional experts to Australia, including Major Belford Seabrook from the Seabrook
Farms company, to help maximize the country's agricultural production and
distribution. This division completely modernized the Australian canning industry.
The nation's agricultural acreage doubled, and by 194 4 , Australia's produce capacity
was over a million tons per year. 5 0 million pounds of canned fruits and vegetables
were sent to U.S. servicemen throughout the Pacific.10 Many Australian civilians
resented the food shortages and rationing during the war caused by the U.S. military
supply effort and were angered by the superior quality meals which American
servicemen were consuming. Some Australian towns in the northern part of the
country were particularly hard hit with shortages due to nearby U.S. military base
food requirements. It should also be noted that the U.S. military frequently
complained about the quality of Australian-supplied food as not being up to the high
American set standards.
The governor of India, Viceroy Lord Linlithgow, was ultimately blamed for
the full-scale Bengal famine in 194 3 and 194 4 . Three million in the state died, either
as a result of starvation or from diseases brought on by malnutrition. This total was
higher than the combined casualties suffered by the Indian Army in both the First
and Second World Wars. The Indian colonial government was unable to create a
viable food policy during World War II for fear of catastrophic political dissent.
India's poor were particularly vulnerable to rising food costs and suffered the
consequences of a restricted diet. The Quit India Movement, started in August 194 2
by Mahatma Gandhi and his Indian National Congress, demanded immediate
independence and distracted the British colonial government from the serious food
crisis.11 Winston Churchill had an extremely hostile attitude toward the Indians and
did not provide the country with necessary support. His rationale was that resources
had to go to more critical areas for victory in the overall war effort. After the fall of
Burma to the Japanese, the Indian colonial government worried about a possible
invasion from that Axis power (which never occurred). The overall morality of British
rule in India has been questioned by its handling of the massive Bengal famine.
10
11
Ibid., 83.
Ibid., 144.
30
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However, this issue was not the most important factor with regard to Indian
independence after the war in 194 7 . The overall British rule of the Indian sub-
continent for almost a century had simply not provided its native population with an
adequate, abundant lifestyle. The end of World War II culminated with the end of
much of the British Empire and its exploitation of its various colonies.
Britain introduced food rationing in early 194 0 to insure a stable and equitable
distribution to all of its citizens and residents during the war. Initially, neither the
Ministry of Health nor the Ministry of Food considered the nutritional quality of
food to be rationed but, rather, the amount which was readily available. It was known
that the British population would have to expend far more energy in the war effort
than during peace time. Both ministries took into account the types of foods
necessary to meet these increased energy considerations. The government held a
Scientific Sub-Committee on Food Policy conference in mid-194 0 which formulated
plans to maintain nutritionally balanced rations. The Ministry of Food was instructed
to follow the sub-committee's recommendations regarding which foodstuffs should
be prioritized. Recommendations included so called “protective foods” to maintain
good health and also emphasized the importance of animal protein in a regular diet.
Britain had a major problem with its bread supply due to the previously
described import problems during the Battle of the Atlantic. White bread
consumption was discouraged due to its lack of nutritional value (much to the chagrin
of the British public). Gardening was greatly encouraged to increase domestic
production of fresh fruits and vegetables. British gardeners had great success with
onion and potato cultivation. The Ministry of Food provided cooking instructions for
vegetables with the goal of best preserving their vitamin content. The government
introduced the cartoon characters of “Dr. Carrot” and “Potato Pete” to encourage a
healthy diet based upon readily available foods. The British public was encouraged to
grow vegetables and fruit in their private gardens with the “Dig for Victory”
campaign. Two typical British housewife radio characters, “Gert” and “Daisy,” were
featured daily on "The Kitchen Front" morning program on the BBC to reinforce the
concept of a nutritious diet with the available food supply. The British public was
generally not pleased with the overall quality of food provided during the war. The
Ministry of Food made efforts to lift the population's spirits with receipts which
called for “mock” food substitutes and "Victory Dishes" only with limited success. It
31
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is interesting to note that the British upper and middle classes diets were leveled
downward while the lower working class actually began to consume a more
substantial and healthier diet as result of rationing. The food nutrition gap between
all social classes in the country was substantially narrowed during the war. The
London school system medical officer noted at the end of the war that height and
weight differences among children of the various social classes had completely
disappeared.
The British military strove to improve both the quality and amount of its food
rations in order to increase the morale of its fighting forces. Initially, British military
cooks took little pride in their work which resulted in great discontent of the meals
served to the servicemen (who were primarily conscripts). The Army Catering Corps
was established in March 194 1 to rectify this problem. It was headed by Richard
Byford, a career catering manager, who staffed the corps with peers from the catering
industry. The goal was to improve the standard of cooking throughout the British
Military. Byford used Professor Cedric Stanton Hicks of the University of Adelaide,
Australia to greatly improve military cooking equipment including stoves. Dr. Hicks
also supported a substantially more generous ration of almost 4 000 calories daily to
the troops. Professor Hicks used the slogan of “Fighting with Food” to promote both
cooking skills and relatively healthy diets in the British military.
By the end of the war, Britain and its dominion countries and colonies had
generally healthier civilian populations than before the conflict due primarily to
improvements in diet. This was the result of co-operation between government
officials, nutritional scientists, medical doctors, and quartermasters in the military.
Nutritionists became much more prominent in the post-war world in defining both
the quality and quantity of food intake to insure healthy lives.
Lord Woolton, British Ministry of Food, Biography
Frederick James Marquis, later known as Lord Woolton, head of the British
Ministry of Food, was born into a working-class family in Manchester, England in
18 8 3. He was an excellent student in school and won a “County Council Exhibition”
competition which allowed him to attend the highly ranked Manchester Grammar
School. He soon surpassed his modest family in terms of education. (Marquis had
been admitted to Cambridge University but had to decline its offer due to financial
32
�Frankel, Food Rationing
limitations and his father's ill health). He majored in chemistry and psychology as an
undergraduate and ultimately earned a graduate degree in economics at the age of 23.
Marquis became quite interested in sociology as a postgraduate and was involved in
the “settlement movement” of the early twentieth century in Liverpool. The
movement advanced the notion that poverty could be alleviated with the creation of
communities of both rich and poor who would share knowledge and skills. Marquis
studied the poor in Liverpool and never forgot the consequences of poverty. This
experience would greatly affect his work at the Ministry of Food during World War
II.
Marquis was involved in teaching, social work, school management, and
journalism in his early career. He managed to avoid military service in World War I
due to feet problems. He suffered from life-long intestinal issues which would also
affect his Ministry of Food work in terms of a perceived healthy diet. Marquis’s great
career break came from an employment offer at the Lewis's Department Stores
through a chance meeting with Sir Rex Cohen who was chain's Managing Director.12
Marquis was able to experience all aspects of the retail business through the 1920's
and 1930s and was pivotal in growing the company into the largest department store
chain in Britain. He became quite prominent throughout the country and was
knighted in 1935 in recognition of his service to the British retail industry. Marquis
took the title of Lord Woolton. In April 1939, Woolton was asked to advice the
British War Office on military uniforms and was given the position of “Technical
Advisor on Textiles.” Woolton immensely disliked this job which entailed supplying
clothing to the British military. There was an immense lack of communication and a
wall of bureaucracy within the war office which made his position an almost
impossible task. As an example, he was able to purchase pants for the military but
not the buttons required for the trousers (in that pre-zipper era for flies.) The
buttons were not deemed as clothing material and had to be ordered by a separate
department which did not coordinate with Woolton's division. When Woolton
mentioned this problem to the Prime Minister's office, he was told by Sir Horace
Wilson that “you are up against the machine of the Civil Service.”13 Woolton’s
experience paralleled our present-day U.S. President Donald Trump. Both had
12
13
Sitwell, Eggs or Anarchy, 50.
Ibid., 59.
33
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substantial business careers and were thrust into bureaucratic, red tape, public service.
The “civil service machine” point can be compared to Trump's notion of “the swamp”
in Washington. Both men were determined to "drain" their respective swamps.
Woolton was ultimately recognized for his service at the War Office by King George
VI in June 1939 by being elevated to the peerage of the House of Lords. Later that
year, he was appointed Director General of Equipment and Stores in the newly
formed Ministry of Supply with the task of managing clothing for the entire British
nation. This position, in turn, lead Woolton to the Ministry of Food directorship in
April 194 0. He was first appointed by Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and was
asked, unexpectedly, to continue in the role after Winston Churchill took the prime
minister position later in the year.
Lord Woolton used his substantial past experience as a successful business
leader in his position as Director of The Ministry of Food, sometimes to the great
annoyance of the ministry's career civil servants. He even ruffled Winston Churchill's
feathers at times. Churchill generally disdained the notion of businesspeople in
government. Woolton emphasized his humble background to the British public,
often noting that he had come from a working-class family. His study of British
poverty in the early twentieth century was an extremely important factor in the
formulation of his plans for feasible food distribution goals during the war. Woolton
called upon the cooks of Britain to act as front-line soldiers and creatively utilize
whatever food was available. He appeared regularly on the BBC's morning Kitchen
Front radio program in order to communicate directly with the British public. He
emphasized that the British war effort depended upon the hard job of industrial
workers who had to be fed sufficiently in order to maximize their effectiveness. He
warned people not to hoard and strongly hinted that hoarders would be punished if
Lord Woolton first determined the state of Britain's food supply both in terms of
domestic and imported sources.
A National Registration Day was held in late September 1939 to ascertain the
number of people, including the royal family, who had to be fed in the country during
the approaching war. The registration day was a success, with 4 1 million out of the
total British population of 4 6.5 million responding. Ration books were to be issued
to insure equitable food distribution. Woolton ultimately felt responsible for the food
security for all 5 32 million citizens throughout the entire British Empire. He insisted
34
�Frankel, Food Rationing
upon the highest business standards of all working at Ministry of Food and did not
tolerate employee indiscretions. He was quite pleased to replace career civil servants
with responsible businesspeople whenever possible.
A study of the diets of working-class families in sections of London indicated
that those respondents tended to eat plain and relatively basic foods. This research
greatly helped Woolton mold future food distribution plans. He was keenly aware
that a sufficient food ration was critical for maintaining high public morale which was
essential for winning the war. Woolton was particularly concerned about food imports
and the potential problems caused by disruption. A poll in late 1939 found that 60
percent of the British public comprehended the necessity for food rationing.14
Woolton decided to implement the rationing effort before it actually needed in order
to ensure British food security.
The rationing program formally began in January 194 0, first for butter, bacon,
and sugar, and later in March, for stable meat prices as opposed to meat quantities.
Tea rationing followed in July. In 194 1, jam, marmalade, syrup, treacle, and eggs
were added to the rationing list. Rice, dried fruit, condensed milk, cereal, canned
vegetables, soap, candy, biscuits, and oaks were included in 194 2 in the midst of the
war's food import shipping crisis. Sausage was the last food rationing item to be
included in 194 3. Allowances for various foods were made throughout the war
depending upon each item’s availability. The ration books were “buff-coloured” for
adults and green for children. The books controlled the amounts of food allocated on
a weekly or monthly basis. Purchases were marked in the books by shopkeepers to
ensure that those items could not be bought for a second time in the allocated
rationing period. The ration book themselves became a precious commodity but were
not a substitute for payment. Rationing was completely universal in Britain during the
war years and was administered by the Ministry of Food which used information
compiled from the National Registration Day. Individuals which special nutritional
requirements such as infants and pregnant mothers were provided with extra rations
for specific foods. Food stores kept the redeemed coupons and forwarded them to
local Food Offices which then allowed the shops to purchase new stock from
registered food wholesalers. The Food Offices reported to local Food Control
Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska, Austerity in Britain: Rationing, Controls, and Consumption, 19391955 (New York: Oxford, 2000), 70.
14
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Committees which, in turn, reported to Divisional Food Offices who were in direct
communication with the Ministry of Food. There was a substantial British food
hierarchy created, consisting of 1,200 local offices, 1,5 20 control committees, and 19
divisional offices. All food retailers, hospitals, and caterers were included in this
reporting system.
Woolton also viewed rationing as an opportunity to institute a healthier diet as a
means to enhance life in Britain. He utilized educators, agricultural experts,
nutritionists, and dieticians for advice on achieving this goal. After the war
concluded, Woolton firmly believed that he had been successful in contributing to the
overall improvement of health for the British population. Because Britain has a rather
rigid social class system, it is noteworthy to appreciate Woolton's remarkable rise
during his life from a humble, working class background to becoming a major
business and government leader as well as an important political figure after the war.
United States Rationing
The United States economy was pulled out of the Great Depression by World
War II. America did not have a meaningful and viable welfare system in place in the
1930s in spite of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's best efforts and intentions to
help the 15 million unemployed in the country. Hunger was rampant throughout the
country. In 194 1, the Office of Defense Health and Welfare Services estimated that
about 4 5 million Americans who did not have sufficient food to maintain good
health. The U.S. Surgeon-General, Thomas Parran, warned during the year that the
food situation could be a threat to the country's military strength and industrial
production as well as lowering the morale necessary to fight in a major war. General
Lewis Hershey, head of the Draft Board, found that 4 0 percent of the men called
up for military duty were unfit to serve as a result of poor nutrition.15 World War II
brought an end to the massive unemployment suffered by the country during the
Great Depression. The wartime economy also brought relative affluence to the
American civilian population. Average food expenditures increased by 8 percent.
The U.S. Government initially was forced to introduce rationing in order to divert
high quality and condensed food to both the American military and wartime allies.
The U.S. rationed canned meats, fruits, and vegetables domestically to honor lend15
Collingham, Taste of War, 417.
36
�Frankel, Food Rationing
lease commitments to its British, Soviet, and Chinese military partners. In 194 3,
sugar, candy, coffee, various dairy products such as butter and cheese, frozen and
dried produce, and red meat were also added to the domestic food rationing list.
The U.S. Office of Production Management was responsible for the
redistribution of material necessary for the war effort. The Office conducted a
conference with leading businessmen to present a shopping list of what was needed
for this worldwide military effort. Each corporation volunteered to supply the
requested items on the list and, of course, expected payment for the goods and
services provided. Secretary of War, Henry Simpson, believed this business profitmaking approach was necessary and vital during the war in order to maximize the
country’s industrial potential. This strategy was, indeed, extremely successful. By late
194 2, the American military economy was greater than that of the combined enemy
Axis powers. By the end of the war in 194 5 , the U.S. had produced over two-thirds of
the military equipment used by the Allies during the conflict.
The U.S. Government was very cautious about its interventionist measures on
the civilian population for both morale and political reasons. The federal government
introduced rationing in order to fairly distribute various food item shortages equally
across the country's social and economic groups. The public was told that rationing
was necessary in order to protect the ability of individual food choices. The
government used the ideology of personal freedom to justify its rationing restrictions.
The American public generally had a somewhat hostile attitude toward government
intervention. The business sector was even more opposed to government dictates.
The relatively hands off approach used by the U.S. government with regard to food
consumption during the war was enacted with these attitudes in mind. This strategy
did limit the influence of nutritionists in determining standards for the American
diet. It also should be noted that the U.S. Government never had a food czar during
World War II with comparable powers to Britain's Lord Woolton and the Ministry
of Food. This lack of a strong U.S. government food executive was partially the result
of the American hands-off policy with regard to private business operation and the
relatively lax food rationing to the civilian population. It can be speculated that if the
war had gone badly for the U.S. resulting in the need for greater food restrictions, a
food czar might have indeed been appointed by either FDR or his successor, Harry
Truman.
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The U.S. National Research Council created two boards in 194 0 to determine
the country's food policy during the upcoming conflict. The first commission was the
Food and Nutrition Board (NFB) with the purpose of gathering dietary research and
nutritional standards. The second commission was the Committee on Food Habits
(CFH) with the task of implementing the NFB's findings into specific
recommendations for meals. The NFB presented its most influential findings at
National Nutrition Conference in May 194 1. The NFB data included a table of daily
allowances for various foods and vitamins necessary to maintain good health. This
table was utilized by the U.S. Federal Government and various private agencies for
both civilian and military use. The recommendations tended to be overly generous
and included a wide variety of foods. They were partially created to placate the
agricultural industry and various food interest groups. The NFB recommendations
were widely circulated in the mass media of the day which included newspapers,
magazines, and radio. The Department of Agriculture printed a brochure in 194 3
entitled the “National Wartime Nutrition Guide.” The results of this campaign were
mixed. By the end of the war, the American public understood the value of healthy
and balanced meals but did not necessarily follow the recommended guidelines. An
opinion poll taken in May 194 3 found that rationing and shortages had made almost
no impact on the civilian American diet. The biggest complaint by the U.S. public
was the rationing of red meat which was being diverted to both the American and
British military. There was a small black market for red meat during the war, but it
never reached the point of being a threat to the U.S. economy. There was also
substantial public resentment regarding sugar rationing. Sugar was redirected to the
wholesale food sector from retail stores. The U.S. food industry conducted the War
Advertising Council which was attended by members of the advertising and media
communities as well as government officials. Its purpose was to provide strategies for
promoting healthy eating. The Council's results were also mixed. American
nutritionists, in general, had little executive power during the war and were primarily
limited to only providing advice (which much of the public failed to heed.)
Private employers tended to be responsible for feeding their workers and
created eating facilities of their own discretion. The U.S. government generally took
a “hands off” approach to regulating industrial catering and food provision. The
Office of Price Administration (OPA) paid little attention to workers' complaints of
38
�Frankel, Food Rationing
small meal portion size and accompanying high prices charged at company cafeterias.
The OPA's Nutrition Division (ND) was given the task of assessing factory cafeteria
lunches. In one example, the ND found that an Illinois plant's cafeteria meal
offerings were 7 1 percent “poor” in terms of quality and quantity but well nourishing
according the NFB guidelines. Workers made high incomes during the war and
could well afford to feed themselves. The main advantage of eating in a company
cafeteria was the convenience but certainly not the culinary experience. There was
never any danger of mass malnutrition or starvation in the U.S. during the war as was
the situation in most of the other combatant nations.16
It is interesting to note the Coca-Cola used the war to maximize both civilian
and military consumption. The company was exempt from sugar rationing as it was
the primary soda vendor for military bases and war factories. Consumption of its
Coca-Cola and Dr. Pepper drinks were encouraged for every meal and work breaks.
The popularity of the Coca-Cola brand was spread throughout the world by
American servicemen and military canteens during the war. This popularity has had
“staying power” to the present day.
The deep historical racial divide in American society continued through the
war years. African Americans were employed in low wage menial positions in both
the civilian and military sectors. Segregation was actively enforced. African
Americans were excluded from the benefits of wartime wages while were forced to
deal with wartime inflation. The Roosevelt Administration did not adequately
address the black community's grievances during the war. (The country would not
deal with these matters until forced to do so in the post-war period of the 195 0s and
1960s). Many of the New Deal relief programs were phased out during the war which
particularly hurt the country's southern farming belt. One important program which
was retained was the provision for school lunches. These meals were critical to
mothers of school children who working in war plants, and as a result, did not have
the time to prepare mid-day meals for their offspring. Anthropologist Margaret
Mead, head of the Committee on Food Habits, argued for school lunch menus which
would not be offensive to the various ethnic groups in the country. This suggestion
ultimately led to a rather homogenized American diet. A major glitch in the school
lunch program was the problem that the federal government would cover the cost of
16
Collingham, Taste of War, 423.
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the food, but the states had the responsibility of building and maintaining
lunchrooms and kitchens as well as paying the workers. This resulted in some of the
poorest states in the nation having the fewest school lunchroom programs which, in
term, led to the least nutritious diets for their numerous needy residents. It can be
concluded that the American food rationing system was far less effective as a welfare
tool than the rationing system implemented by the British during the war.
The U.S. Government provided generous meals to its military forces during
World War II in order to maintain both maximum fighting strength and troop
morale. Standard rations at American military bases contained 4 ,300 calories per day
while troops on the front line received over 4 ,7 00 calories daily. Few U.S. draftees
felt any national obligation to serve in the military and complained about both the
food and pay whenever polled. General George Marshall instituted an overall plan
which recognized troop welfare as an essential element of waging a successful war.
To ensure high morale, the U.S. military maximized field hospitals, bathing facilities,
mail delivery, recreation, and good nutrition for the troops. For many recruits from
poor states, the food in the military was substantially better, in terms of both quality
and quantity, than their past regular diets as civilians. The menus for the U.S.
military were based on the same principles as the school lunch program. They were
filled with generic “American” food with the notion of not offending ethnic customs.
American military bases around the world featured Post Exchange stores with
supplemental treats including candy, tobacco products, and drinks. These stores
greatly helped Coca-Cola's popularity grow to the point of soft drink dominance.
U.S. Troops initially used C rations at the front which were packaged in awkward
containers with generally unappetizing food. Later in the war, K rations replaced C
rations which included a tastier diet, eating utensils, cigarettes, soap, and even toilet
paper. American troops were supplied with meals which were far superior to those of
any other combatant nation, Allied and Axis, in the war.
The stress of combat often caused loss of appetite. U.S. military
quartermasters paid close attention to this matter and developed efficient field
kitchens to provide fresh, hot appetizing food for the soldiers at the front lines to help
ease their stress. B rations were introduced and prepared at these newly renovated
field kitchens which provided each front-line serviceman with five pounds of fresh
and hot food daily. B rations were, indeed, the "gold standard" of military meals
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served by any country during World War II. B rations included a wide range of
foods, supplemental ingredients, and condiments and was certainly a morale booster
for troops in the front lines.
Conclusion
The United States emerged from the war as a superpower with enormous
resources to produce a healthy and plentiful food supply for its population. America
had only weak emotional support among the civilian population for the world
conflict, perhaps because the country was buffered by the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans
from the Axis Powers. The U.S. quickly dropped food rationing after the war and
was extremely reluctant to reinstate it. The British public, on the hand, had an
extraordinary amount of support for the war effort and were determined to not accept
a Nazi regime. The German military was just a few miles off the coast of Britain in
occupied France and in nearby waters. The British were willing to accept far more
sacrifices than their American counterparts.
Hunger was rampant at the end of World War II. A major drought in 194 6
effected Europe, the Soviet Union, and portions of South America, the Indian
subcontinent, and Asia. The American public had no interest in another round of
rationing. Former U.S. President Herbert Hoover was in charge of the "Famine
Survey" which included visits to thirty countries in less than two months. Hoover
pressured the British to distribute over one million tons of food reserves to the less
fortunate on the European continent. The British government was forced to
introduce bread rationing and cut meat consumption. The country had to extend
food rationing until 195 4 . The British nutritionist, John Boyd Orr, was elected
director-general of the newly established Food and Agriculture Organization in 194 5
with the goal of buying surplus food to be distributed to needy nations. He produced
a movie in 194 6, World of Plenty, whose theme was that the dietary and agricultural
techniques developed by the Allies during the war should be applied to the entire
post-war world. Orr was awarded for his work with the Nobel Peace Prize in 194 9.
And yet, the British government did not feel that his proposals were realistic and did
not support implementing them.
The U.S. preferred to send food aid to struggling European nations through
individual grants rather than as part of an international coalition. The Marshall Plan
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was enacted in 194 7 to help rebuild war-torn Europe and was also used a political and
ideological tool against the new communist enemy. The Marshall Plan attempted to
highlight capitalism's ability to provide for a comfortable and abundant lifestyle. In
the post-war years, Britain lost much of its influence and territory in its empire. One
of the most significant impacts after the war was the rise of American ideal of
abundant food for all of its citizens. World War II greatly advanced the science of
nutrition, agricultural production, and food processing but, unfortunately, did not
necessarily enhance healthy diets. Instead, the advances of nutritional science
brought increases in refined carbohydrates, sodium, and essentially "empty" calories to
many foods. The results, in turn, have led to more widespread obesity along with
accompanying health problems.
Postscript
This writer is a member of the Baby Boomer generation and was born a few years
after World War II had ended. I had a sister who was about one year younger. Both
of my parents were in the U.S. military during the war serving in the European
theater. My father was in the infantry and saw action at the Battle of Bulge where he
was awarded a Purple Heart medal. My mother was an army nurse. Neither
discussed the details of their wartime exploits (as was common of that generation),
but my mother proudly told of capturing four German soldiers who surrendered to
her with the Allies' “safe passage” leaflets. My parents met immediately after the war
and were married within a year. Our family lived a comfortable middle-class life, first
in suburban Boston and later in suburban New York.
During the ensuring two decades after the war, my parents provided us with three
substantial and nutritious meals each day with menus that might have been inspired
by their U.S. military service. Breakfast would include fruit juice, eggs, pancakes,
waffles, and breakfast meat as well as toast. Lunch would consist of sandwiches made
with cold cuts, tuna, or peanut butter and jelly accompanied by a desert of cookies
and, sometimes, candy or a piece of fruit. Dinners included meat as the most
prominent portion, usually steak, which was served three to five times per week along
with a small salad, “instant mashed” potatoes, and canned vegetables, and were
completed with a packaged desert of cookies, cake, and ice cream. Occasionally, the
dinner meat menu would be altered with roast beef, lamb, pork chops, poultry,
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and seafood. My mother's specialty, meatloaf, was served a couple of times per month
and was considered a "gourmet" treat. My sister and I would constantly complain
about the repetitious steak dinners. My parents would simply grin and tell us about
their experiences during the Great Depression and the hunger which they witnessed
in Europe during the war. The frequent family steak dinners may have been the
psychological result of the U.S. domestic red meat rationing which our relatives on
the home front had endured during World War II. Our parents provided us with a
large glass of milk at every meal. We children were given daily vitamins in the form of
a liquid which my mother put in our milk with an eyedropper. She would camouflage
the taste of the vitamins with chocolate or strawberry syrup. Our family consumed
mainly canned fruits and vegetables although we certainly could have afforded fresh.
Both of my parents would have a daily cocktail before dinner and sometimes gave us
"Shirley Temple" non-alcohol beverages. When reflecting on this menu, it seems
apparent that my parents were serving the same, rather bland, generic American food
which was served in the military and in school lunch programs during the war. My
mother was intensely hygienic, probably as a result of her career as a registered nurse,
and taught us at an early age to wash our hands both before and after meals as well
the proper techniques for cleaning plates, bowls, utensils, and food surfaces.
Our family barely utilized the school lunch program which was first introduced by
the FDR Administration's New Deal during the Great Depression in the 1930's.
Our elementary school near Boston did not have a student lunchroom but did serve
milk and cookies each school day to students in their classrooms. This was a
supplement to lunches brought from home. Our newly constructed junior high and
recently renovated high schools in suburban New York City did have student
cafeterias which provided both hot and cold meals. The food quality in both schools
was only fair. My parents continued to pack school lunches for us. The quality of the
food did seem to improve slightly during our high school years. Metal school lunch
boxes became quite popular in 195 0s and 1960s. They contained sufficient space for a
single serve meal along with an insulated bottle and cup for a beverage. The lunch
boxes were adorned with popular childhood characters from television, movies, and
cartoons. The lunch box concept was an innovation from the ration containers used
by American front-line troops during World War II.
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As our family became increasingly affluent, we would regularly eat Sunday
dinner at restaurants serving the same traditional American cuisine which we
consumed at home. My parents frequently went out with their friends on Saturday
nights and would always make sure that before they left, we children and our
babysitter, were sufficiently fed with either frozen TV dinners or store-bought roasted
chicken and sides and, of course, deserts, almost in the style of a military field
kitchen. When the 1960s arrived, a third night of eating out was added, usually in the
middle of the work week, at a casual restaurant or cafeteria. My mother did not seem
to especially enjoy cooking and baking although her food was, indeed, very good.
Our family had little experience with “foreign” food in the post-war years. We
children thought that pasta came from a can. Frozen "international cuisine"
purchased at a supermarket was generally terrible. It was only as a young adult that I
experienced "authentic" Italian, Chinese, and Mexican cuisine (which, of course, has
been "Americanized" for U.S. taste buds). I also found that I greatly enjoyed hot,
spicy condiments which had been unknown in my youth. Our family certainly
enjoyed the abundant and relatively inexpensive food of post-war America which has
endured to this day in the 21st Century.
Addendum
In 194 0, the British government issued the Yellow Move Edict, which required
the nation’s most important ministries to relocate from London to other parts of the
country in order to avoid German bombing and sabotage. The Ministry of Food
moved 5 ,000 employees and office equipment to the small seaside town of Colwyn
Bay in North Wales. A token staff remained at the Ministry’s Portman Square offices
in London to mask the relocation. The Ministry occupied office space in most of
Colwyn Bay’s schools, private homes, retailers, hotels, and on the local Penrhos
College campus. The relocation effort was a complete success which the Germans
never discovered. Had the Germans known about Colwyn Bay, they have easily
destroyed the Ministry of Food offices with comprehensive bombing and, as a result,
caused mass starvation throughout Britain.
Lord Woolton was an excellent business negotiator and was able to obtain
extremely favorable arrangements for the Ministry of Food especially from career civil
servants. A good example is with Woolton’s dealings with James Gardiner, the
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�Frankel, Food Rationing
Canadian Minister for Agriculture and Defense, in the autumn of 194 0. Woolton
pushed Gardiner for a very low price for Canadian wheat. Gardiner balked, claiming
that Canadian farmers required a sufficiently higher price for their crop. Woolton
responded that Britain would no longer purchase Canadian pork if the wheat price
was not met. This was a bluff by Woolton, as the British desperately needed the
pork. Gardiner did accept Woolton’s offer. Woolton admitted later that he was
actually ashamed of his low-price wheat offer to the Canadians. He was representing
the British public rather than Canadian farmers. Perhaps, Gardiner accepted this
pricing because he was either a poor government negotiator or he knew his British
cousins were really in major trouble.
One of Lord Woolton’s proudest accomplishments was creating the Queen’s
Messengers truck convoy which fed Londoners during the Blitz. The convoy
consisted of 14 4 vehicles and was staffed by the Women’s Voluntary Service. The
vehicles served both hot and cold food and would go bombed areas immediately after
the “all clear” signal was heard. Woolton managed to obtain most of the Queen’s
Messengers funding from the British War Relief Society of America and
supplemental money from the Queen. This endeavor allowed Woolton to fulfill his
psychological goal of helping the needy by using his tremendous negotiating skills.
He developed a closer relationship with both the royal family and the entire British
nation.
Lord Woolton was very slow to act upon the black market which began after
British food rationing commenced in early 194 0. He basically ignored the “grey
market” in which individual households paid food retailers “under the table” for
additional rationed items. He was also unconcerned with alcohol beverage price-
gouging as he felt that liquor was a luxury rather than a necessity. However, as the
black market expanded and flourished during the first year of rationing, Woolton
steadily came to the realization that it had to be quelled. He issued the Standstill
Order in early 194 1 to halt large-scale black market activities. The Ministry of Food
printed pamphlets which defined illegal black market activity as that of obtaining
profits out of proportion for services rendered through “abnormal or unauthorized”
methods. Banks were ordered to check their accounts for possible money-laundering
deposits and withdrawals. Convicted black marketeers could be harshly sentenced to
a maximum of 14 years in prison. The Ministry of Food created a Director of
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Enforcement position for detecting and prosecuting black market activity.
Interestingly, while there was widespread British participation in the grey market
during the rationing period, a Gallup poll of the British public conducted in 194 3
found that a substantial majority of respondents believed that Woolton was
exaggerating the amount of actual black market activity. It should be noted that
Winston Churchill was generally apathetic or sometimes annoyed with Woolton’s
actions regarding the black market.
Britain’s problems with the American Lend-Lease food program stemmed
from larger issues pertaining to the overall Allied conduct of the war and the question
of the postwar British Empire. The American FDR administration was insistent that
the British allow their various colonial territories to become independent after the war
which the British vehemently opposed. The British government, however, realized
that its country was extremely dependent upon American aid and support. The
friction between the two countries continued throughout the war and into the
postwar years.
E.B. Sledge brings to light U.S. military policy regarding food for combat
troops in his book, With the Old Breed.17 He notes that on the morning of Peleliu
Island invasion, U.S. Marines were served a traditional hearty steak and egg breakfast
(which was also a tradition of the Australian military.) This big meal caused
substantial digestive and intestinal problems among the troops during the initial
Peleliu assault. The movie, Saving Private Ryan, by Steven Spielberg, illustrated
similar health issues during the Normandy D-Day invasion. Sledge mentioned that
one of his best meals on Peleliu was during the first night of combat. His “dinner”
consisted of K ration bouillon broth made with the island’s polluted water. The hot
soup relieved some of his anxiety from that first day of fighting. (He indicated that
his company was able to obtain fresh water on the following day.) Sledge endured
extreme stress and exhaustion during his frontline combat duty which was further
complicated by the island’s intense heat weather. He mentioned in his memoir that
he had almost no appetite. During the ensuing weeks of battle on Peleliu, terrible
sanitation conditions developed on the island which, in turn, brought massive
infestations of huge bluebottle flies. These flies made eating during the daylight
almost impossible. (The U.S. did attempt to eradicate the island’s flies with newly
17
EB Sledge, With the Old Breed (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981).
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developed DDT spray, which proved to be ineffective). Sledge’s company was forced
to eat cold C rations at night when the flies were not present. The food was
unheated as any cooking fire could have drawn enemy fire. It is interesting to note
that the U.S. Marine supply chain, during the course of the unexpectedly long combat
activity on Peleliu, appeared to have found it necessary to revert to the older C
rations. Field kitchens would have been very difficult to operate in this theater due to
the island’s rough terrain and constant Japanese sniper fire.
Two life-long friends have supplied interesting stories about their parents
which relate to the theme of this paper. Roland Misarti’s father, Gabriel, a sergeant in
the U.S. Air Corps, was stationed at an airfield just outside London during World
War II. His primary job was maintaining the planes’ radio equipment. He had a
second task of distributing off-duty leave passes to U.S. servicemen on the base.
Gabriel met his future wife (and Roland’s mother), Anne, in London. They were
married there in 194 4 . Wedding cakes were generally not available due to British
rationing. Gabriel was apparently very proficient with the off duty leave pass system
much to the delight of his fellow comrades. They were able to scavenge for the
indigents necessary for a delicious wedding cake for the Misarti couple at their
London reception. Gabriel brought his bride, Anne, home to the U.S. after the war.
The couple was invited to a friend’s home for dinner. Anne brought her British
rationing book to the meal and offered it to her hosts as gratitude for the delicious
food. The hosts laughed and told her that food rationing books were not needed in
America. Anne was amazed and quite surprised by their response. She had no idea
that her British rationing book could not be used the U.S.18
Peter Zeidler’s father, Louis, was a second lieutenant in the supple chain for
the Manhattan Project which produced the first atomic bombs (subsequently dropped
on Japan ending World War II). Louis was based in NYC and worked for this
operation during much of the war. He did have not any details regarding who was
being supplied with food and equipment in New Mexico. He only became aware of
the results of his activities at the end of the war. Unfortunately, Louis passed away
many years ago. This writer knew him quite well. His wartime experience would
have an excellent addition to this article.19
18
19
Roland Misarti, personal communication, April 21, 2020.
Peter Zeidler, personal communication, April 20, 2020.
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This article is being published at the height of the covid-19 pandemic in the
U.S. The American food supply chain is currently stressed. Meat processing plants
have been shut down which may result in shortages. Fresh produce availability has
been altered. Food retailers have placed limits on certain products which is, in itself,
a form of self-imposed rationing. This period in covid-19 era might be studied in the
future as a sociological comparison to U.S. food rationing during World War II. A
major difference is that, during World War II, food rationing was dictated by the
U.S. Government while in the current time frame, food restrictions are the result of
private industry.
48
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Food Rationing in World War II
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Frankel, David
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King, Two Georges
Two Georges: History in Black and White
Professor Danielle King
In the United States, the lives of Black men have been characterized by
vulnerability, instability, and insecurity. During enslavement, they were whipped,
raped, hunted by patrols, and killed with impunity. Europeans in the United
States had the privilege of disciplining Black people as they saw fit. The
Europeans who came to the United States were of British, Scottish, Dutch,
German, and Irish descent. The term European was swiftly replaced by “white” as
the antithesis of the Black enslaved people who originated from Angola, Congo,
Gabon, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, and Senegal. Being “white” became a
privilege that was used to sustain civil domination, especially after Bacon’s
Rebellion in 167 5 .
Nathaniel Bacon led Bacon’s Rebellion in Jamestown, Virginia, against
William Berkeley, the governor of the colony. European indentured servants and
enslaved Blacks became allied in their plan to destroy Jamestown. This
insurrection against Britain threatened to topple the socio-economic hierarchy. As
a result, laws were passed to make Blacks enslaved by heredity into perpetuity.
European indentured servants and farmers advanced in social stature as they were
given more power by landowners. This was specifically executed in order to create
more of a divide between “whites” and Blacks, to avoid any potential joining of
forces in future rebellions.
With the Missouri Compromise in 18 20, Missouri was admitted to the
Union as a state that allowed enslavement. Maine was admitted as a free state,
and enslavement was banned in former Louisiana Purchase lands north of a
designated land line. Additionally, in that same year, states that required voters
to be property owners, removed that clause for “white men” and added new, and
different requirements for Black men. As a result, “white” men rose in society
and became more protective of maintaining their increased wealth, power, and
status.
The chasm between Black and “white” continued to widen after the
Emancipation Proclamation of 18 63 and expanded further throughout the period
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of Reconstruction from 18 65 - 18 7 7 . This era was a short-lived period of healing
and rebuilding in the South following the ending of the American Civil War. The
Reconstruction Act of 18 66-18 67 attempted to strike down restrictive codes that
targeted Blacks. The 14 th Amendment in 18 68 promised to provide equal
protection to Blacks under the law, and grant citizenship to all persons born or
naturalized in the United States. The 15 th Amendment in 18 7 0 granted suffrage to
Black men, however they remained disenfranchised by poll taxes, literacy tests, and
other means for almost another century. Despite these constitutional amendments
designed to aid Blacks, “white” dominance and subordination persisted. In 18 8 0
Frederick Douglass observed that “the old master class is to-day triumphant, and
the newly enfranchised class in a condition but little able that in which they were
found before the rebellion.”1 Similarly, W.E.B. Du Bois wrote of the post-Civil
War era that “the slave went free; stood for a brief moment in the sun; then moved
back again toward slavery.”2
Growing up in rural Missouri in the 1920s, my father George was
sheltered as much as possible from knowledge of enslavement, and the Jim Crow
laws of the Deep South that prohibited Afrikan Americans from achieving
cultural equality through segregation. Born in 1927 , George grew up in St.
Louis, Missouri, where the tremors of the Deep South’s racial earthquakes from
Black Codes, lynching, and peonage were felt.3
Joining the United States Airforce at eighteen, George was sent to
Frederick Douglass, The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (Boston: DeWolfe, Fiske, & Co.,
1895), 611.
2
W.E.B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America, 1860-1880 (New York: Free Press, 1998), 30.
3
Afrika has thousands of languages and evidence from Afrikan linguistics show that in most Afrikan
languages, there is no letter “c.” Languages carry historical messages from ancestors to new generations
with a sense of pride in ancestry. As these languages were revised and rewritten by Europeans, the
messages were erased. The Afrikan country Kongo become Congo, and the capital city of Ghana,
Akkra, is now Accra. As a colonizer, changing an existing language to suit European standards was the
beginning of the removal of Afrikan political, scientific, religious culture, then assigning it to the
colonizing oppressor. Gwendolyn Brooks, the first Black author to win the Pulitzer Prize, selected the
Kiswahili spelling of Afrika with a “k” in order to reconnect and fuse herself and her work with the
language of the ancestors. Brooks links her audience as well and signifies the loss of her potential
native language through enslavement. Haki R. Madhubuti, noted poet and author, advocated for
spelling “Afrika” with the letter “K” in his collection of essays, From Plan to Planet: Life Studies—The
Need for Afrikan Minds and Institutions (Chicago: Third World Press, 1979). In this collection,
Madhubuti encourages Black people to control their destiny and to step away from imposed control.
This self-determination and empowerment begins with reclaiming Afrikan languages.
1
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Shepherd’s Field, Texas and became a Military Policeman. There, he experienced
racism after he, and military colleagues of Mexican ethnicity, were not allowed to
enter restaurants through the front door, if at all. Incidences like these instilled in
George contempt for all matters of racial injustice. Being in the service opened
his eyes to see the racism that had always existed. Nevertheless, upon returning
from his drafted voyage during the Second World War, he learned about the evils
of racism, and devoted his life to the elimination of this transgression.
Abandoning his original hopes of becoming a minister, George became a
journalist, aiming to correct attitudes “based on erroneous information” and enlighten
the public about the civil rights that had not been granted to Afrikan Americans.
Hand in hand with the church, George used his faith as a way to free him from the
troubles brought on by the dominantly “white” and racist community. In this respect,
the church acted as a liberator during his most difficult times and allowed him to
share as much information about civil rights with an ignorant community.
The rural South of George’s lifetime was a land void of civil laws that
protected the rights of minorities in the 1920s. Segregated movie houses, schools,
restaurants, lodging, and public transportation were the casualties of the South’s
racial warfare against civil rights that young George had to experience. When he
returned from the draft, he received his undergraduate degree in Journalism.
Seeking an occupation, George moved to Chicago with the hope of being able to
have his voice heard. In 195 2, George began to work for The Chicago Daily
Defender, the principal Chicago newspaper aimed at promoting civil rights. The
newspaper appealed, apart from Chicago and the North, to the southern states,
encouraging Blacks to migrate to the North as a social upgrade from
sharecropping. At the Defender he covered the criminal courts, and community
news with stories about the uproar of a “white” community after a Black family
moved into a “white” housing project.
George worked at The Defender during a time of “tokenism” when Blacks
were hired minimally, their employers thought that one token Black employee was
enough to belie the company’s otherwise racist policies. Civil rights spokesmen
pushed the government to avoid punishing solely overt acts of racism like tokenism
and instead urged its’ elimination, giving Blacks fair representation in schools, jobs,
and other aspects of society. Court officials took heed of Lyndon B. Johnson and
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John F. Kennedy’s attempts to ensure that Blacks gained jobs based on merit and
not racial preference. Companies suspected of not hiring enough minorities were
penalized, and outreach to minorities became standard.
Civil rights groups like the National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People (N.A.A.C.P.) that George strongly supported, attacked school
segregation, exposed any uninvestigated lynching, and fumed over Black
unemployment under Roosevelt in 194 1. The strain against the civil rights
coalition of Blacks, however, gave rise to new hostilities as “whites” felt this
“reverse racism” was unconstitutional.
Throughout the rest of his life, whether he was rallying in the Civil Rights
Movement or was infuriated at the Apartheid of South Africa, the church was the
crucial variable that George was allowed to use in his revolt against society and his
struggle for ethnic peace. Despite this history of hardship and pain, deliberately
designed to keep Afrikan Americans from advancing in all aspects of life, “white”
edicts of racism have not fully curtailed Black progress. This progress, ambition,
and sense of purpose has released latent “white” resentment that has resulted in the
lynching of Black men by “white” men in blue uniforms. In fact, the star-shaped
badges or insignia that some law enforcement officers wear today, are remnants of
the star-shaped badges that were used to identify the “Slave” Patrollers or Patty
Rollers that hunted Black people during times of enslavement.
George Floyd’s murder was a modern-day lynching. Who can forget the
scornful sneer, and casually pocketed hands of the “white” officer that snuffed out
George Floyd’s life by kneeling on his neck while three other officers stood idly by
and watched? Those officers are America’s legacy of white supremacy,
imprisonment, peonage, sharecropping, Jim Crow, lynching, and enslavement all
in one. Distressingly, the image of an unarmed George Floyd on May 25 , 2020,
lying prone on the ground, with at least two “white” men standing over him, is
eerily similar to many archival photos of “whites” attending a lynching. These
troubling photos usually show crowds of “white” observers gathered around the
victim, with expressions ranging from exuberance to nonchalance. The fact that
George Floyd was murdered by a neck crushing injury, painfully recalls the many
Afrikan Americans who were lynched with nooses.
The similarities do not end there. Attending a lynching was an event.
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People sent picture postcards and kept souvenirs to prove they were there. With
George Floyd, the video of his lynching circumnavigated the globe within hours
with his own hashtags, #JusticeForGeorgeFloyd and #ICantBreathe. The latter
hashtag was previously utilized after the murder of Eric Garner by chokehold at the
hands of yet another “white” police officer. Black people everywhere have been and
continue to be viewed as inferior beings solely because of their skin color, with their
life-or-death dependent upon the whims of “whites.” The murders of Breonna
Taylor, Michael Brown, Tamir Rice, Walter Scott, Alton Sterling, Philando
Castile, Stephon Clark, and Amadou Diallo all involved police mistreatment and
stirred public consciousness. George Floyd’s murder was different.
What made the murder of yet another Black man in police custody spark
such outrage? There had been many prior calls for change regarding civil rights,
equalities, and injustices. At the time of Mr. Floyd’s murder, many people were at
home during the COVID-19 pandemic.
This meant that more people watched the horrifying video repeatedly,
recognized the abhorrence of the video, and were prompted to protest. Tensions
were already high from being forced to quarantine, coupled with the murders of
Ahmaud Arbery on February 23, 2020, and Breonna Taylor on March 13, 2020.
The pandemic brought high unemployment, contributing to even more people
being at home, allowing them to protest in droves without concern for work
responsibilities. For the first time, many people felt compelled to unify and march
together regardless of race, creed, or gender.
Learning from my father about race relations, as well as the sociological
and emotional challenges he endured brings the struggle for civil rights into
sharper perspective. He often taught me how disenfranchised people revolted
against the system with their writing, art, organizing, songs, churches, and
protests. Many of the people he knew, if not all of them, were actively involved in
agitating and awakening the minds, souls, and spirits of the oppressed.
Consequently, many people from that era produced literary work that has
become world-renowned, while others changed society with their actions,
all of which are now part of American history.
Many believe that “white” racism is a variant of ethnocentrism with
“white” privilege buried deep in American society since enslavement. After four
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hundred years of repeatedly demanding accountability for overt acts of racism and
countless lynchings of Black people, walking in the streets with signs protesting
George Floyd’s murder may or may not bring widespread structural change to a
fortified system of oppression. Our screams have been heard for years and yet,
they are still sometimes met with jeers, then silence. Nevertheless, we will
“It’s been a long time comin’, but I know, A change is gonna come.”4
wait,
“A Change is Gonna Come”, song by Afrikan American singer/songwriter Sam Cooke, February
1964.This song was inspired by events in Sam Cooke’s life such as being refused lodging while
traveling. The song became an anthem during the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s.
4
106
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Two Georges: History in Black and White
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King, Danielle
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Accuosti, Pizarro Family
The Pizarro Family and the Conquest of Peru
Francine Accuosti
Known for his conquest of the Incan Empire in Peru, Francisco Pizarro (d.
15 4 1) most likely had no idea what was waiting for him when he started out on his
expedition in December of 15 30. Little did he know that what was happening in the
Incan Empire was in his favor. Setting out on his adventure, he probably thought he
was in for fame and fortune, great wealth, and power, as Hernán Cortés (14 8 5 -15 4 7 )
did almost a decade earlier. Because of many failed attempts at an expedition, Pizarro
finally, with the help of his friend Diego de Almagro (14 7 5 -15 38 ), was able to gain
the funds for a quest into Peru. Because of the previous failures, he knew he had to
deliver on profit to make his expedition successful, and to receive reinforcements. The
huge success of Cortez in Mexico probably put a lot of pressure on Pizarro to succeed.
To join them, Pizarro brought along his four brothers and his cousin. This
was a strategic move on his part. This would mean that instead of any profits and
titles being shared two ways, it would be split between all seven giving the Pizarro
family 8 6 percent of the rewards. Much of Pizzaro’s first profits accompanied his
brother Hernando back to Spain in the summer of 15 33. A lot of the Pizarro wealth
was distributed in land purchase in and around the town of Trujillo in Spain where
the family was from, and in purchase of royal juros. Royal juros were the equivalent of
today’s government bonds. In the first decade after landing in Inca territory, the
Pizarro family had invested almost 3.5 million pesos in real estate and almost 30
million in juros.1
The Andean landscape is a very harsh one, with mountain ranges, deserts,
rivers, and jungles. It was an environment to which the Spanish were not acclimated.
This made the Spanish more vulnerable to native diseases. Working against them in
this respect was also the lack of a steady stream of supplies. Unlike Cortez, who had
the colonies in the Caribbean to get supplies and to send messages, Pizarro and his
group were mostly alone. The fact the Incan civilization was not an urban one, rather
Rafael Varon Gabai and Auke Pieter Jacobs, “Peruvian Wealth and Spanish Investments: The
Pizarro Family during the Sixteenth Century,”The Hispanic American Historical Review 67, no. 4
(1987): 657.
1
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one that was made up of small villages, probably confused the conquistadors. They
most likely assumed the structure would be more like the known Aztec one in
Mexico. There were a few large cities, Cuzco being the biggest and grandest of them.
A difference between Pizarro’s conquest and Cortez’s was the speed at which
it happened. Pizarro’s march south was hindered by his need for supplies. He had a
much smaller band of men than Cortez, but because of the distance form established
Iberian settlements, they needed to make frequent stops to gather food and other
supplies. Along the way, he was able to gain a strong foothold in the villages of Peru.
It is over 1,5 00 miles from Cuzco to Panama City. The Spanish needed to easily find
villages to gain supplies. Helping the Spanish in their quest were the vast road
systems. The Inca used these to transport food, military and livestock all over the
kingdom. The roads spanned more than 30,000 miles.2 They roads were impressive
in construction:
The breadth of the road was approximately 20 feet, and stone pillars,
in the manner of milestones, were placed along the route at intervals
slightly exceeding a league. The road it-self was made of heavy flags of
freestone, covered over in some instances with a bituminous cement
which time made harder than the stone.3
An important factor to examine when it comes to how Pizarro was able to
successfully conquer the Incan Empire was the Incan Civil war that was raging when
Pizarro’s group first landed. This was important to the conquest because it was a boon
to Pizarro’s advance south from San Miguel de Piura. He encountered much less
resistance than he probably expected. Ever since Europeans came to the Americas,
diseases ravaged the native populations. A measles-like disease, possibly smallpox, ran
through the Incan people, including the nobility. Included in these deaths was the
Incan emperor, Huayna Capac (14 68 -15 24 ). When he died in 15 24 , he named one of
his sons his successor, who then also perished in the epidemic. The next choice was
his son Huáscar Inca (14 91-15 32). Huáscar was a rash youth and seized power with
no regard to his father’s previous advisors’ experiences. He gave power to his friends
Magda Von Der Heydt-Coca, “When Worlds Collide: The Incorporation of the Andean World into
the Emerging World-Economy in the Colonial Period,” Dialectical Anthropology 24, no. 1 (1999):
10.
3
Charles J. Merdinger, “Roads — through the Ages: I. Early Developments: Cumulative Index,”
Military Engineer 44, no. 302 (1952): 483-86.
2
4
�Accuosti, Pizarro Family
and had anyone that resisted him killed.4 Eventually, this news reached another son
of Huayna Capac, Atahualpa (15 02-15 33). Atahualpa’s base was in northern Quito,
and Huáscar was in Cuzco. When Huáscar refused to accept Atahualpa’s customary
gifts, war was declared between the brothers and over the course six months,
Atahualpa was able to destroy his brother’s armies and gain the throne.5 The
significance of this victory was the sense of confidence Atahualpa gained. He was able
to defeat a large army in a very short time. He had a military background and was a
skilled tactician on the battlefield. Even after reinforcements came about a year after
the landing, Pizarro’s forces still numbered under 100 men.6 Atahualpa was also
misled by his advisors, who underestimated Pizarro’s forces, and told the ruler they
could “take them prisoner with a few hundred men.”7 As Cortez has years earlier,
Pizarro was able to do his research because of the bonds he made during his journey
south.
When it comes to Pizarro’s tactics, we notice that they were unique in that it
seemed he was much more interested in domination than destruction. When he came
to a city, he would use tactics of fear and control. If he experienced any resistance, he
would kill just enough people to strike fear in the people of the town or village, and
then he would take control. This was a much different tactic from Cortés. He would
go into a city and if he experienced any resistance, he would stamp out the whole city.
Pizarro’s tactics for taking control of the new Incan emperor was similar to Cortez.
The point was to capture the emperor and use him as a puppet to control the
population and to get as much profit as possible. Atahualpa’s confidence was not
unwarranted, as he outnumbered Pizarro by forces of nearly 4 0,000 men to Pizarro’s
168 .8 When he sent traditional “gifts” of greeting to the Spanish, he sent skinned
ducks and a representation of a fortress. The ducks were a representation of what he
and his forces planned to do to them, and the fortress was what they were to
encounter should they proceed in their invasion.9 This is an interesting intimidation
4
John H. Rowe, “The Inca Civil War and the Establishment of Spanish Power in Peru,” Ñawpa
Pacha, 28, no. 1 (2006): 2.
Ibid., 3.
Gonzalo Lamana, “Beyond Exotization and Likeness: Alterity and the Production of Sense in a
Colonial Encounter,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 1 (2005): 8.
7
Mark A. Burkholder and Lyman L. Johnson. “Colonial Latin America -” Bulletin of Latin American
Research 27, no. 4 (2008): 610-611.
8
Gonzalo Lamana, “Beyond Exotization and Likeness,” 23.
9
Ibid., 15.
5
6
5
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technique. Part of this may have been because the Inca were a society based strongly
on divination, and celestial prediction.10 This could have been a way to force a self-
fulfilling prophecy. Perhaps he felt if he gave this “gift”, where he predicted the end
of the invaders, it would come true. Atahualpa was also informed by his scouts that
the Spanish could not be gods, because they acted like humans. They ate, drank, slept
etc., and they did not seem to perform any miraculous events:
[They] do not make sierras or flatten them, nor make people, nor do
they make rivers or water fountains flow on their way-if there is no
water, they need to carry it. And if they are not gods, they are men of
the worst kind: they take everything they see and desire- young
women, gold and silver vessels, rich clothes-and force bound Indians
to carry their things.11
This perception of the Spanish begs the question: Who did this help more?
While the first thought might be that it helped Atahualpa more, because he did not
give everything hoping to satisfy the gods and earn their favor, one could argue that
this perception was more helpful to Pizarro. Because Atahualpa realized the Spanish
were just mortal men, he most likely assumed their technology was in the same level
as his own. If this was the case, then he could easily destroy them if needed, as his
numbers were so much greater. Had the Spanish indeed been on the same level of
warcraft as the Inca, then yes, he would have been able to stem the tide of invasion.
Another factor to the success of Pizarro’s invasion was the city if Cajamarca
itself. Atahualpa did not have his forces in the city when the Spanish arrived. Instead,
he chose to keep his forces outside the city in a tambo, or inn-like complex.12 This
provided the Spanish an opportunity to hide around the plaza for an ambush without
Atahualpa’s men knowing about it. Atahualpa arrived in the city with only a fraction
of his forces, and Pizarro’s men were able to make short work of the capture.
Approximately 1,5 00 natives were killed in the skirmish.13
When he was captured, Atahualpa had only been in direct power a short
while. His capture decimated Incan morale. He was ransomed for vast sums. 11 tons
Rowe, “The Inca Civil War,” 2.
Gonzalo Lamana, “Beyond Exotization and Likeness,” 17.
12
Ibid., 23.
13
Mark A. Burkholder and Lyman L. Johnson. “Colonial Latin America,” Bulletin of Latin American
Research 27, no. 4 (2008): 610-611.
10
11
6
�Accuosti, Pizarro Family
of gold and 26,000 pounds of silver, granting each soldier 4 5 pounds of gold, and 90
pounds of silver.14 Pizarro kept Atahualpa alive for less than a year, after which he
installed a puppet government. This caused all sorts of problems like a revolution,
which is a subject for its own paper.
The conquest of Peru made the fortunes of the Pizarro family. The actions of
the leaders of the Spanish and Incan forces as well as the native roads helped in the
conquest. The large distances and the landscape hindered the advance of the Spanish.
There really is no definitive answer as to what worked best and what was the greatest
hinderance for the Spanish, or what was the deciding factor that put the nail in the
coffin for the Incan empire.
14
Ibid., 61.
7
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Walker, 1619 Project and Capitalism
The 1619 Project and Capitalism: A Review
Evan Walker
Capitalism is as American as apple pie and winning world wars. It is
exemplified by the American mentality encapsulated in the classic phrase: “Anyone
can make it if they pull themselves up by their bootstraps.” However, for a lot of
people, it is more difficult to enjoy the fruits of such an ethic. I am talking of course
about African Americans. In 1619, the first African slaves landed on America’s shores
and started building the infrastructure for what would later become the world’s
biggest superpower of a nation. The release of the 1619 project has helped popularize
knowledge of the linkage of modern American capitalism and slavery. But thanks to
the New York Times and the journalists and historians who contributed, the
knowledge has hit the mainstream, and it in turn has sparked a new debate about race
and economics. The broad argument for capitalism’s linkage to slavery is that modern
financial institutions were founded in slavery. Wall Street itself, built by slaves. The
state of New York as a financial powerhouse, finds its roots in slavery. Matthew
Desmond, a writer for the Times, states his thesis: “In order to understand the
brutality of American capitalism, you have to start at the plantation.”1 To understand
his argument, we must dive deeper into the 1619 Project.
Founded by the Dutch in 1625 , the New Amsterdam colony would later
become known as “New York.” After the English acquired it, slavery expanded
significantly. At one point, “4 0 percent of households had slaves.”2 The slaves of New
York built much of the local infrastructure, including famous roads like Broadway
and Bowery Street. New York City’s investment in slavery greatly expanded. Starting
in 17 99, New York would pass a series of laws gradually banning slavery. But
investors continued to pour money into the slave enterprise, because many New York
financiers practically bankrolled the plantations to the south because of the cotton
Matthew Desmond, “In Order to Understand the Brutality of American Capitalism, You Have to
Start on the Plantation,” New York Times Magazine (August 14, 2019).
2
Tiya Miles, “How Slavery Made Wall Street,” New York Times Magazine (August 14, 2019).
1
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�Clio: WCSU History Journal
boom. According to Tiya Miles, New York City held “financial domination” of the
southern plantations: “New York City’s economic consolidation came as a result of its
dominance in the southern cotton trade, facilitated by the Erie canal.”3 Slavery started
New York’s financial dominance.
In the nineteenth century, cotton what was oil is now. It was a very widely
traded commodity. The problem with harvesting cotton is that it was—and is—a very
labor intensive, menial task. Cotton also sucks up the nutrients from soil quickly, so
growing cotton required the opening of more land for cultivation. So the US did what
it does best: seized land that was not theirs. Entire forests had to be cleared, and
slaves played a dominant role in chopping and axing those trees. As cotton expanded,
so did slavery, and so did American economic prosperity. By 18 31, the US was
producing more than half of the world’s cotton crop, at 35 0 Million pounds of cotton
that year.4 Four years later, the US produced 5 00 million pounds. Northern and
Southern white elites grew rich off the labor of the enslaved people. This large-scale
production of the crop “hastened the invention of the factory,” an invention which led
to the Industrial Revolution and changed the course of human history. Desmond
asks: “Was it slavery that started the industrial revolution or was it just the mass
production of cotton?”5 Desmond addresses this question by pointing out that the
mass production of cotton could not have happened without slaves. Historian Eric
Williams put it best in his 194 4 book “Slavery and Capitalism” when he said that
slavery helped finance the industrial revolution.6
Desmond points out how modern companies use a form of management that
finds its origins in slavery: “You report to someone, and someone reports to you.
Everything is tracked, recorded and analyzed…Data seems to hold a sway over every
operation.”7 However, in Accounting for Slavery; Caitlin Rosenthal points out that
until recently, economic historians played scant attention to the question of how
slavery impacted management practices: “slavery plays almost no role in histories of
management.”8 Desmond also cites Alfred Chandler’s 197 7 book The Visible Hand.
Ibid.
Desmond, “In Order to Understand the Brutality of American Capitalism.”
5
Ibid.
6
Scott Reynolds Nelson, “Review Essay: Who Put their Capitalism in My Slavery?” Journal of the
Civil War Era 5, no. 2 (June 2015): 290.
7
Desmond, “In Order to Understand the Brutality of American Capitalism.”
8
Caitlin Rosenthal, Accounting for Slavery (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2019), 6.
3
4
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�Walker, 1619 Project and Capitalism
Since this book’s publication, business historians have come to a consensus that
modern business and management practices can be traced back to major railroad
companies, with slavery playing only a small role in their adoption.9 According to
Richard R. John, a business historian from Harvard University, “Chandler grounded
his account of the managerial revolution in a three-stage model of economic
development.”10 Chandler argues that the first stage from 17 90-18 4 0 had no
influence on modern business practices. Instead, he finds the origin in the second
stage which was from 18 4 0-18 8 0 due to the steam railroad and the invention of the
telegraph. Desmond points out that plantations needed to put their production into
overdrive. To do this, they needed to make a hierarchical system where one person
reports to another to make sure that everything is running smoothly. If this sounds
familiar, it is because that is how almost every office in America works. One person
reports to another to make sure that everybody is being held accountable for their
work. There was also a “central office” made up of the plantation owners and lawyers
to make sure long-term goals are being met. This sounds more and more like the
modern American corporate structure. On one particular plantation, “The owner
supervised a top lawyer, who supervised another lawyer, who supervised an overseer,
who supervised three bookkeepers, who supervised 16 enslaved head drivers and
specialists (like bricklayers), who supervised hundreds of enslaved workers.”11 Like
modern companies, slave owners knew that to get maximum profit that they had to
get the most amount of work possible out of their slaves. Bookkeepers kept a close
watch on the output of each plantation. Plantation “entrepreneurs” like Thomas
Affleck wrote a book called the “Plantation Record and Account Book” which
released eight editions until the ending of the Civil War. According to Caitlin
Rosenthal, this book “was really at the cutting edge of the informational technologies
available to businesses during this period.”12 What Desmond has done is prove the
link between the managerial business practices of slave owners and modern corporate
America.
I agree with Desmond in all of the points that he made. America was built on
Alfred D. Chandler, Jr., The Visible Hand (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 285.
Richard R. John, “Elaborations, Revisions, Dissents: Alfred D. Chandler’s The Visible Hand after
Twenty Years,” Business History Review 71, no. 2 (Summer 1997): 156.
11
Desmond, “In Order to Understand the Brutality of American Capitalism.”
12
Rosenthal, Accounting for Slavery.
9
10
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�Clio: WCSU History Journal
the scarred backs of slaves. It was slavery that jumpstarted the industrial revolution. It
was slavery that hastened the invention of the factory. Still today we see signs of
slavery in our corporate structure, in our business practices. To conclude, slavery has
an indisputable link with modern American capitalism.
92
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Valhalla Rising: The Age of Vikings and Their Legacy
Edward Dougherty
Few periods in European history leave as great an impression as the Viking
Age. From 7 93-1066 CE, much of Europe became victims of constant raids,
settlement and conquest by seafaring peoples from the North. These Vikings would
sack the cities of Christendom, explore the far-flung reaches of the globe, and settle
in nations where their legacy lives on even today. Their subsequent success in raiding,
settling and exploration can be attributed to two key factors. First, their unique
pagan religion which provided strong guidelines and beliefs for their actions both
home and abroad. Second, their specialized martial culture that produced infamously
fierce warriors and lastly a highly advanced sense of nautical and practical ingenuity
that allowed them to navigate the world and tame it. It would be these factors
especially that would ensure the Viking’s foothold in Europe and help them leave a
long-lasting legacy that ensured their success. They opened the pathway to wealth,
glory, honor and worthy life everlasting.
For the monks at Lindisfarne Abbey in CE 7 93, it was any other day. Prayers
and hymns were sung, chores done, Christ had been worshipped, and all seemed
quiet and quaint. Indeed, the Christian world of England seemed good and fair, and
none suspected any sort of disruption. However, the presence of ships on the horizon
would bring violent winds of change to the monastery, to England, and to the rest of
Christian Europe. The men on these ships were not there to sell or trade goods, but
to take and give nothing back. Their Gods were Odin and Thor and Freya, and they
did not kneel before the Christ-God that had converted most of Western world.
These men landed on the island, killed and enslaved the monks, and looted the entire
monastery. Only leaving behind a trail of blood and burning ruins. This date would
mark the beginning of the Viking age.1
Benjamin Thorpe (ed. and trans.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, according to the Several Original
Authorities (London: Longmans, 1861), 262.
1
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�Dougherty, Valhalla Rising
The Vikings originated from what is now considered Scandinavia, which
consists of present-day Norway, Denmark and Sweden. Though these nations shared
a similar cultural heritage, the Vikings from these nations seldom acted together, and
often had their own agendas. The homeland of the Vikings was relatively
inhospitable, and consisted mostly of tundra and forests, with no land for large farms.
Vikings played host to brutal winters. The farms that Vikings did have were small,
with little variety in livestock. They were, however, excellent craftsmen; this was
mainly due to specialized skills specific Vikings had and could do. For example, one
woman would make the shirts, clothes and other garments for her village, while
another Viking specialized in blacksmithing or wood carving. This specialization
created a “quality over quantity” market whose goods were highly valued by other
European nations. The trade between these nations became stifled when religion
came into play; many of the now Christian European nations had a problem trading
goods with a people who still practiced paganism. This hesitance towards trade put
unnecessary stress on Viking markets, and as a result they settled for simply taking
what they wanted as opposed to trading for it. The attack on Lindisfarne was not the
first recording of the Vikings per-se, but the first account of a violent attack upon
innocents by them. Indeed, Christianity may have, albeit accidentally, spurred on
these attacks, it was the Viking religion that sent them forth to begin with.
“Norse” Paganism played a large part in not only the violent raids, but also
helped form the martial culture that produced such incredible Viking warriors. The
pantheon of the gods of the Vikings consisted of the chief God Odin and his family.
These gods were warlike beings who meddled with the affairs of the mortals and
sought to hinder or help when they saw fit to do so. These Gods did not possess a
human code of ethics and were deemed to be beyond such “human” social constructs.
They were mischievous, spiteful, cruel, and wanton in their ways, especially in regard
to the treatment of mortals. Curiously enough, these gods were also not entirely
immortal: they were aware of their demise at Ragnarök, the Viking equivalent to the
apocalypse. This knowledge about the mortality of all things led to a sense of fatalism
amongst the Vikings, an acceptance of one’s own death at some point in time. Yet,
immortality was attainable for Vikings; they could ascend to “Valhalla”, a great hall of
slain warriors presided over by Odin and the Valkyries who selected the worthy. To
9
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
be worthy, one must have had an honorable death, dying bravely in combat.2 This one
chance at glory would act as an impetus for Vikings to go forth and seek battle
wherever they went. They fought as ferociously as they could, for Odin was watching
them. Also, unlike their Christian neighbors, the Vikings had no concept of “sin.”
While they possessed a moral compass that was catered to their lifestyles, and had
laws and regulations in their own lands, they did not receive a set of ethics from a
divine source. The Viking gods were not naturally ethical in what they did, and ethics
was considered solely a human property.3 These violent, curious, and warlike Gods
helped inspire Vikings to sail elsewhere and this mentality would also form guidelines
on how Vikings treated foreigners whose land they invaded, as well as the residual
treatment of rulers of those kingdoms.4 To the Vikings, violence was a justifiable
means to an end, just as the Gods themselves did whatever it took to accomplish what
they sought to do. As Robert Ferguson has noted, “this Ruthlessness in pursuit of his
own ends made Odin feared and admired by his followers and, we as we shall see,
Viking warriors abroad would very often take their cue from him in their dealings
with the Christian kings of England and Francia.”5
With this religious mindset and their own code of ethics, the Vikings built a
martial culture around fighting, raiding and combat. This culture differed
significantly from those further West, whom though they had their own warriors,
were not built on such a socio-political system surrounding warfare and combat as the
Vikings were. One notable aspect of this Viking culture was slavery. One of the most
prized spoils of a Viking raid were slaves. Vikings would enslave people from the
villages they raided, and they would sell them back home, or to whomever they came
across in the market. Viking society was stratified not only on political standings, but
also on the concepts of “free” and “slave.” Slavery was also deemed to be hereditary;
children born to any slave, regardless of whether the father was a free Viking or not,
were still considered slaves.6 Slavery could also be a punishment to any Viking who
broke the law.7 A slave’s life was not a nice one; they were used as human sacrifices to
Else Roesdahl, The Vikings (New York: Penguin, 2016), 156-166.
Robert Ferguson, The Vikings: A History (New York: Penguin, 2009), 31.
4
Ibid., 22-25.
5
Ibid., 28.
6
Ibid., 29-31.
7
Ibid., 56-57.
2
3
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the gods and were killed and buried along with their master when they died8. Another
key factor of Viking society was honor. Honor was a prized trait among Vikings, and
the code of honorable conduct was passed down orally through poems, as well as
runic inscriptions.9 One source of this code was The Hávamál, “The Speech of The
High One.” These were poems passed down supposedly from Odin himself. They
taught etiquette and conduct and stressed that honor and reputation were the only
everlasting things in Viking’s life. Two such verses go like this:
Cattle die,
kindred die,
every man is mortal:
but the good name
never dies
of one who has done well.
Cattle die,
kindred die,
every man is mortal:
but I know one thing
that never dies,
The glory of the great deed.10
This code of honor only pertained to Vikings, not to the people they raided. Crimes
like rape and murder were permissible if they were inflicted upon non-Viking
peoples, which led to particular brutality during many raids.11 Though there were laws
and legal ramifications for Viking criminals, the biggest impact would have been the
shame upon one’s honor. In fact, a Viking’s life was usually structured around the
oppositions of honor and shame, as well as living within the confines of Viking law
and etiquette.12 Raiding, however, was not the main job of a Viking. They were
farmers and craftsmen first and foremost. Many Viking raiders actually raided out of
necessity. Many of them were second born sons who, by Viking cultural standards,
Ibid., 29-31.
Roesdahl,Vikings, 65-68.
10
Author unknown, translated by Henry Adams Bellows, The Hávamál (Nashville: Fateful Signs,
2016), verses 77-78.
11
Roesdahl,Vikings, 65-68.
12
Ferguson, Vikings: A History, 31.
8
9
11
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inherited little from their parents. The family house and farm would go to the eldest.
This practice, though common, was not set in stone.13
What was set in stone and at times quite literally, was their language, or at
least its written form. The runes that the Vikings used as an alphabet of sorts
consisted of sixteen different characters that were usually carved into runestones,
wooden sticks or bones.14 These runes had different meanings on their own and could
also be pronounced differently depending on how they were used.15 This has led to
most runic inscriptions found to be nearly indecipherable, as we do not know what
they were trying to say exactly.16 The runes have been found engraved on various
Viking age items, from combs to spear handles, but are abundantly found in
runestones.17 Thousands of runestones have been found in Scandinavia, and other
smaller runic inscriptions have been found throughout the Viking colonies.18 These
runestones provide insight into Viking socio-political structure and cultural history.
One such inscription found in Sweden reads as follows:
Runa had this memorial made to Spiallbudi and to Svein and to
Andvett and to Ragnar, her sons and Helgi’s, and Sigrid to Spiallbudi,
and her husband. He met his death in Hólmgard in Olav’s church.
Öpir cut the runes.19
The runestones act as an invaluable source of archaeological information, as
the Vikings were a culture who never wrote down any of their history. Most of what
Vikings knew was passed down orally through poems. Most accounts of Vikings are
either written by those they attacked or written hundreds of years later as sagas by
poets. Poems like The Prose Edda provide context into Viking life and their exploits,
though from a later time when Vikings as we know them no longer existed. If
anything, sagas were an example of cultural remembrance and preservation from a
Scandinavia that was changing in both structure and religion. By the time the Prose
Edda was written, the Viking age had drawn to a close, and a majority of the
Ibid., 45.
Roesdahl, The Vikings, 51-53.
15
Ibid.
16
Ibid.
17
Ibid.
18
Ibid., 14.
19
Ibid., 15.
13
14
12
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Scandinavian peoples were now Christian. The sagas were a way of remembering an
honored past, old gods of magic and nature and lineage now lost.
Viking culture was also unique in how it viewed gender relations. Women
played a huge part in Viking society. While men held the upper hand in most things,
women had some individual liberties and control of their lives to a degree. They
controlled the house and the coin purse and could substitute in the political roles of
their husbands if needed. Women had such an important role in Viking society that
many runestones erected are dedicated to deceased women, whether it was a wife, a
mother, or a sister. Women also were important in terms of lineage. Despite public
belief, Viking lineage was not entirely patriarchal but could be based on the mother’s
bloodline as well. A claim of kingship or position of power based on a maternal blood
line was equally valid as to that of a paternal one.20
As for combat, there is much debate on a woman’s role. There are references
made to “shield maidens” in poems, and Odin’s Valkyries were all specifically female,
which would lead to the belief that the concept of a female warrior was not far-
fetched to the Vikings. The great heathen army that ravaged England in the year 8 90
CE. was said to contain women, but those women were most likely wives of the
soldiers21. Burial sites have revealed female skeletons surrounded by weapons,
indicating that these women may have known how to use them. One such gravesite is
the gravesite known as “Bj 5 8 1” and was found in Birka, Sweden. This “Birka”
woman as she is sometimes referred to, was found in a large grave that depicted a
high social status. However, this female was buried with weapons alongside
homewares. It was due to this find, that many archaeologists generally assumed the
body was male, up until recently when genetic research proved otherwise22. The
reasons why she was buried with weapons has not yet been resolved or agreed upon.
Bj 5 8 1 differed from the norm for female Viking graves, like a rather lavish one found
in Oseberg, Norway. Typical female graves contained home utensils, needlework
artifacts, jewelry, household items and even in some cases the bodies of lapdogs.23 Yet,
since Vikings seldom, if ever, wrote anything down, there was never any clear
Ibid., 62.
Ibid., 62-64.
22
Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson, “Grave Bj 581: the Viking Warrior that was a Woman,” Paper
Presented at the Archaeological Institute of America Annual Meeting, Assumption College, March
12, 2019.
23
Ibid.
20
21
13
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description of what a “shield maiden” actually was, if they existed at all. Despite the
growing archaeological evidence that there may have been female warriors, these
women were most likely scarce around the entirety of Scandinavia. Outside of the
homestead, the Viking woman had few options aside from marrying a good man and
bearing children. However, marriage was considered a union of equals, and the
woman was allowed to divorce her husband.24 Adultery also carried a severe
punishment for both parties regardless of gender.25 Viking society seemed somewhat
more progressive than their western neighbors, a surprising notion given the Viking’s
public perception at the time. But that just alludes to how complex their society
actually was.
The political culture of the Vikings was complex in itself. The Viking
communities relied on a specific socio-political structure to help keep the community
together, to defend it and to help organize expeditions and raids. Viking culture was
headed by warlords or chieftains, known as Jarls, who had bands of warriors around
them. In exchange for loyalty, these warlords would reward them with feasts and
spoils and constant warfare. These men enjoyed violence and fought for their chief
while the warlord himself fought for victory: “the Bravest, and most warlike do no
work; they give over the management of the household, of the home, and of the land,
to women, the old men, and the weaker members of the family.”26 Profiting from this
martial life, Viking raiders usually relied on raiding and violence to make a name for
themselves, thinking that labor or farming was deemed beneath them or stupid. In
some cases, many of these warriors would be related either to each other or to the
warlord himself. Though polygamy was not culturally accepted, it seems Viking men
could have multiple “wives”; though these would not have been formal marriages at
all, and sired multiple children, all legitimate under Viking law.27 Essentially, a
raiding party could have been comprised of a warlord, his sons, and subsequent halfbrothers. Ideally, this would create a lasting loyalty between the warriors and the
warlord, as his men would share blood ties with him, as well as ensuring the
continuation of his bloodline. The lives of children in the Viking community are
relatively unknown. If they survived infancy, most likely they enjoyed a brief
Ibid.
Ibid.
26
Ferguson, The Vikings: A History, 45.
27
Roesdahl, The Vikings, 64.
24
25
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childhood before being given tasks around the house and given roles in society at
large as they grew older. A young Viking man could very well have raided and fought
and even probably married while still in his early teenage years. As a Viking, and as an
early medieval European in general, children and young adults tended to grow up
fast.
Another aspect of the Viking political culture that made them unique was the
Thing. The thing was an assembly held for all free Viking people to attend. These
assemblies were where issues of the village were discussed, fellowships and deals were
made, marriages and dowries arranged, oaths made, grievances aired, and general
announcements declared.28 This was also where plans and strategies were announced
for upcoming raids, and input was accepted by all free Vikings who attended, even
women. This was sort of a community “town hall” meeting by today’s standards.
While planning a raid and garnering public opinion on it was one thing, executing
the raid itself was another issue. One of the biggest factors that attributed the most to
the Viking’s success in raiding, exploration and settlement was not just the gods or
military prowess. It was their ships.
These iconic ships are usually one of the notable associations that people have
with the Vikings. With their iconic dragon figure heads and long oars, they were a
foreboding site to any villager who glimpsed them on the horizon. The Vikings were
expert seamen, as well as navigators. This, mixed with their martial expertise and
religious beliefs, made them formidable opponents and masters on the high seas.
Ships were incredibly important to Vikings. They provided means to trade, transport
to villages that were ripe for raiding and access to lands that were once considered
unreachable. These ships were so important, that several archaeological sites have
revealed burials with entire ships inside the burial mound. One incredibly famous site
was the Osberg ship in Norway. This site was absolutely massive, almost fifty meters
in length.29 It contained the bodies of two women.30 It also contained several wagons,
sledges, and even animals. The ship itself was placed under a massive mound. This
burial is considered by archaeologists to perhaps denote a high status for the
Ibid., 61.
Gareth Williams, Sue Brunning, and Jan Bill, “Anglo Saxon and Viking Ship Burial: The British
Museum,” medievalists.net (June 2014), https://www.medievalists.net/2014/06/anglo-saxon-vikingship-burial-british-museum/
30
Ibid.
28
29
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individuals who were buried there.31 Ships obviously played such a large role in the
Viking’s success, as well as everyday life, that it had to be included in the afterlife.
The amount of hard work and dedication it must have taken to even bury such an
object speaks volumes about how much the Vikings stressed the importance of their
ships. It would be these ships and their unique construction that would also guarantee
success on their raids and make them one of the deadliest forces on both land and sea.
The Vikings also put sails on their ships, which allowed them to catch the
wind and sail on long voyages. This was unheard of at the time, as not many were
able to cross great oceans and seas with their versions of ships.32 This also made it
easy for Vikings to escape if they wanted, as they could not be pursued on the high
seas by any ships of those they attacked. These ships had oar ports as well, which
allowed a mixture of rowing and sailing, making the Viking ship incredibly fast.
These vessels were also designed to sail through shallow rivers, allowing Viking
raiders to sail inwards from the coast if they found a river outlet.33 This also meant
that villages and cities inland had no greater sense of safety than their coastal
countrymen. These ships also had keels, which took most of the damage from being
pushed up onto shore, but also made it quicker to be pushed back out to water,
making the landing and leaving of raiding parties efficient and lightning fast.34 The
ships could also go under bridges due to the masts being removable and allowing
oarsmen to do most of the work.35 In short, these were cutting edge ships, capable of
great speeds, and able to penetrate the innermost rivers of Europe. This lightning
nautical speed matched with ruthless brutal precision made experiencing a Viking raid
a truly terrifying ordeal. As for how the Vikings found their way around the seas and
rivers they sailed, the answer lay in their rather unique navigation skills. It is generally
believed that the Vikings had no real navigation tools, but it is suspected that they
used the stars, the waves and the sun to navigate where they were. These routes were
then passed down through oral tradition.36 Essentially, their routes consisted of them
sailing to a shoreline, then sailing down it until they reached a city or village or inlet
Ibid.
Roesdahl, The Vikings, 87-92.
33
Ibid.
34
Ibid.
35
Ibid.
36
Ibid., 89-92.
31
32
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that would take them further inland, at which point, they had the option of going by
foot the rest of the way.
Using this mixture of martial culture, high-tech sailing ships, military speed
and prowess, the Vikings were able to obtain vast wealth and territory, allowing them
to explore new areas and settle new lands. They made settlements where they raided
as well. These factors also helped them dominate their opponents, who lacked the
capabilities to do little else but defend themselves from perpetual attack. It is no
surprise that these sailing methods coupled with their faith and skill, brought
enormous success to the Viking endeavors. It also made the Vikings see those they
attacked as inferior sheep waiting to be plundered.
In 8 4 5 CE, a Viking named Ragnar Lothbrook led series of raids against
Francia. These raids culminated in the sacking of Paris within the same year.
According to Ragnar, “never had he seen lands so fertile, and so rich, nor a people so
cowardly.”37 The cowardice of the French paid off, as France succumbed to paying the
Vikings 7 ,000 pounds of gold and silver as a ransom for France’s safety as opposed to
trying to fight Ragnar and his men.38 This became a custom of other nations as well;
simply paying off the Vikings instead of allowing them to run rampant over the
country. This created dilemmas as well, as the Vikings would frequently return
expecting the ransom to be paid out again.39 Gold and silver, however, were not the
only goods Vikings sought. What they wanted just as badly was fertile farmland and a
place to settle that was actually hospitable for agriculture. They would find that much
of Western Europe would do nicely, and thus the Viking colonization of England,
Ireland and other countries began.
The beginning of the English raids by Vikings began in 7 8 9 CE but
continued until at least 8 8 6. However, as the raids progressed over the years, the
Vikings began to slowly settle into this alien country. This culminated with Danish
Vikings taking the northern territory of York and Eastern parts of England between
the years of 8 65 -8 66 CE.40 King Alfred of England (8 4 8 -8 99) agreed to a treaty
Peter Sawyer, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Vikings. (Oxford University Press, 1997), 40.
Ibid.
39
Ibid.
40
Danielle Trynoski. “The Viking Cities of Dublin and York: Examining Scandinavian Cultural
Change and Viking Urbanism,” medievalists.net (April 2012), accessed March 23, 2021.
https://www.medievalists.net/2012/04/the-viking-cities-of-dublin-and-york-examining-scandinaviancultural-change-and-viking-urbanism/
37
38
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between the English and the Danes. The territory was called “The Danelaw.” It was
essentially an autonomous Viking colony. Upon settlement, there began a mixture of
English and Danish peoples, slowly blurring the lines between who was a Viking and
who was English. Around the same time, the Vikings began to settle in Ireland.
There, the Vikings found a small, swampy area that was easy to settle and defend if
necessary. They named the place “Dubh-Lin”, meaning Black-Pool, in 8 4 5 CE,
which would soon evolve from a few small fishing huts, into a much larger Viking
settlement known now as Dublin. 41 The geographies of York and Dublin were
similar in that both areas resided near a river.42 This made trade, plus the arrival and
departure of raiding ships more accessible to these settlements. The downside to
acquiring these territories was that the Vikings would have to fight tooth and nail to
both acquire and defend them, as the native populations were understandably hostile
to the Vikings being there.43
“The wind is rough tonight/tossing the white-combed ocean;/I need not
dread fierce Vikings/crossing the Irish Sea.”44 This poem was written by an Irish
monk fearing the seemingly endless raids by the Vikings. Official Irish cities and
towns did not exist during the Viking age, and the only real structures that kept an
otherwise nomadic people gathered, were the monasteries and the farms that
surrounded them.45 Unfortunately, this made the monasteries prime raiding targets
for the Vikings, who would reap massive spoils of both wealth and slaves46. In one
instance, sixty-eight individuals were “lost to death or slavery”47 at the hands of
Vikings. To escape these attacks, the Celtic Irish peoples began to move more and
more inland in order to build better defenses. What transpired was a dangerous game
of cat and mouse. To combat this change in their prey, the Vikings changed their
own tactics. Instead of their usual smash and grab blitz they had become so infamous
for, the Vikings chose instead to follow the Irish and hunker down in camps and
winter in the inland area.48 The results of these encampments resulted in the finding
Ibid.
Ibid.
43
Ibid.
44
Trynoski, “The Viking Cities of Dublin and York: Examining Scandinavian Cultural Change and
Viking Urbanism”.
45
Ibid.
46
Ibid.
47
Ibid.
48
Ibid.
41
42
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of a plethora of artifacts, indicating that several thousand Vikings may have been
encamped in Dublin at a time.49
These camps, also known as longphorts, were originally designed for ship
repair when the boats were out of the water during the winter months.50 Over time,
these camps began to grow into fortresses with non-military settlements inside.51 This
was also due to a need for defense from the Irish kings who attacked the Vikings as
they wintered. According to archaeological research done in Ireland, Dublin seems to
have been the largest of these forts.52 Over time, these settlements and forts became
larger and more permanent, with more settlers moving inland. Dwellings were put up
around these forts. Eventually Dublin would evolve from simple camp to a growing
urban city; a hub for Viking trade routes along the Irish coast.53 The attacks on the
monasteries and Irish people stopped altogether, and instead, the Vikings worked out
an agreement with them. The Irish would pay taxes to the Vikings in return for
protection and the cessation of any further raids.54 Whether it was intentional or not,
the Vikings shaped Ireland, notably Dublin, from a small swamp with fishing huts to
a large urban center of commerce and trade. The Vikings brought pain and
devastation to the Irish peoples, but they had also brought urbanization, commerce
and economy to a nation that essentially had nothing to its name. Today, the Viking
museum in Dublin pays homage to their presence, proudly displaying the trove of
artifacts found therein. From the bloody seeds of conquest, prosperity bloomed.
York was a different story. Originally a Roman territory, it had since been
taken over by the Christian kings of Northumbria, the strongest of all the AngloSaxon kingdoms.55 York also became the religious capital of the Anglo-Saxon
kingdoms, as it contained the only other archbishopric and only cathedral on the
island.56 York also already had infrastructure as well. Archaeological research shows
that the Anglo-Saxons utilized some of the remaining Roman structures.57 However,
Ibid.
Trynoski, “The Viking Cities of Dublin and York: Examining Scandinavian Cultural Change and
Viking Urbanism.”
51
Ibid.
52
Ibid.
53
Ibid.
54
Ibid.
55
Trynoski, “The Viking Cities of Dublin and York: Examining Scandinavian Cultural Change and
Viking Urbanism.”
56
Ibid.
57
Ibid.
49
50
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the archeological evidence also shows that the city was grossly underpopulated and
was already experiencing “urban decay” by the time the Vikings arrived there. 58 They
faced little resistance when the time came to settle. The Vikings by this time had
changed their motives from simple acts with quick raids, to longer campaigns for land
and resources. The Viking army marched from Kent to York in 8 66 CE and took the
city fairly easily.59 They stopped the campaign at York, declared it their new capital
city of the territory, and began settling down within it. Soon, soldiers became
manufacturers and farmers. Visions of war turned to visions of agriculture as York
became an urban city of commerce and trade amongst the Vikings. Archaeological
evidence found between 197 6 and 198 1, in the Coppergate area, revealed that the city
did indeed expand in both industry and population once the Vikings arrived, as
determined by the soil layers matching the period and the abundance of artifacts
found therein.60 Items included, but not limited to: iron coin dies, jewelry, leather
shoes, scabbards, knives, needles, combs, wooden cups, plates, amber, jet, ceramic
wine containers from the Rhineland, Byzantine silk, Chinese pottery, gaming pieces,
whistles and pan pipes. All these examples point to a flourishing Viking Settlement in
both cities, and that these areas were experiencing large economic and social growth.61
In many ways, the Vikings forced change on these two cities, forever altering them
arguably, for the better. Through them, prosperity emerged, and from muddy swamps
and ruins came urban areas of great wealth and industry. This was how the legacy of
the Vikings would live on, not by the sword and the axe, but by the plough and coin.
Dublin and York are but two examples of how the Vikings settled and
expanded their reach, not just across Europe, but the world. In 8 7 4 CE, the Vikings
discovered and settled Iceland. In 98 2 CE, Erik the Red discovers and began to settle
Greenland. The Vikings would even try their luck, unsuccessfully, in Spain. Yet, the
most famous exploit of the Vikings, one that is still important to this day, was the
discovery of what the Vikings called “Vinland”, so named after the abundance of
grape vines they saw. It is now known as North America. The topic of the Vinland
expeditions is a rather exciting one. It points to the fact that Christopher Columbus
Ibid.
Ibid.
60
Trynoski, “The Viking Cities of Dublin and York: Examining Scandinavian Cultural Change and
Viking Urbanism.”
61
Ibid.
58
59
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was in fact not the first to discover North America. Rather, it was Leif Erikson (c.
97 0-c.1020), son of Greenland founder Erik the Red; and he did so some centuries
earlier. The Vinland Saga tells the story of Erikson’s exploits in as true a fashion as a
poetic saga possibly could. Though the saga is a story of sorts, there is sufficient
concrete evidence within it regarding North American topography and natural
resources that seems to paint a clear picture that the Vikings had in fact been in
North America.62
Further archaeological evidence, in the form of a Viking era settlement in
Newfoundland discovered by archaeologists Helge Ingstad and Anne Stine Ingstad
provides irrefutable evidence of a Viking presence in North America.63 There is also a
famous map, now at Yale University, that seems to depict the route to, and the
outline of North America as the Vikings knew it. The legitimacy of this map is
debated; some believe it is genuine, some believe it is a hoax, and some think it is real
but was made after the Viking era. Nevertheless, Vikings landed in North America,
but the question remains as to why they did not stay. The sagas and the
archaeological evidence point to a specific reason as to why the Vikings never stayed.
That reason was the Skraelings.
For centuries it was debated as to whether the Vinland Sagas had any merit to
them, or if they were just works of Viking fiction. Upon the discovery of the site in
Canada it became clear that this was no myth. However, a specific part of the tale
puzzled scholars up until then. It pertained to a battle fought in Vinland between
Vikings and what the sagas referred to as “Skraelings”. This name is an obscure
definition, and nobody is sure why these individuals earned a name like that, and
what the Vikings may have meant by calling them that has since been lost. However,
it has since been determined that this is referencing early Native Americans,
specifically the Beothuk tribe, now extinct.64 These two groups most likely did not
start out as hostile, but over time skirmishes erupted as verified by the sagas. Vikings
obviously had the military advantage in terms of weapon quality. Having the ability to
smelt and forge iron weapons, gave the Vikings the upper hand. It also appears that
Vinland Sagas; The Norse Discovery of America, Magnússon, Magnús, editor, translator; Hermann
Pálsson, 1921-2002 (New York: New York University Press, 1966).
63
Ibid.
64
Brian Burfield. “Sagas, Swords and Skraelings: The Vikings in North America,” Medieval Warfare
3, no. 1 (2013): 47-52.
62
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the Beothuk tribe were in awe and afraid of these weapons and their lethality65. The
presence of Vikings arms and armor, along with metal ornamental garnishments and
trinkets most likely intimidated these people who only were using stone tipped
weapons at the time66. The Beothuk, however, had the home advantage. The Vikings,
at this point in time, accustomed to strange lands, were out of place in North
America. They did not know the terrain, and they were far away from any sort of
military backup. Indeed, even in the sagas, despite having the fighting advantage, Leif
Erikson did lose men to the Beothuk. The first fight seems to have occurred after
Leif Erikson’s brother Thorvald and his men slew some eight Beothuk and incurred
the wrath of others who engaged the Vikings in battle. Thorvald became the only
casualty, but the Vikings succeeded in driving their foes away.67 The second battle
came some time later, when the Vikings traded the Beothuk milk for furs and pelts.
The natives agreed to the trade but were upset afterwards. The natives were
understandably lactose-intolerant, since they had never had milk before.68 There was
no way for the Vikings to have known this, but it made matters worse when the
Vikings killed a native for trying to steal weapons.69 Fearing reprisal, the Vikings
made ready for battle. This time they had reinforcements from a recent company sent
to Vinland, led by Thorfinn Karlsefni.70 Still outnumbered, Torfinn plotted to trap
the Beothuk warriors, using the forest to their advantage. The resulting battle ended
in victory for the Vikings as the Beothuk warriors fled after being properly routed.
Allegedly, Leif’s sister Freydis, who was very much pregnant at the time, even
managed to fight as well; grabbing a sword, exposing her breasts and screaming at the
Beothuk, tapping herself with the sword to goad them into attacking71.
Overall, the source of the strife seemed to be that these were two completely
different and incompatible sets of cultures. Language barriers aside, one was a stone
age people, the other an iron age people. Both were aggressive towards the other and
both shared a healthy level of distrust. The Vikings had ventured in to somewhere
Ibid.
Ibid.
67
Burfield. "Sagas, Swords and Skraelings: The Vikings in North America." Medieval Warfare 3, no. 1
47-52.
68
Ibid.
69
Ibid.
70
Ibid.
71
Magnús Magnússon and Hermann Pálsson (Ed. and Trans.)Vinland Sagas; The Norse Discovery of
America (New York: Penguin Books, 2003), 100-101.
65
66
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completely new and different, and this time it did not pay off. It simply became too
dangerous to live under the threat of constant attack in a strange land with a foe who
had superior numbers. This eventually led to the settlers moving back home and away
from Vinland, despite all it offered. Vinland was a gamble for the Vikings, and it cost
them more than it was worth. They would still visit Vinland for lumber and other
goods, but any sort of long-term settlement had been thrown out by that time.72
Interestingly, DNA studies of certain Icelandic peoples today show traces of Native
American descent, a genetic reminder that Vikings once roamed North America, and
the now extinct Beothuk could still exist even if only on a genetic level.73
The Viking age lasted from 7 93 to 1066 CE. They changed or discovered
much of the known world. From Asia and the middle East, all over Europe and
North America, the Vikings established themselves as a cultural force to be reckoned
with. They were lords of the seas, masters of the axe and sword, farmers and
craftsmen. They literally carved their names across history as one of the greatest forces
ever to put themselves upon the European map. Yet, like all empires and golden ages,
it came to an end.
One of the death knells for the Viking age was Christianity. By the end of
their age, most Vikings had accepted the Christ-God into their pantheon and moved
on from Odin and the others, though that transition took some time. No longer were
they able to land victories like they used to either. Nations had grown wise to their
tactics and practices and had grown to a point where they could effectively fight back.
Alfred the Great took back England and dismantled the Danelaw, though by that
time most of the cultural mixing had already happened and most people had Viking
blood in their veins to some extent. The Vikings had grown rich from trading and
manufacturing as raiding became less and less of a glorified occupation. The political
sphere had shifted as well. Scandinavia had become distinct kingdoms now. Gone
were the days of the warlord; now replaced by legitimate kings like Harald Fine hair,
who unified Norway as its first king. The sun was setting on the Viking story, and it
would eventually end with the death of Harald Hadrada, and the invasion of England
by the Normans of France. Ironically, William the Conqueror of Normandy was
descended from Vikings himself.
72
73
Burfield, “Sagas, Swords and Skraelings,” 47-52.
Ibid.
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Despite them being gone, Vikings play a huge part in pop culture today,
whether it be the logo of an NFL team or even the iconic, if not horribly inaccurate
horned helmet. There is even a resurgent interest in the Viking’s history, spurred on
by recent and exciting archeological finds. Their unique religion, martial culture and
technological prowess on the high seas earned them riches, combat, land, and glory.
Their successes in life, and the successes of their age, were heavily influenced by these
factors. Without them, the Vikings would have been little more than mere pirates.
These factors would be the tools by which the Vikings would shape their world and
leave a lasting impression for ages to come. In a way, this allowed the Vikings to
achieve a sense of immortality, if only in legacy and cultural memory. Perhaps
Valhalla is found rather in the pages of history than in some magical hall. If such is
the case, then the Vikings have more than earned their place in it.
24
�
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Valhalla Rising: The Age of Vikings and Their Legacy
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https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/Vol._48_num._1_Clio_-_2021/6827/Clio_Ch_5_Standrowicz.pdf
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Standrowicz, History of the Jews in Russia
A History of the Jews in Russia
David Standrowicz
Since the eighteenth century, Jews comprised a significant minority
population in the Russian Empire and eventually the Soviet Union. During the reign
of Catherine the Great, for example, the empire acquired lands of present-day eastern
Poland and Lithuania that contained a large population of Jews, leading to the
emergence of Jews as a major ethnic minority in the empire. Throughout history and
not only in Russia, Jews have faced discrimination based on anti-Semitism--
sentiments against Jews. In the Tsarist Empire, Jews had numerous rights restricted
and were not treated equally before the law as their non-Jewish counterparts. They
were only allowed to reside within a large area of land known as the Pale of
Settlement, established by Catherine the Great in present-day Ukraine, Belarus,
eastern Poland, and Lithuania, and they were required to pay fees in order to reside
outside the pale. Between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Jewish
communities faced more violent acts of anti-Semitism in the form of pogroms,
organized riots. From the rise of Imperial Russia to the twentieth century, Jewish
people in the Russian empire dealt with anti-Semitism in numerous forms, where
they were separated from the rest of Russian society with restricted rights and were
eventually subject to extreme violence.
As early as the Medieval era, Jews in Europe faced anti-Semitism in numerous
forms. In European countries, the majority of anti-Jewish sentiment could be divided
into two main types, religious and racist. Religious anti-Semitism referred to
discrimination against members of the Jewish faith, which was based on teachings of
the Christian church. Anti-Semitic Christians discriminated against Jews based on
their faith and the common teaching that the Jews were responsible for the execution
of Jesus of Nazareth, whom the Christians recognize as the messiah. Since this form
of anti-Semitic thought was based on religion, religious anti-Semites believed that
Jews could be included in the predominantly Christian society through conversion.1
1
Eli Weinerman, “Racism, Racial Prejudice and Jews in Late Imperial Russia,” Ethnic and Racial
Studies 17: 3 (1994): 443.
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It was different from racist anti-Semitism because religious anti-Semites believed that
Jews were inferior due to their faith rather than their race or ethnicity. According to
historian Pål Kolstø, the Jews were accused of having killed Christ, and it was
commonly believed that their “bloodthirstiness” had continued to the present day.
Kolstø described anti-Jewish sentiment when he stated: “proof of this was found in
their alleged killing of Christian boys for ritual purposes. This medieval superstition,
which in earlier centuries could be heard all over Europe, in Russia lingered on until
the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.”2 In the Medieval era, many Europeans
believed in the superstition that Jews ritually killed Christian children and used their
blood to make matzo, a thin unleavened bread commonly eaten by Jews. Due to the
Christian teaching that the Jews were responsible for the death of Jesus and the
medieval superstition that Jews would ritually kill Christian boys, religion served as a
basis for a majority of anti-Semitic thought in the Russian empire.
In addition to religious anti-Semitism, racist anti-Semitism began to emerge
in Europe during the late nineteenth century. In racist anti-Semitism, it was believed
that Jews were inherently different and separate from the Aryan race due to their
biological and psychological nature.3 While religious anti-Semites believed that Jews
could be integrated into European society through conversion to Christianity, racist
anti-Semites believed that since their “inferior” racial qualities could not be changed,
Jews could not be included in Aryan society. In the Russian empire, anti-Semitic
intellectuals and political officials in the nineteenth century attempted to restrict the
rights of Jews based on ethnicity rather than religion. Historian Eli Weinerman
points out that “these proposals were aimed at Jews who had converted to the
Orthodox faith and who, in contrast to the rest of the Jewish population, had enjoyed
the same rights as the Empire's Orthodox peoples.”4 As time progressed, Russian
anti-Semites began to refer to racist theories to justify prejudice against the Jewish
population. Government officials and politicians proposed that rights should be
restricted not only for religious Jews, but also for people of Jewish descent who had
converted to Orthodox Christianity. Therefore, the nineteenth century saw the
Pål Kolstø, “Competing with Entrepreneurial Diasporians: Origins of Anti-Semitism in
Nineteenth-century Russia,” Nationalities Papers 42:4 (2014): 692.
3
Weinerman, “Racism, Racial Prejudice and Jews in Late Imperial Russia,” 443.
4
Ibid., 445.
2
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�Standrowicz, History of the Jews in Russia
emergence of racist anti-Semitism alongside the longstanding religious anti-Semitic
thought.
There were numerous factors outside religious discrimination and racist
theories that contributed to the rise of anti-Semitism in the Russian empire. As the
Tsarist empire began to modernize and transition toward an industrialized country
with a growing economy, economic factors began to play a role in anti-Jewish
sentiments. Conservatives in the empire associated the Jews with capitalism and
feared Jewish economic activity because they believed that it undermined the political
power of the landowning elites.5 Furthermore, cultural factors led to opposition to
Jewish involvement in the arts. Opponents of Jewish inclusion often accused Jewish
people, including converts to Christianity, for distorting Russian culture due to their
flawed knowledge of the Russian language, national character, and traditions.6 In the
late nineteenth century, however, a new factor that contributed to increasing anti-
Jewish sentiments began to emerge. The last two tsars of the Russian empire were
both anti-Semites who actively supported restriction of the rights of Jews. Since his
father had been assassinated by a Jewish man in 18 8 1, Tsar Alexander III was both an
anti-Semite and a devout reactionary, eager to suppress revolution. According to Pål
Kolstø, “Much of the anti-Jewish legislation that was adopted in the last decades
before the 1917 revolution clearly was part of a drive to combat left-wing terrorism.”7
Since Jews were disproportionally represented in revolutionary parties, often due to
the way Jews were treated under the Tsarist empire, Jews were often associated with
left-wing radicalism, leading to a political basis for discrimination against the Jews.
With the association of Jews with economic activity, limited knowledge of Russian
language and culture, and revolutionary involvement, anti-Semitism in the nineteenth
century was largely driven by numerous economic, cultural, and political factors.
Anti-Semitism in the Russian empire was originally based on religious
discrimination that had existed since the Medieval era, but the nineteenth century
saw the rise of a variety of new factors that contributed to anti-Jewish sentiment.
Anti-Semites in the empire expressed these sentiments in a variety of ways, including
public demonstrations, literature, and bias in the legal system. One of the most
5
6
Ibid., 453.
Ibid., 454.
Pål Kolstø, “Competing with Entrepreneurial Diasporians: Origins of Anti-Semitism in
Nineteenth-century Russia,” Nationalities Papers 42, No. 4 (2014): 692.
7
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significant symbols of anti-Semitism in the Tsarist empire was the concept of
pogroms, which were violent riots carried out against the Jews. During such riots,
crowds of Russians expressed their hatred of Jews, revolutionaries, and the
liberalization of the Tsarist government. For instance, historian Victoria Khiterer
described that during a pogrom in Nezhin, the crowd of pogrom-makers screamed,
“We don’t need Jews and democrats, they torment us, get them out of our city … If
the students don’t give us lists of the democrats, we know ourselves some of them and
will make short work of them right now.”8 Since Jews in the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries were connected with revolutionary parties and left-wing
radicalism, crowds often expressed their opposition to Jews and liberals together,
claiming that such people tainted their society. Aside from the pogroms, Russian
anti-Semites frequently expressed their anti-Jewish beliefs through literature.
Historian Pål Kolstø points out that they produced an entire library consisting of
books, booklets, and articles that discussed the necessity of fighting the Jews and
restricting their rights.9 Unsurprisingly, many of the most prominent texts within this
collection of anti-Semitic works were written by strong believers in Orthodox
Christianity who wrote their works in a religious language. This assortment of works
dedicated to the spread of anti-Semitic thought reveals that much of the opposition
to the Jews in the Tsarist empire stood on religious beliefs as the main foundation.
One of the more unusual expressions of anti-Semitism in the Russian empire
was through an extreme bias against Jews in the legal system. The issue of
discrimination in the legal system was emphasized in the writing of Mary Antin, a
Jewish girl who grew up in the Pale of Settlement and noticed the injustice that Jews
suffered in Russia. In her writing, Antin described how Jews were constantly at the
mercy of the police, judges, and their non-Jewish neighbors. According to Mary
Antin, “If you chased their pigs when they came rooting up your garden, or objected
to their children maltreating your children, they might complain against you to the
police, stuffing their case with false accusations and false witnesses.”10 She adds that
such cases would be brought to the court if a Jewish individual or family was not well
Victoria Khiterer, “The October 1905 Pogroms and the Russian Authorities,” Nationalities Papers
43, No. 5 (2015): 790.
9
Pål Kolstø, “Competing with Entrepreneurial Diasporians: Origins of Anti-Semitism in
Nineteenth-century Russia,” Nationalities Papers 42, No. 4 (2014): 704.
10
“Mary Antin: A Little Jewish Girl in the Russian Pale, 1890,” Internet History Sourcebooks Project
(November 1998), accessed April 8, 2021. https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/.
8
74
�Standrowicz, History of the Jews in Russia
acquainted with the police. Furthermore, Jews would lose the trial before it even
began because judges in the Russian court system were often anti-Semitic themselves
and thus biased against Jews. The exclamations of pogrom-makers, writings of antiSemitic Russians, and treatment of Jews by their non-Jewish neighbors as well as in
the legal system all illustrate the widespread anti-Jewish sentiment in the Tsarist
empire.
One of the most visible symbols of discrimination against the Jews on a
political level in Russia was the Pale of Settlement. The area of land known as the
Pale of Settlement was established in 17 91 under Catherine the Great in order to
restrict the movements of the Jewish people in present-day Belarus, who had become
subjects of the tsar following the first partition of Poland in 17 7 2.11 When the Tsarist
empire acquired new land in present-day Poland and Lithuania, the pale was
expanded to the western and southern boundaries of the empire. According to Pål
Kolstø, the purpose of the establishment of the Pale of Settlement was to limit the
permitted area of residence for Jews, in which the government sought to ensure the
growth of a non-Jewish middle class outside the pale.12 Jewish people were not
allowed to reside outside the pale unless they paid fees and were granted special
permission. Even so, Jews were constantly at the mercy of local authorities who made
decisions regarding the restrictions of activities of the Jews, which included the
eviction of Jews from their respective towns or cities. For example, Kolstø pointed
out that “in 18 91, some thirty-thousand Jews, mostly artisans, were expelled from
Moscow and sent back to the Pale. This constituted more than eighty-five percent of
the Jews living in the city.”13 Although Jewish people could pay fees and receive
permission from the authorities to settle outside the Pale of Settlement, they could
have this permission taken away at any time and for no reason at all. The pale served
as a reminder that the Jews would always be treated as second-class citizens inferior to
their non-Jewish counterparts, and they were always living at the mercy of the Tsarist
authorities.
In her personal narrative, Mary Antin described the conditions of Jews living
in the Pale of Settlement in Russia, emphasizing the constant fear of the tsar.
Pål Kolstø, “Competing with Entrepreneurial Diasporians: Origins of Anti-Semitism in
Nineteenth-century Russia,” Nationalities Papers 42, No. 4 (2014): 698.
12
Ibid., 698.
13
Ibid., 699.
11
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According to Antin, many Jews hung portraits of the tsar Alexander III in their
homes because it looked well when police or government officials visited the village
on business. For example, she wrote, “The czar was a cruel tyrant – oh, it was
whispered when doors were locked and shutters tightly barred, at night – he was a
Titus, a Haman, a sworn foe of all Jews – and yet his portrait was seen in a place of
honor in your father's house.”14 Even though many of the Jews secretly resented the
tsar as much as he resented them, they never spoke of such sentiments outside their
homes. Instead, they hung portraits of the tsar in their homes and appeared to show
support for the monarchy so that they would not be suspected of being
revolutionaries. It was expected that every Jewish congregation say a prayer for the
health of the tsar, and the chief of police would close any synagogue that refused to
do so. Similarly, all houses were expected to fly flags of the Russian empire on royal
birthdays, and failure to do so would result in being dragged to the nearest police
station and a fine of twenty-five rubles.15 Mary Antin explained the wrath of the
authorities on royal birthdays when she stated, “a decrepit old woman, who lived all
alone in a tumble-down shanty, supported by the charity of the neighborhood,
crossed her paralyzed hands one day when flags were ordered up, and waited for her
doom, because she had no flag.”16 Antin narrated that the policeman broke down the
door, sold every item found in the old woman’s house, and finally hung a flag above
the roof of the dilapidated house. Since Jews were often associated with revolutionary
parties and radicalism, they were expected to show loyalty to the tsar, and these
expectations were often stricter for the Jews than their non-Jewish neighbors. Even if
an elderly individual with poor health could not afford to purchase a flag, the
authorities often showed no mercy but arrested the individual without remorse.
The establishment of the Pale of Settlement, despite its purpose to restrict the
activity and advancement of the Jewish people in Russia, had some positive effects on
the Jewish communities due to their confinement. Through a geographical and
statistical analysis, historian Richard Rowland arrived at the conclusion that due to
the restriction of Jewish settlement, Jews comprised a highly urbanized community in
the Tsarist Empire. According to Rowland, nearly one-half of the Jewish population
“Mary Antin,” Internet History Sourcebooks Project.
Ibid.
16
Ibid.
14
15
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�Standrowicz, History of the Jews in Russia
in the pale resided in urban centers, in comparison to only one-tenth of the non-
Jewish population.17 While only ten percent of the non-Jewish population in Russia
lived in urban centers, the Jews were highly concentrated in urban centers with nearly
fifty percent residing in cities. Rowland also reported that although Jewish people
comprised just over one-tenth of the population of the Tsarist empire, they comprised
nearly two-fifths of the urban populations. In eight of the twenty-five provinces, the
majority of the urban population consisted of Jews.18 The large proportion of the
Jewish population residing in cities may have been advantageous because due to their
residence in cities, Jews were closer to large markets and industrial centers with
factories, which provided them with nearby opportunities for work. Thus, the one
potential advantage of the Pale of Settlement was that much of the Jewish population
was highly concentrated in urban centers where they were close to job opportunities
rather than small, isolated villages.
Aside from the Pale of Settlement, the Tsarist government sought to restrict
multiple rights of Jews in the empire in order to keep them at a second-class status in
Russian society. While the pale limited where Jews were permitted to reside, other
regulations were passed to oppress Jewish people in education and professional fields.
For example, Jews were highly discouraged from becoming lawyers, an influential
occupation in politics and justice, in order to keep Jewish influence out of the legal
system.19 Russian society actively sought to keep Jews from advancing into the higher
classes of society, which led to violent conflicts over the social status of Jews.
Historian Heinz-Dietrich Löwe explained the reason for such oppression when he
stated, “Because of their being restricted to a position of poverty and low social status,
many people might have felt the need to look down on somebody lower still on the
social ladder—the Jews.”20 Many of the non-Jewish peasants in the Tsarist empire
were bitter about their social status, confined in a state of poverty. Consequently,
they needed another group of people to look down upon and frequently chose the
Jews as a target of social and economic oppression, keeping them lower on the social
ladder.
Richard Rowland, “Geographical Patterns of the Jewish Population in the Pale of Settlement in Late
Nineteenth Century Russia,” Jewish Social Studies 48, No. 3 (1986): 218.
18
Ibid., 219.
19
Pål Kolstø, “Competing with Entrepreneurial Diasporians: Origins of Anti-Semitism in
Nineteenth-century Russia,” Nationalities Papers 42, No. 4 (2014): 700.
20
Heinz-Dietrich Löwe, “Pogroms in Russia,” Jewish Social Studies 11, No. 1 (2004): 19.
17
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As a result of social and economic oppression of Jewish people, Russian elitists
and officials sought to keep Jews out of a variety of fields, especially academics. Jews
faced vicious discrimination in education, often with quotas that prevented Jews from
comprising more than a certain low percentage of the student body at many schools.
The pursuit of secondary education was common among Jewish people due to the
economic situation in the Pale of Settlement. The pale was already excessively
crowded with tradesmen such as goldsmiths, cobblers, artisans, and shopkeepers.
Since a higher education created new opportunities, Jews often pursued education and
academics as an alternative path of life.21 In her personal narrative of life as a Jew in
the Pale of Settlement, Mary Antin described the harsh conditions of Jewish children
seeking an education. Jewish children desiring admission to schools had to face
physical examinations, where Antin pointed out that “the brightest Jewish children
were turned down if the examining officers did not like the turn of their noses.”22
Examining officers were very hostile toward Jewish children, judging them on shallow
details such as the look of their noses, based on a common stereotype of Jewish
physical features.
According to Antin, Jewish candidates had to take a separate examination in
which nine-year-old Jewish children were expected to answer questions that not even
thirteen-year-old Gentile children were expected to answer.23 Even if Jewish children
answered questions correctly and confidently, they often received a low grade with no
opportunity for appeal. Mary Antin added that the conditions did not improve for
Jews who entered universities, for the school life for Jews was a “struggle against
injustice from instructors, spiteful treatment from fellow students, and insults from
everybody.”24 Similarly to secondary schools, Jewish children seeking to attend
universities faced excessively challenging examinations, dishonest marking, and blunt
bias against Jewish candidates. Jewish children were heavily oppressed and
discouraged from receiving higher education not only due to the desire to keep them
at a second-class status, but also because Jews in the nineteenth century were often
associated with revolutionary ideals. Therefore, officials in the Tsarist empire sought
Pål Kolstø, “Competing with Entrepreneurial Diasporians: Origins of Anti-Semitism in
Nineteenth-century Russia,” Nationalities Papers 42, No. 4 (2014): 700.
22
“Mary Antin: A Little Jewish Girl in the Russian Pale, 1890,” Internet History Sourcebooks
Project, November 1998, accessed April 1, 2021. https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/.
23
Ibid.
24
Ibid.
21
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�Standrowicz, History of the Jews in Russia
that keeping Jews out of secondary schools and universities not only kept them at
their respective social status, but also prevented them from becoming highly educated
and exposed to radical ideas.
Anti-Jewish sentiments in education were felt not only at the local level, but
also at the political level, where even the tsar was fully aware of the issue and openly
supported the restriction of Jewish children in schools. Historian Alex Valdman
explained political discussions of Jewish children and education when he stated,
“Suggestions to limit Jewish students’ enrollment were discussed in some circles even
in the days of Alexander II, and after his assassination these ideas found firm support
among government officials, including the new tsar, Alexander III.”25 Tsarist officials
considered limitations on the number of Jews accepted into schools as early as during
the reign of Alexander II, a tsar responsible for many progressive reforms in the
nineteenth century. However, after he was assassinated by a Jewish man and his son
Alexander III rose to the throne, the Tsarist government gave full support of
restrictions on Jews receiving higher education as well as other rights among the
Jewish population.
School administrators at the local level also freely expressed their anti-Jewish
sentiments, which were based on both religious and racist anti-Semitism. According
to Alex Valdman, the principal of the Vitebsk Gymnasium bluntly declared that the
typical characteristics and traits of the “Jewish race” were clearly notable among
Jewish children, including those attending Russian schools. Valdman added that
among other school principals and administrators, “The principal from Vitebsk did
not hesitate to attribute a whole range of stereotypes to his Jewish students, including
uncleanliness, an inclination toward anti-Christian and anti-Russian conspiracy,
greed, immorality, and even the smell of garlic, which Jews allegedly brought with
them into classes.”26 Anti-Semitic thought among Russian school administrators
included a combination of both religious and racist beliefs. Jews, including Jewish
children, were accused of anti-Christian and anti-Russian conspiracy, and they were
stereotypically associated with uncleanliness, greed, and immorality. School
Alex Valdman, “A Miracle in Minsk: Secondary Education and Social Mobility in the Pale of
Settlement before 1887,” Jewish Social Studies 24, No. 2 (2019): 145.
26
Ibid., 146.
25
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principals also commonly agreed with stereotypes portraying Jewish physical
attributes, including large noses and the smell of garlic.
Although nearly one-half of the Jewish population in the Tsarist empire
resided in urban centers, the remainder of the population resided in small villages
known as shtetls. Shtetls were small towns largely segregated between Jews and nonJews where Jewish residents mostly spoke a dialect known as Yiddish, a combination
of mostly Hebrew and German along with influences from Eastern European
languages as well. In the shtetl, Hebrew was the language of the educated, as Jewish
boys were all expected to learn Hebrew and study the Torah, the holy book in the
Jewish faith. According to historian Ben Pinchuk, “Yiddish as the language and the
basis of shtetl popular culture included significant Slavic influences, as did the shtetl’s
folklore, music and cooking.”27 Although the Jews in the diaspora maintained their
connection to the Hebrew language and the Jewish faith and culture, they were
influenced by various customs in Eastern Europe such as music, folklore, and
cooking. Jewish immigrants from shtetls in Eastern Europe brought with them these
culture influences and as a result, formed their own unique Jewish identity. Ben-
Cion Pinchuk mentioned that Jews in the shtetl were physically distinguishable from
their non-Jewish Slavic neighbors, often possessing a darker skin complexion, for
example. Pinchuk described the common physical appearance of Jews in shtetls when
he stated, “During most of the nineteenth century, the men had beards and side-locks
(peyes), that set them further apart from the Slavic peasant.”28 Since it was a Jewish
custom that men not shave their facial hair or the sides of their heads, Jewish men
were easy to distinguish from their non-Jewish counterparts due to their bears and
sideburns. As descendants of Israelites who had migrated into Europe during the
diaspora, Jewish people continued to follow cultural traditions that made them stand
out from non-Jews in Europe.
Shtetl culture in the Tsarist empire was largely driven not only by the Yiddish
language and Slavic influences, but also by the holy book known as the Torah.
Nearly every aspect of individual, family, and community life in the shtetl were
determined by the Torah in these small Jewish communities.29 Historian Ben-Cion
Ben Pinchuk, “Jewish Discourse and the Shtetl,” Jewish History 15, No. 2 (2001): 170.
Ben-Cion Pinchuk, “The Shtetl,” Cahiers Du Monde Russe 41, No. 4 (2000): 503.
29
Ben Pinchuk, “Jewish Discourse and the Shtetl,” 173.
27
28
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Pinchuk pointed out that Judaic law had the most significant influence on the nature
of the shtetl, in which working hours were affected by daily prayer, and all business
came to a half on the Shabbat, the weekly day of rest in Judaism. Pinchuk also
mentioned that “Preparing for the Shabbat occupied an important part of the week
and could be noticed in the stores, at the marketplace and in the street.”30 In the
Jewish faith, the Shabbat was not only a weekly day of rest, but a day dedicated to
prayer, devotion to God, and worship in synagogues. Furthermore, the observance
Jewish holy days such as Pesakh, Sukot, and Purim all highlighted the Jewish culture
of the shtetl. Similar to the weekly Shabbat, all closed and everyday work came to a
complete halt in these villages. Customs observed on each holiday were visible in the
streets, illustrating the importance of Jewish faith and traditions in the shtetl.
In addition to markings of Jewish culture, shtetls were often recognized for
their appearance, which was different from that of other towns in Eastern Europe.
Shtetls were often described by travelers as dull and rundown, reflecting extreme
poverty and neglect, and having squalid conditions even in comparison to dull
Russian provincial towns.31 Sanitation was extremely poor in these villages, often
dubbed worse than in the poorest of Russian towns, with refuse simply thrown into
the street.32 The shtetl generally consisted of a central marketplace and a few brick
buildings surrounded by dilapidated wooden huts, generally lacking gardening or
decorations unlike those in non-Jewish villages. Ben-Cion Pinchuk described the
conditions of life in the shtetl when he stated, “The houses were crowded, the streets
without pavement or adequate drainage, the stores with little merchandise.”33 The
squalid conditions of the houses in the village revealed the restriction of Jews in the
Tsarist empire to a lower social status. Lack of attention to gardening, painting, and
decoration in comparison to non-Jewish neighbors also reflected the reservation for
external beauty often found in traditional Judaism.34 Therefore, houses in the shtetl
were often built mostly of wood, straw, and clay, which were the most cheap and
readily available building materials in the region.
Ben-Cion Pinchuk, “The Shtetl,” 503.
Ibid., 499.
32
Ibid., 500.
33
Ibid.
34
Ibid., 501.
30
31
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Since shtetls were too small to have a need for government buildings, the
majority of public buildings in these villages were devoted to the Jewish population.
Near the center of the villages were the synagogues, Jewish houses of prayer and
assembly. The number and appearance of synagogues reflected both the size of the
community and material well-being.35 The central synagogue was always built large
enough to accommodate the entire community for both religious and social purposes.
Synagogues served the Jewish community not only as houses of worship, but also as
assembly halls and places of study. According to historian Ben-Cion Pinchuk, “Small
places of worship were to be found all over town. They carried different names, Beit-
midrash, Shtibl, Kloiz, and served different sections of the community. Besides being
places of worship, the synagogues were also centers of learning of the scriptures and
their commentaries.”36 The most significant place of study and instruction in the
shtetl, however, was the Kheder, meaning “room,” located in the private residence of
a teacher who provided children with basic education. Thus, both synagogues and
“rooms” were places where children learned the Hebrew language and studied the
Torah along with its important teachings. These small school rooms could be found
all over the shtetl where children would gather to receive a basic elementary
education. Aside from the synagogue and the Kheder, shtetls in the Tsarist empire
also consisted of a Jewish cemetery, a kosher slaughterhouse and butcher shop, and a
ritual bath known as the Mikveh.37 To a travelling outsider, the cemetery was one of
the first signs that a Jewish community resided nearby. The buildings within the
shtetl village reflected the importance of the Jewish faith and customs, as each village
contained several buildings dedicated to the Jewish community, either for worship,
education, ritual bath, or kosher food preparation.
Although everyday life in the shtetl may have been relatively peaceful, during
the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Jews in all corners of the Pale of
Settlement were faced with violence in the form of riots known as pogroms. While
anti-Semitism had existed in Europe since the Medieval era, a new form of anti-
Semitism emerged in the Tsarist empire, which involved political reasons. Partially
since they were tired of being oppressed as second-class citizens, Jews in the empire
Ibid., 502.
Ibid., 502.
37
Ibid., 502.
35
36
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�Standrowicz, History of the Jews in Russia
were often associated with revolutionary parties along with many of the non-Jewish
peasants. Jews were largely represented in Russian revolutionary parties, especially in
the Pale of Settlement where the first Marxist party in the empire, known as the
Bund, grew and prospered.38 The Bund worked to create a modern socialist future
free of conflict between ethnic groups, and also to protect Jews from pogrom violence
as anti-Jewish violence increased. A growing Zionist movement in the Pale of
Settlement, along with other Marxist socialist parties, defended Jewish communities
and stood up against pogrom violence for the first time between 1903 and 1905 .39
This was a pivotal moment in the history of Jews in the Russian empire because
socialist parties such as Marxists, Zionists, and the Bund actively defended the Jewish
population by standing up against anti-Semitic violence.
The treatment of Jews as second-class citizens and emergence of pogroms in
the empire led many Jews to resent the Tsarist authorities. Many Jewish individuals
such as a young man named Grigorii Aronson chose to fight back by joining
revolutionary socialist parties. Among many other Jews in the Pale of Settlement,
Aronson was eager to spread revolutionary ideals that opposed the oppressive Tsarist
government. Between 1909 and 1914 , for example, he worked as an editor for a
democratically oriented newspaper in Minsk and joined the Bund. Grigorii Aronson
enjoyed working openly and above ground as a newspaperman, public figure, and
activist for the Jewish workers’ party.40 Historian Gerald D. Surh described
Aronson’s contribution to the revolutionary effort by declaring, “He wrote several
books on Russian revolutionary politics, Russian Jewish history and even a book of
verse. Aronson also wrote prolifically for the Yiddish press on topics of concern to the
American Jewish community of his generation.”41 Grigorii Aronson was a confident
individual who courageously expressed opposition to the Tsarist government, writing
several works on both revolutionary politics and the history of Jews in Russia. He was
one of many individuals, especially in the Jewish community, who were tired of being
oppressed under the tsar and openly joined revolutionary parties that advocated for
reform.
38
Gerald D. Surh, “Russian Jewish Socialists and Antisemitism: The Case of Grigorii Aronson,”
Patterns of Prejudice 51, No. 3-4 (2017): 253.
Ibid., 258.
Ibid., 256.
41
Ibid., 257.
39
40
83
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
While Jewish revolutionary parties such as the Bund and the Zionists aimed
to stand up to anti-Semitic violence and protect the Jewish communities from
pogroms, the violence did not stop. Pogroms began to occur in the Tsarist empire in
the late nineteenth century in 18 8 1, and as time progressed toward the early twentieth
century, these riots became more violent and deadly. For instance, on May 2, 18 8 1, a
telegram was sent in St. Petersburg regarding a pogrom that involved the destruction
of Jewish property. According to the author of the telegram, “One hundred houses
were pillaged, a quantity of furniture being thrown into the streets. Two hundred
people were injured during the riots.”42 In this pogrom, rioters pillaged and
vandalized some one-hundred houses in the Jewish community, throwing furniture
and belongings into the street. Two-hundred people were wounded in the process.
A similar pogrom occurred on an unknown date in 18 8 1, during which the author of
a telegram described that “the rioters, aided by an influx of peasants from the
surrounding villages to join in the general melee, sacked the houses of the Jews,
destroyed their furniture, and stole or spoiled their wares.”43 Since no Jews were
killed during these early pogroms in 18 8 1, it can be concluded that the goal of these
pogroms was not to kill anyone, but rather to destroy Jewish property and create fear
and intimidation.
Statistics regarding fatalities and injuries illustrate a change in the nature of
pogroms between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. For example,
historian Stefan Wiese concluded that the pogroms between 18 8 1 and 18 8 2 resulted
in a total of twenty-five Jewish fatalities, some of which seemed accidental rather than
intentional.44 The pogroms in the late nineteenth century revealed no evidence that
rioters used forms of violence to ensure victim’s deaths, such as the mutilation of
bodies. Thus, it is likely that the earlier pogroms were carried out to create fear and
intimidation rather than to deliberately murder members of the Jewish community.
On the contrary, pogroms in the twentieth century yielded higher numbers of
casualties, demonstrating a more violent nature of the riots. Historian Victoria
Khiterer reported that roughly six-hundred ninety pogroms took place between
42
“The Jewish Chronicle: Outrages Upon Jews in Russia, May 6, 1881,” Internet History Sourcebooks
Project, January 1999, https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/.
Ibid.
Stefan Wiese, “‘Spit Back with Bullets!’ Emotions in Russia's Jewish Pogroms, 1881 — 1905,”
Geschichte Und Gesellschaft 39, No. 4 (2013): 475.
43
44
84
�Standrowicz, History of the Jews in Russia
October 18 and 29 in 1905 alone, most of which occurred in the land of present-day
Ukraine where the majority of the Jewish population resided.45 Khiterer stated that in
the later pogroms, some three-thousand one-hundred Jews were killed, some twothousand severely injured, and more than fifteen-thousand wounded.46 Unlike the
earlier pogroms, statistics reveal that the later pogroms in the twentieth century,
which were most frequent and severe in 1905 , were more violent, widespread, and
deadly.
Pogroms in the Tsarist empire were planned and executed largely in response
to the growing revolutionary movement, which was extremely prominent among
Jewish communities in the Pale of Settlement. Ironically, the vast majority of pogrom
victims were peaceful Jewish residents who were not involved in the revolutionary
movement. According to historian Victoria Khiterer, Russian authorities claimed
that the pogroms in October 1905 had occurred spontaneously against Jews and
radical members of the intelligentsia.47 However, Khiterer explained the involvement
of the authorities in these riots when she stated, “Clearly these pogroms were well
prepared in advance by anti-Semitic monarchist organizations, usually with the
connivance or active support of local authorities, for the suppression of revolutionary
activities.”48 The similarity of pogroms throughout the empire in October 1905
reveals that they were not spontaneous, but deliberately carried out by anti-Semitic
organizations, often with the active support of local authorities. Therefore, planning
and preparations for the riots were no secret to the authorities. Khiterer added that
the police in Odesa and Simferopol expressed their satisfaction with the upcoming
pogroms as acts of revenge against the Jews for their alleged involvement with
revolutionary activities. Instead of being mere spontaneous acts of violence, pogroms
in 1905 were deliberately planned and often approved by the local authorities in their
respective towns and cities.
During the 1905 pogroms, acts of violence against Jewish individuals were
much more extreme than they were during the earlier pogroms in the 18 8 0’s. For
example, on April 25 , 1905 in the city of Zhitomir, a man named Doctor Valknovskii
Victoria Khiterer, “The October 1905 Pogroms and the Russian Authorities,” Nationalities Papers
43, No. 5 (2015): 788.
46
Ibid., 788.
47
Ibid., 789.
48
Ibid.,: 790.
45
85
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
claimed to have witnessed seven young men chasing a group of roughly twenty Jews,
beating them on their backs with sticks and clubs.49 Rather than simply inflicting
fear, rioters in the 1905 pogroms sought to create serious pain and suffering for their
victims. Historian Victorian Khiterer described another scene of violence during a
demonstration in Kyiv, in which “the crowd beat all Jews which it met on the street.
If after a few minutes an injured Jew tried to stand up or crawl away, they beat him
again.”50 Khiterer added that policemen often actively participated in the violence in
which they broke into city apartments and houses, often killing all the occupants
regardless of age. She illustrated a particularly disturbing scene during one pogrom
when she stated, “The rioters threw Jews from the top floor of multistory buildings,
raped girls and women before killing them, and tore babies to pieces in front of their
mothers.”51 Rioters, including policemen who actively supported the violence, would
mercilessly injure, murder, and torture innocent Jews of all ages, raping young girls
and forcing mothers to watch their babies be killed at their hands. While the
pogroms between 18 8 1 and 18 8 2 served the purpose of keeping the Jews and other
revolutionaries in line under the Tsarist rule, the 1905 pogroms proved to be much
more extreme. Rioters took pleasure in killing, harming, and torturing the innocent.
Non-Jewish bystanders expressed a wide range of reactions to the anti-Jewish
violence spreading throughout the Russian empire in the twentieth century. Most of
the gentile population was indifferent to the brutal fate of the Jews, while only the
most courageous gentiles hid or defended Jewish victims. Rioters who found Jews in
the residence of a Christian family not only killed the Jews, but also the Christians
who attempted to protect the Jews from the violence.52 For instance, a young
Christian student named Veneroky attempted to defend the Jews in the pogrom, but
was killed in front of the police.53 As riots began to spread through cities and towns
with significant Jewish populations, many Jews attempted to leave their homes and
find safety elsewhere. However, pogrom-makers organized gangs who attacked and
killed Jews at railway stations, on trains, and near river ports, ensuring that the Jews
49
Stefan Wiese, “‘Spit Back with Bullets!’ Emotions in Russia's Jewish Pogroms, 1881 — 1905,”
Geschichte Und Gesellschaft 39, No. 4 (2013): 472.
Victoria Khiterer, “The October 1905 Pogroms and the Russian Authorities,” Nationalities Papers
43, No. 5 (2015): 791.
51
Ibid., 793.
52
Ibid., 794.
53
Ibid., 794.
50
86
�Standrowicz, History of the Jews in Russia
would not escape from their “revenge.”54 Even Jews who attempted to escape the
violence would find themselves at the mercy of travelling gangs of pogrom-makers.
While some gentiles opposed the extreme violence against the Jewish communities,
others proudly took part in the riots and joined the pogrom-makers. Historian Stefan
Wiese described the attitude of many rioters during the demonstrations when he
stated, “One of the first elements to catch the eye when studying contemporary
accounts of the pogrom is the festive mood noted among the non-Jews.”55 Observers
of the atrocities often remembered the rioters’ excited facial expressions and laughter
while carrying out acts of violence against their victims. Onlookers also reported that
the pogrom-makers shouted degrading and insulting words and also sang disturbing
songs in the midst of the demonstrations. Some gentiles were horrified by the
violence and courageously attempted to defend the Jews or hide Jewish families in
their homes, jeopardizing their own safety. Meanwhile, rioters and their followers
joined in the celebratory feeling of the pogroms, taking pleasure in harming, killing,
and torturing the Jews they encountered in the streets.
From the beginning of Imperial Russia to the twentieth century, Jews in the
Russian empire faced anti-Semitism in the form of social and economic oppression,
restriction of rights, and extreme violence through pogroms. Anti-Semitic
discrimination had existed in Europe since the Medieval era, with the notable
superstition that Jews ritually killed Christian children and used their blood to make
matzo. In the Russian empire, the Pale of Settlement was established under the reign
of Catherine the Great to confine the settlement of Jews to an area of land on the
western and southern boundaries of the empire. Jews faced discrimination in
education and universities as well as the legal system. Beginning in the late
nineteenth century, anti-Jewish sentiment led to the execution of pogroms that
became increasingly violent and deadly as time progressed into the twentieth century.
These acts of discrimination, oppression, and violence against Jewish communities
were driven by numerous factors including religious beliefs, racist theories, Jewish
stereotypes, and the association of Jews with revolutionary activity. Generations of
anti-Semitism pushed hundreds of thousands of Jews to emigrate from the Russian
Ibid., 795.
Stefan Wiese, “‘Spit Back with Bullets!’ Emotions in Russia's Jewish Pogroms, 1881 — 1905,”
Geschichte Und Gesellschaft 39, No. 4 (2013): 477.
54
55
87
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
empire to other countries in western Europe as well as the United States of America.
The Jewish people in the Tsarist empire spent centuries living within a society that
needed a group to look down upon, leading the government to oppress them by
restricting their rights and keeping them in at a lower social status.
88
�
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Standrowicz, David
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https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/studentOmeka/files/original/Vol._48_num._1_Clio_-_2021/6826/Clio_Ch_4_Schwarz.pdf
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Text
Schwarz, Water Keepers
Water Keepers (Winner of the 2021 Janick Prize)
Kathryn Schwarz
Among the Potawatomi people, women are the Keepers of
Water. We carry the sacred water to ceremonies and act on its
behalf. ‘Women have a natural bond with water, because we are
both life bearers, ’my sister said. ‘We carry our babies in internal
ponds and they come forth into the world on a wave of water. It
is our responsibility to safeguard the water for all our relations.
― Robin Wall Kimmerer, Citizen of the Potawatomi Nation
The Colorado River is the lifeblood of the western United States.
Geographically, socially, economically and politically, this river has shaped some of
the most formative forces in North American history. The river has been tamed for
agricultural purposes, resulting in one of the largest hydroelectric facilities in the
world, Hoover Dam. As the Colorado Basin dries south of the dam and the western
United States faces unprecedented climate challenges, water seems to make its way to
the forefront of nearly every environmental conversation. Politicized and monetized,
water has rapidly re-evolved into our most valuable natural resource. In this article,
the Colorado River and Hoover Dam serve as a case study to the efficacy of
hydroelectricity and the interference of agriculture economy and politics in the last
century of American history. Included will be an examination of the historical
significance of the Colorado River to its surrounding landscape. Additionally, a
significant portion will discuss the history through which human agency, including
intentions and effect have had on the lands surrounding, the river. Overall, this work
explores the context and moment in American history when men chose agribusiness
over the well-being of other humans. The displacement and struggle of indigenous
peoples, plants and animals only underscore the insidious and continued tension
which existed between different human populations during this time. Viewed through
the lens of Hoover Dam, this moment in history is exposed as an investment in big
business astride the social and economic dismissal of nearly the entire American
population.
49
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
The Colorado River is well over six million years old. Its history can be
gleaned by way of the mightily cleaved limestone geologic structures it has left in its
wake, most notably the Grand Canyon. The Canyon ranges in depth from a mile in
places to six thousand feet in others, with a width of between ten and eighteen miles.
This geology represents not just the river’s history, but the history of the entire earth
as we know it. Researchers at Arizona State University claim that there are few better
places on our planet which better embody the story of the earth’s formation based
purely on the forces which carved the Grand Canyon. Most notably, the Colorado
River has exposed, over the course of six million years, nearly two billion years of our
earth’s story:1
Layers of limestone, sandstone, shale, granite, and schist make up the
Grand Canyon’s rock sequences. These layers continue to be worn
away through water and wind erosion, creating the cliffs and slopes
that make up this fantastic play of shape and color through time and
space.2
For twelve thousand years, indigenous Native American tribes have
recognized the importance of the Colorado River, with contemporary Havasupai,
Hopi, Hualapai, Paiute, Navajo, Yavapai-Apache, and Zuni Tribes all still a part of
vital decision making regarding issues related to the river. There are twenty more
tribes in Arizona, making up the Intertribal Council of Arizona whom currently own
one-third of the allotment rights in Arizona on the Colorado River. This is
approximately 7 17 ,000 acre-feet of water rights. Water has always been a significant
staple in the formation and success of productive and lasting civilizations worldwide.
North American natives were not the only people who realized the necessity of a
bountiful water source.3
Prosperous societies require a freshwater source. Water holds a permanent
place in the history of civilizations worldwide. Historians have even made sure that
water was one of the main criteria in the categorization process. This author posits
that water was the main criteria. Without the ability for tribes (otherwise nomadic)
“Colorado River.” Nature Culture and History at the Grand Canyon,
https://grcahistory.org/history/colorado-river/, accessed 27 September, 2020.
2
Ibid.
3
Ibid.
1
50
�Schwarz, Water Keepers
to remain in one place to grow food, our ancestors would never have had the time or
wherewithal to develop art, laws, or language. They also would not have needed to
protect a land which solely offered sporadic food. Water meant the development and
enrichment of civilizations in locations where people could settle permanently.
Human history, as something separate from of the history of our animal
ancestors, first took shape around seven million years ago in what would be modern
Africa. We know that humans evolved from monkeys. With fossil evidence of the
isolation of monkeys having developed in Africa, we can also assume that humans
originated there. During this period, one association of African apes split in to three
separate groups; the modern chimpanzee, the modern gorilla and humans. It was not
until 1.8 million years ago and many evolutions later, that the first human ancestor
would leave Africa as found through fossilized skeletons on Java, an island in
Southeast Asia. In Europe, the reach of humans was even later at 5 00,000 years ago.4
Climate played an important role. Without tools, clothes were improbable
and thus the ability to stay warm in temperatures non-conducive to being naked or at
least largely exposed was impossible. The indications of the use of tools didn’t appear
until around the same time as the evidence of humans in Europe; beginning with the
harnessing and implementation of fire. Documentation reveals that it was
substantially later that humans colonized the colder parts of the world. Just a mere
blip on the evolutionary timeline, 20,000 years ago marks the first solid evidence of
human habitation in North America.5 The Colorado River may have seen some of the
first examples of inland civilizations. Humans may have existed in the Americas up to
4 0,000 years ago, but according to experts, the further one explores in the past, the
evidence becomes weaker and less reliable.6 The dominant hypothesis is that the
migration and first human inhabitants would have travelled from Asia across the
Bering Land Bridge. The bridge was only visible when ice is locked on land and the
Jared M. Diamond. Guns, Germs, and Steel: the Fates of Human Societies. New York: Norton,
2017, 36.
5
Simon Worrall. “When, How Did the First Americans Arrive? It's Complicated.” Tracking a
Mystery: When and How the First Americans Arrived. National Geographic, June 9, 2018.
https://www.nationalgeographic.com/news/2018/06/when-and-how-did-the-first-americans-arrive-its-complicated-/, accessed 9 November, 2020.
6
Ibid.
4
51
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
surrounding sea levels dropped. This meant that as human ancestors arrived in North
America, they would have been bearing witness to the last Ice Age. 7
Considerably behind the rest of the human race at this stage, the inhabitants
of these diffuse areas of the world developed last, but their advancements thereafter
were not slow. Choices in location were critical, as geography, as aforementioned is
one of the first necessities to the foundation of a civilization. Specifically, this meant
access to fresh water for drinking and agriculture. The ability to locate and determine
plants and animals which could be domesticated allowed the hunter gatherer style of
living to fade away. The earliest North American residents also traded goods on the
river to survive. Traversing large expanses of land required many supplies which river
trade and travel would eliminate. Trade opened doors for exploration and conquests
ultimately resulting in the settlement of areas more south. Once humans grew and
cared for their food in the same areas in which they lived, their ideas wandered from a
constant need to locate food, to indulge the further elemental requirements of a
civilization. This included art, a common language and laws. Around the exact same
time, the earliest inhabitants of modern-day Russia were experiencing a very similar
situation on their mighty Volga River.
The link between fresh water and agriculture would fuel the ongoing
maturation of the human species, primarily because of their dependence on rivers.
Colder climates made for shorter growing periods and reduced the variety of what
could be grown. As a result, inhabitants of the colder regions, especially in the north,
would have most likely been experts in animal husbandry. Specific breeds would have
been mandatory. Steppe tundra, the ecosystem found in the plains of primitive North
America, would have contained early megafauna which thrived in an environment
consisting primarily of permafrost covered meadows. Large amounts of skeletal
remains, suggestive of domestication, including reindeer, caribou and bison are
among the documented archaeological discoveries found buried in the permafrost
there. It would have been with the skills acquired handling, caring for, butchering and
preparing these animals which would enable the primitive northern civilizations of
North America to survive. Furthermore, using their intense knowledge of these crafts,
7
Ibid.
52
�Schwarz, Water Keepers
it would be through trade that they really began to thrive; and rivers would serve as
essential arteries to connect themselves to one another. 8
Throughout history, across the continents, spanning climates, water runs like
an artery through successful societies. The Egyptians have the Nile River. The
Russians have the Volga, the Chinese the Yellow and Yangtze Rivers, South America
the Amazon and the Americans have the Colorado. After the Louisiana Purchase, in
18 03, the western United States experienced a massive population surge. With the
help of the Colorado River, undoubtedly this river supplied our country with
technology insurmountable by any other river in the United States. The water from
the Colorado feeds crops exported to countries across the globe. Its influence
reverberates worldwide, feeding not just the country in which it resides, but so many
others as well.
The Colorado River begins on the Continental Divide in the Rocky
Mountains. Winding its way 14 5 0 miles south, it ends in the Gulf of California in
Mexico:
The hardest working river in the West is as diverse as it is unique.
Passing through no less than 11 different national parks and
monuments as it tumbles through the varied landscapes of seven
states and two countries, it’s a critical water supply for agriculture,
industry, and municipalities, from Denver to Tijuana, which fuels a
$1.4 trillion annual economy. Fishing, whitewater paddling, boating,
backpacking, wildlife viewing, hiking, and myriad other recreational
opportunities contribute some $26 billion alone. 9
Also featured along this vital waterway is Hoover Dam, the behemoth hydroelectric
plant built in 1936. Originally called the Boulder Canyon Project, the dam was
commissioned by Franklin Delano Roosevelt as a part of his (Second) New Deal.
Both of FDR’s “New Deals” included vast ideas and civil projects meant to carry the
United States economy out of the Great Depression. In reality, the farmers living in
California’s Imperial Valley, had been struggling with the damages incurred by the
river’s annual flooding well before the stock market crashed, before the Great
Jared M. Diamond. Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York: Norton,
2017), 100.
9
“Colorado River.” American Rivers, October 15, 2019.
https://www.americanrivers.org/river/colorado-river/, accessed September 26, 2020.
8
53
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
Depression, and a long time before Roosevelt’s idea to boost the American economy
using this monolithic dam. The flooding became politically charged in the early
nineteenth century, and The Boulder Canyon Project Act (BCPA) was passed by the
seventieth Congress on December 3, 1928 .10 The Act read, “to provide construction
of works for the protection and development of the Colorado River Basin, for the
approval of the Colorado Compact and for other purposes.”11
Pause. This moment is important. In a governmental vacuum, this appeared
to be ordinary legislation as a champion for the unemployed emerged, plans in hand.
However, this instant marks something pivotal in the larger American (if not world)
history, as a distinct choice was made to place one person’s interests above another’s,
again. On this occasion, both farmers and great scores of American citizens heard an
ally in government, offering jobs, new technology, and new opportunities for wealth.
What the indigenous people, (already relegated to humiliating reservations courtesy
of the US Government) heard, was that they did not matter as much as this new
technology does, and your lives are not as important as the white American men who
need this land to progress and succeed. The Native Americans, including tribes from
both the Navajo and Hopi feared the dam’s construction would interfere with their
water source, even though article seven of the Colorado River Compact, signed by
then President Herbert Hoover in 1922, specifically states, “Nothing in this compact
shall be construed as affecting the obligations of the United States to Indian Tribes.”12
This dam may have been part of Roosevelt’s New Deal, but it was also an
extension of Manifest Destiny. White Americans believed that not only was it their
right to develop this land, but their destiny to expand their culture no matter whose
culture disappeared in the process. The agenda was clear, to promote and save
agriculture, to prop up the struggling American unemployed, and to assert dominion
again over Native American peoples. For as much as this civil project was about the
promotion of American people, it was as much about the dismissal of those in the
way.
Boulder Canyon Project Act (1928), accessed 27 September, 2020.
https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=false
11
Ibid.
12
Kathleen Lusk Booke and Zoe Quinn. “Hoover Dam and the Colorado River Compact, United
States.” Building the World. UMass, Boston, March 27, 2013. Accessed November 24,
2020.http://blogs.umb.edu/buildingtheworld/energy/hoover-dam-and-colorado-river-compactunited-states/,
10
54
�Schwarz, Water Keepers
Indeed, the Hoover Dam was not the only item on the agenda for the BCPA.
From a more structural point of view, flood control was certainly a part of the desired
effect; but as was a new electrical source which was desperately needed by the growing
populous of the western United States. The Boulder Canyon Act also outlined plans
for the All-American Canal, which would eventually connect the fertile agricultural
lands of the Imperial and Coachella Valleys with the Colorado River. Added benefits
as well to include better navigability on the river. Following the ratification, (or
approval) of six of the seven riparian states, the project was certified June 25 , 1929 at
a cost allocated by the government of 165 million dollars.13
Hoover Dam is a giant work of architecture and economic success; it is also a
catastrophic scar on the environment of the southwestern United States. At first, the
proposal was endearing to the United States citizens. They were looking forward to
going back to work. Creating jobs grew the economy. The Wall Street Journal gives
this view:
As FDR told 10,000 spectators at the Colorado River dam site and 20
million more via radio, the dam meant gainful employment, cheap
hydroelectric power, reliable irrigation and protection from the
obstinate elements, all ripped from a forbidding desert canyon by the
hand of a visionary federal government. Eleanor Roosevelt, who
accompanied her husband on his visit to the Colorado River, would
tell friends that the trip brought home to her the sweeping
achievement of his administration as if for the very first time.14
Unfortunately, the dark side of FDR’s marathon of economic stimuli, is the
disruption of habitats. Hoover Dam is also an environmental nightmare. From an
agricultural and agronomical point of view, it was absolutely necessary, but at the
expense of an environment which has suffered a traumatic amputation of its natural
existence.
Before construction could even commence, the site needed to be ready for the
influx of laborers and families who would build it. First, Boulder City was blasted out
Ibid.
Michael Hiltzik, “Hoover Dam's Perpetual Power: Franklin Roosevelt's Signature Project Created
More than Jobs and Energy,? It Incited One of Our Nation's Greatest Transformations.” Water
Education Foundation. Accessed September 29, 2020. https://www.watereducation.org/aquafornianews/hoover-dams-perpetual-power-franklin-roosevelts-signature-project-created-more-jobs
13
14
55
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of the desert. Intended to be a worker’s community, built with the sole purpose of
housing laborers for the dam. Next, came a twenty-two foot wide, seven mile long
paved highway from the town to the work site. Also constructed prior to Hoover
Dam’s manufacture was a 23 mile long arm off the Union Pacific Rail Line
connecting Boulder City to nearby Las Vegas, as well as a ten mile section built
specifically so materials could be transported to the site. Lastly, was the nearly 230
miles of power lines originating in San Bernadino California, which supplied
electricity to the Boulder Canyon Project. 15 Only then, did they begin excavation of
the actual earth around the proposed location.
First, the mighty Colorado needed to be diverted. Achieving this feat alone
was no easy task. Four tunnels were blown through the walls of Black Rock Canyon,
each fifty feet in diameter.16 These tunnels took the water around the construction
site which was located in the gorge between Nevada and Arizona.17 More than 5 .5
million cubic yards of earth were removed from the site in preparation for
development. Next, another million cubic yards of stone was placed in the
construction site before the concrete was poured. Hoover Dam is a concrete arch style
dam, with the water load held by both gravity and the horizontal arch. 21,000
laborers worked on site, pouring 160,000 yards of concrete per month for a total of
4 .36 million total cubic yards throughout.18
Hoover Dam, and the Boulder Canyon Project, started with the premise of
saving flood-ravaged areas. Unseen consequences have included the displacement,
dismissal and devaluation of American indigenous natives, the diminishing, to
absolute eradication of nutrient rich silt deposits along the banks, as well as prolific
erosion of riverbanks. The dam and consequent lakes also facilitated vital irrigation
to an area ready to erupt with agronomy. Regrettably, the environmental debacle lies
in the type of habitat around Hoover Dam, forced to endure an agricultural boom
with soil non-conducive to the crops introduced and pushed for decades thereafter.
This is only one of the many complications of hydroelectricity. Environmental
sustainability was not considered; and not only the sustainability of the dam itself but
Bureau of Reclamation, “Hoover Dam,” Hoover Dam, Bureau of Reclamation, accessed September
29, 2020. https://www.usbr.gov/lc/hooverdam/faqs/damfaqs.html
16
“Boulder Canyon Project Act (1928)” Our Documents Initiative: National Archives and Records
Administration. Accessed September 29, 2020. https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=false
17
Bureau of Reclamation, “Hoover Dam.”
18
Ibid.
15
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of the biome and habitats it accompanied. Early Twentieth century American Civil
projects, while beneficial to citizens, would not have seen the same kind of
environmentalist forethought as today. Hydro-power plants, when erected in the
wrong location are far worse for the environment than the production of fossil fuel
energy they help prevent. Hydro energy is considered “sustainable” because its
“renewable”, unlike fossil fuels; but as water levels deplete, the situation for Hoover
Dam and the Colorado basin become more dire. Hoover Dam’s hydro power plant is
not sustainable long term. As the basin dries, the consequences of poorly engineered
agricultural conquests are apparent. A common theme it would appear for early
American farmers out west. Desertification is a sweeping problem worldwide.
Hoover Dam is a contributing factor to this creeping plague of increasing deserts and
the disappearance of arable lands.
Skeptics of Global Climate Change preach that the earth’s natural tendency
to warm and cool over periods of time is natural. Scientists say many changes await,
and none are more obvious than the upswing in cataclysmic weather events.
Desertification is an example. Desertification is not always this slow, centuries-long
evolution. Contrary to popular belief, desertification is not synonymous nor comes
automatically with drought. It is actually the mismanagement of land during times of
drought. The residents of the Southern Plains of the United States found this out
relatively fast, in an event that today we call the “Dust Bowl”. At the time of Hoover
Dam’s construction, United States farmers were just barely emerging from this
similar agricultural disaster of the early twentieth century.
Historically, the Great Plains of the United States were covered by a moisture
holding plant called buffalo grass. Stretching from Canada to Southern Texas and
wedged between the Missouri River and the Rocky Mountains, the terrain is windy
and flat. The soil however, held the water well enough to feel sogginess only twelve
inches down. It perfectly resisted the constant wind and was food for the bison who
grazed there in mass; with roots that stretched up to five feet below the ground.
After the buffalo were nearly eliminated, and the Native Americans forced to
reservations, US government promoters deceitfully promised potential homesteaders
limitless possibilities in the West. Flocking by the thousands, drawn by the dreams of
owning and working their own land, the earliest American residents of the plains
states arrived to find a climate where it was nearly impossible to cultivate crops. With
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rain rare, coupled with the constant wind, it was too dry to legitimately pursue
agriculture, but they had no choice. So they pursued it anyway.
In 1907 , the Southern Plains began a wet period. Unscrupulous real-estate
agents, and climate “experts” persuaded potential buyers to purchase land, telling
them the climate was undergoing a permanent change. Agents told them the wind
was slowing down and the rain could actually penetrate the soil better if they cleared
the buffalo grass. Wheat became a cash crop almost overnight. World War One
proved easy inspiration, as the German blockade of Russian wheat caused a
worldwide shortage. In five years, more than eleven million acres of virgin soil were
plowed up to begin to grow wheat in the Great Plains, with farmers claiming, “wheat
will win the war.”19 The 1920s proved to be a great time to be a wheat farmer in the
plains of the United States.
The stock market crashed October 29, 1929. It wasn’t long afterwards that the
first (recorded) dust storm hit Texas in 1932. The storms were frequent thereafter,
sometimes every day. Their presence filled the horizon from ground to sky with a
black cloud of dirt that could deposit up to three feet of sediment in their wake. As
the climate of the plains returned to normal after the wet period, drought followed.
The land, previously held in place by moisture dense buffalo grass was now easily
lifted in the air by the ever-present plains winds. Daily storms were devastating to
both the agricultural boom there and quality of life. Dust pneumonia killed
thousands, parents sent their kids away to live with relatives and when the farmers
finally fled the plains, they were met with contempt everywhere they landed. It was
obvious that Americans placed heavy value on the success of their farmers. The
refugees from the Dust Bowl were treated as utter failures.
During the Great Depression, in conjunction with the dust storms in the
plains states, a huge mass migration of families emerged from the dead farms of the
Great Plains. Nearby, California’s population exploded by nearly twenty percent. 20
Regardless of where they arrived from, what their occupation was, or how much
money they had, the plains migrants were given one, all encompassing, derogatory
nickname. They were called, “Okies.” They were sneered at for talking different and
segregated from daily activities, the same as African Americans were. “There was a
19
20
“Wheat will win the war,” The Dust Bowl, directed by Ken Burns (Washington, DC: PBS, 2012).
Ibid.
58
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sign in the movie theatre in the central valley of California which basically said,
‘Niggers And Okies Upstairs.’ Another which read, ‘Okie go back, we don’t want
you.’”21 They stayed in ramshackle roadside tent cities called “Little Oklahomas”,
“Okievilles”, or “jungles”, and worked as migrant farm workers on the big agricultural
farms in California’s Central Valley. Mostly starving and grossly underpaid, families
struggled to have basic human necessities. Author, and Dust Bowl refugee Sanora
Babb wrote in her memoir, Whose Names Are Unknown, “These simple rights are
part of the heritage of Americans. It is difficult for them to understand that none of
them remain. Their whole lives are concentrated now on one instinctive problem:
that of keeping alive.”22
A precedent for the poor and poverty discrimination had already been set.
President Hoover was navigating his way through decidedly turbulent waters during
the Great Depression. The stock market crash and the ensuing financial crisis caused
widespread poverty, but the president believed in limited federal government
intervention in the economy. Because he was himself “self-made” in terms of wealth,
Hoover believed that it was only going to be through hard work that the poor could
extract themselves from their impoverished state. Because of the lack of government
intervention, those suffering began to blame Hoover for not helping them.
Shantytowns on the outskirts became known as “Hoovervilles”, and the newspaper
blankets they used to keep warm were called “Hoover Blankets.” The connection
between a lack of government compassion for people, and the suffering of those
affected by political bulldozing strategies was obvious. This era was one plagued by
minority exclusion. People were puppets at first of the US government, only to be
thrown aside. The extermination of the buffalo grass, buffalo, Native Americans,
wheat farmers followed by a second wave of repulsion for the Native Americans was
another way powerful politicians would let nothing stand in the way of progress, no
matter who they used and steamrolled in the process.
Anti-immigrant sentiment existed even between states. Nature was blamed
for bad luck, and humans migrated to where the food was, bringing with them a
southern culture not understood and thus feared in California. The fear of
encroaching or new traditions put local residents on edge, and the farmers were
21
22
Ibid.
Sanora Babb, Whose Names Are Unknown (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 2004).
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blamed for ruining land which should never have been tilled to begin with. Dust
distribution, remnants of the Dust Bowl, from lands well south of the disappearing
snowpack in Colorado are definitively to blame for multiple facets contributory to the
drying of the Colorado River Basin. The color of dust attracts sunlight being that it is
darker than snow, accelerating the melting process and preventing accumulation.23
According to the United States Geological Survey, peak snow water is accumulated
two to three weeks earlier than it was in the 197 0s, and snowmelt timing is
accelerated 17 -18 days from 1993.24 Multiple sites within the Rocky Mountains were
measured. Continuous measurements of snow sublimation indicate a seasonal loss of
anywhere from 2-30 percent of annual snow water equivalent.25
The ramifications of irresponsible agricultural procedures and thus
desertification is ravaging the western United States today. This includes the most
important swaths of land designated for growing irrefutably essential amounts of our
food and produce products. Additionally, as per agreements like the Colorado
Compact, water from the Colorado must not be impeded in any way from flowing at
original levels through lands (mostly reservations) designated to Native Americans.
Hoover Dam is responsible for the redirection of enough water, that it is
catastrophically harming the water table and environment of the western U.S.26 The
23
Graham A. Sextone, “Colorado River Basin Focus Area Study: Snowpack Hydrodynamics,” United
Sates Department of the Interior, April 16, 2016. Accessed October 22, 2020.
https://www.usgs.gov/mission-areas/water-resources/science/colorado-river-basin-focus-area-studysnowpack-hydrodynamics?qt-science_center_objects=0.
24
Ibid.
25
Ibid.
26
This type of large scale, (literally) astronomical damage is common with these behemoth dams.
Another example is The Three Gorges Dam along the Yangtze River in China. This is the largest
dam and hydroelectric facility in the world. It displaces an obscene amount of water. So much in fact
that according to NASA, the lake behind the dam disrupts the lunar relationship between the earth
and the moon and elongates the earth’s day by .06 microseconds. These facts are humbling; enough
to make one ponder their insignificance on earth, and reflect on the ramifications of these massive
hydroelectric facilities at the very least. Even more disturbing are the consequences of disrupting the
habitat and ecosystems surrounding these architectural monstrosities. The primary function of the
Three Gorges Dam was invariably similar to the goals of Hoover Dam and the Boulder Canyon
Project. They wanted to protect downstream towns and cities from the river’s unpredictable and
damaging floods. The three major cities Three Gorges is supposed to “protect” are Nanjing, Shanghai,
and Wutan. Yes, the epicenter of the 2020 COVID 19 (Coronavirus) worldwide pandemic. These
connections are not accidental. In our quest for bigger and better, humans in the Anthropocene have
found loopholes in nature’s laws, racing to the deepest, darkest and farthest reaches of our planet. Our
ingenuity is leading to both great things as well as terrible, like Global Climate Change and the
emergence of super bugs resistant to bacteria. COVID-19 may not be the direct result of the Three
Gorges Dam, but the market where it emerged, including animals and meat sold there have certainly
been affected by the changes made by the people that live there including the largest dam on the
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water levels in Lake Mead have been consistently falling over the past decades. Less
than twenty years after Hoover Dam’s construction, years after being relocated to
reservations in the eastern part of Arizona, the Navajo Native Americans and four
other tribes took their Colorado River water allotment grievances all the way to the
Supreme Court in a case called Arizona v. California. With water necessities for both
a growing population of people and crops, California’s water usage was always side
eyed by the rest of the Colorado Compact signatories. In the original case, called
Arizona I, the US government stepped in to intervene on behalf of the five tribes
looking to secure a future for their water. The verdict was that the government would
uphold their agreement with the Native Americans as put forth in the Colorado
Compact, securing allotment rights. However, the courts added that the water levels
could be open to adjustment, conveying their concern for a lack of settlement of
boundary disputes. In the second half of this case, (Arizona II) the Quechen tribe,
had to give back 25 ,000 acres of land to the US government in order to make sure
their water needs were guaranteed.27 If the US government had not yet effectively
humiliated the Native Americans, this was surely another large blow. Dam
construction is notorious for burying history and cultures, among other things. 28 As
an aside, a world away, the Egyptians faced similar struggles at almost the exact same
time as they constructed the Aswan High Dam during Nasser’s regime. 29
planet. For more information, please consider this source: Staff, E&T editorial. “China Officials Insist
Three Gorges Dam Is Safe, as Online Rumours of Collapse Rise,” RSS, July 9, 2019. Accessed
September 30, 2020. https://eandt.theiet.org/content/articles/2019/07/chinaofficials-insist-threegorges-dam-is-safe-as-online-rumours-of-collapse-rise/
27
Arizona v. California, 531 US. 1 (2000).
28
Zombie diseases emerge all the time. Called “zombies”, they are presumed dead, but they are in fact
not dead at all and re-emerge at a later date. Global Climate Change has a part to play as well,
although not always. A recent example occurred in 2016 in Siberia. According to George Stewart, a
medical bacteriologist at the University of Missouri College of Veterinary Medicine, an outbreak of
anthrax killed more than 2000 caribou and sickened thirteen people. They caught it from 75-year-old
spores stored in the ground, which were released due to the permafrost melting. If humans continue
the magnitude of projects like Hoover Dam or Three Gorges, or even just our large fossil fuel
consumption, there is a distinct possibility we are reaching heights of achievement or depths for that
matter, holding secrets which should stay buried or at the very least, less disturbed. For more
information on this please consider the following source: Stephanie Pappas. “'Zombie' Anthrax
Outbreak in Siberia: How Does It Kill?” LiveScience. (August 2, 2016), Accessed November 20, 2020.
https://www.livescience.com/55621-zombie-anthrax-kills-in-siberia.html
29
Lake Nasser was formed behind the Aswan High Dam in Egypt in 1964. During ancient times in
Egypt, immense garrisons existed along the banks of the Nile River. Their purpose was to intimidate
anyone entering the country and to monitor vital trade routes from the South. The garrisons were all
located within sight of each other so that if something went awry, reinforcements were never far away.
The most grand of these military outposts was located in upper Nubia (now Sudan) very close to the
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In western America’s infancy, in order to facilitate the development, and
support the massive influx of people flocking west, new infrastructure was
implemented to carry water to and nourish people and their agricultural conquests.
The Colorado River, Hoover Dam and subsequent irrigation pipelines can be
understood in the context of these developments. Today, one of the major issues
facing modern engineers at many aging civil project sites, are the hundred-year-old
underground pipes, with even older technology. Contemporary humans owe a fair
amount of our inspiration for water distribution to our ancient Roman ancestors.
They were pioneers in water management, burying their pipelines and aqueducts so
that the land may be otherwise utilized above ground for dwellings, roads, or
agriculture. Today, as in ancient Rome, the damage done by unseen pipes (broken or
otherwise) is just as bad, costly and usually noticed well beyond the timeline of an
easy or cheap, or health-conscious repair.
The ramifications of these potential pipeline mishaps are only felt when
something goes awry, and usually when it does, large amounts of money are needed to
address often catastrophic damage due to the unseen (underground) issue. An
example faced in ancient Rome was lead leakage even though they didn’t know it at
the time. Hundreds of Roman pipes were made of lead; some of them stretched for
border of Egypt. It was called the Fort at Buhen. The fortress covered 13,000 square meters, and
could house over 3500 troops. The walls were 16 feet thick and 33 feet tall, spanning 490 feet along
the shoreline. In 1964 Egypt began construction on two dams, the upper and lower Aswan Dams near
these ancient sites. Archaeologists warned the Egyptian government that priceless historic sites would
be destroyed if the dams were completed, including the garrison at Buhen. When the government
offered no signs of stopping their project, UNESCO formed a campaign in March of 1960 to save the
relics from the Buhen site. For more information please consider this source:“Buhen.” SFDAS. French
Archaeological Unit Sudan Antiquities Unit (March 16, 2017), Accessed November 10, 2020.
https://sfdas.com/publications/ouvrages-specialises-en-ligne-ouvrages/article/buhen?lang=en It
became a tourist attraction and rescue mission all in one. A few of the artifacts including the entire
18th dynasty temple were dismantled and moved to the National Museum of Sudan in Khartoum, but
the site could not be entirely excavated in time for the completion of the dam. The construction on the
dams finished in 1970 along with the formation of Lake Nasser, the reservoir behind it. Lake Nasser
completely submerged the entire site of the Buhen fort. As long as there is a Lake Nasser, the
remnants of one of Egypt’s ancient neolithic monuments will remain submerged in its own watery
tomb. Today, the only visitors swimming past its vast walls are the once endangered Nile Crocodiles,
whom have made a drastic comeback as the lake offers them a newly protected habitat rich in
freshwater food sources. This may be good news for the crocodiles, but as ecologists may argue, the
repercussions for just this one animal, a predator with no other natural enemies can change the face of
a habitat forever. A statement that people are most certainly not alone in being affected by these dams.
For more information please consider this source: Dr. Jan Geisbusch, Buhen: An Egyptian Fortress in
Nubia,” Egypt Exploration Society, Accessed November 10, 2020. https://www.ees.ac.uk/buhen-anegyptian-fortress-in-nubia
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more than 17 5 0 meters, or 5 ,7 4 2 feet.30 Thankfully (to some extent) for the Romans,
their water had a heavy concentration of calcium. Calcium deposits lined the pipes
and prevented lead from leeching into the supply, but not in the standing water.
Evidence of lead deposits in skeletal remains found in Roman archaeological sites
suggest lead exposure was common.31
Hoover Dam was not built with lead pipes. Instead, the dam’s engineers used
steel, which was stronger and safer than any available material at the time. The
problem with steel is that it corrodes when exposed to moisture and oxygen for
prolonged periods of time. There is a lot of both at Hoover Dam. Additionally, with
pipes and considerable infrastructure below ground, the corrosion of the steel is
worrisome to say the least.32 It is not merely that people won’t know there is an issue
until the structure exhibits signs of flooding or inefficiency, but the other areas of
corrosion which have remained undetected:
Corrosion is the destructive attack of a material by reaction with its
environment. The serious consequences of the corrosion process have
become a problem of worldwide significance. In addition to our
everyday encounters with this form of degradation, corrosion causes
plant shutdowns, waste of valuable resources, loss or contamination of
product, reduction in efficiency, costly maintenance, and expensive
overdesign. It can also jeopardize safety and inhibit technological
progress.33
The fact that something as massive as Hoover Dam could structurally falter due to
archaic technology like rusty pipes is daunting on its own. Additionally, the habitat
around the dam is suffering due to both depletion of the aquifers in surrounding
territory due to irrigation and the crater the dam created in the earth. The fault lines,
or tectonic plates nearby are fairly active and pose an immediate threat to the
Kathleen Lusk Brooke, and Zoe G Quinn. “Aqueducts of Rome, Italy,” Building the World Blog
University of Massachussetts Boston, (October 21, 2017), Accessed October 14, 2020.
http://blogs.umb.edu/buildingtheworld/waterworks/aqueducts-of-rome-italy/
31
Ibid.
32
David Sedlak, “How Development of America's Water Infrastructure Has Lurched Through
History.” The Pew Charitable Trusts (March 3, 2019), accessed October 22, 2020.
https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/trend/archive/spring-2019/how-development-of-americas-waterinfrastructure-has-lurched-through-history.
33
Kelly Wardlow. “About Corrosion and Environment,” Corrosion and the Environment. Lehigh
University (2002), Accessed October 15, 2020.
https://www.lehigh.edu/~amb4/wbi/kwardlow/corrosion.htm
30
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structure and the surrounding lands, habitats and inhabitants. Of particular interest is
the Mead Slope Fault (MSF), which lies in Las Vegas, extremely close to Hoover
Dam. Specifically, it is located on the southeastern side of Boulder Basin in the Lake
Mead area of Arizona. According to the Arizona Geological Survey:
The MSF is one of a number of fault zones in the Las Vegas area that
is geologically young (has evidence of late Quaternary activity), but the
close proximity of the MSF to Hoover Dam is particularly concerning
as it impounds the largest reservoir by volume in the U.S. and supplies
water to millions of people in Arizona, Nevada, and Southern
California. The NE-SW-trending Mead Slope fault system is one of
several faults in the Lake Mead area that have accommodated
substantial late Cenozoic left-lateral displacement.34
The lands and peoples around Hoover Dam and the Colorado River are in
danger of catastrophic injury from either natural or man-made disasters. The dam
was a potential bombing target for the German Luftwaffe during World War Two.
The dam is a sleeping giant. America’s water infrastructure is old. Some of the
foundational elements are left over from the very first investments. They are aging
and in desperate need of replacement, but according to researchers at PEW Trusts,
the United States government has been reluctant to invest in the water systems. The
American Government has notoriously waited until systems have deteriorated to such
an extent that they fail, at which point we have no option other than to repair and
upgrade them. It is clear that the people who live near these large civil projects have
obviously not been the US government!s main priority. An example of these archaic
and dangerous systems occurred just recently and to devastating effects in Flint
Michigan. 35 According to US census data, the poverty rate in Flint, Michigan is 4 1
percent. This means that 4 1 percent of citizens are living below the poverty line,
unable to provide for themselves what the government considers to be necessary daily
care. In 2014 , Flint city officials switched the city’s drinking water supply to the Flint
River. Upon doing so, millions of people were drinking water contaminated with lead
JY Ben-Horin, “Mead Slope Fault Mapping, Lake Mead, Arizona,” Arizona Geology E-Magazine
Updated March 23, 2018. https://blog.azgs.arizona.edu/blog/2018-03/mead-slope-fault-mappinglake-mead-arizona
35
David Sedlak, “How Development of America's Water Infrastructure Has Lurched Through
History.” The Pew Charitable Trusts, updated March 3, 2019.
https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/trend/archive/spring-2019/how-development-of-americas-waterinfrastructure-has-lurched-through-history
34
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resulting from archaic leaching pipes. When this crisis struck, state and federal
officials repeatedly denied that there was an issue despite having concrete evidence
that there was a problem. This health crisis is still ongoing, with residents of the city
relying on NGO (Nongovernmental organizations) donated bottled water. The
government ended their program to supply bottled water last year. The citizens are
poor, suffering and purposefully ignored, and according to PEW Researchers this
pattern of government negligence is common. Hoover Dam, as an appendage of the
Colorado River, is similarly interfering with and poisoning the river. With the river’s
natural function disrupted, ecologies changed and volatile technology crumbling, each
play a part in the tragedy both coming and current.
The Colorado River is a vital water source for many, not just those directly
situated on its banks. This includes Denver, Colorado, Salt Lake City, Utah,
Albuquerque, New Mexico, Los Angeles, and San Diego both in California for
public water supply as well as the Imperial Valley in California for agricultural water
supply. The river and its tributaries provide water for approximately 30 million
people and irrigates nearly four million acres of agricultural land. 36 Currently, the
Colorado’s water supply is managed by a complex system of treaties, interstate
agreements, international treaties and Supreme Court decrees. 37 According to the
United States Geological Study, about 8 5 percent of all off-stream water use is
designated for agricultural, with the majority of on source water being utilized for
hydroelectric power. Total water use from 198 6-2010, excluding inter basin transfers,
averaged about 17 million acre-feet. The geological study also mapped the growth in
human population to the Colorado River Basin, with the increase estimated at
approximately 4 .6 million people in 198 5 to 9.4 million in 2010.38 Today, 30 million
people live there and depend on the Colorado River for water.39 The water in the
dams along the Colorado River supply ten percent of the nation’s population with
water.40
United States Geologic Survey. Colorado River Basin Focus Area Study. United Sates Department
of the Interior (April 2, 2016) Accessed October 22, 2020. https://www.usgs.gov/mission-areas/water36
resources/science/colorado-river-basin-focus-area-study?qt-science_center_objects=0
37
Ibid.
38
Ibid.
39
“Population Growth,” Save the Colorado, Accessed October 22, 2020.
http://savethecolorado.org/threats/population-growth/
40
David Sedlak, “How Development of America's Water Infrastructure Has Lurched Through
History.” The Pew Charitable Trusts, March 3, 2019.
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The water level on the Colorado has been falling for the last ten years.41
Simultaneously, the western United States, from Texas to California have faced tragic
droughts in recent years and they aren’t alone. The allocation of water from the
Colorado River for agronomy is staggering. Legal disputes over water allocation
rights are increasing and not just in the United States.42 The Colorado River spans
more than one country, as do many other rivers in the world.43
Transboundary water sources and their associated politics have been a hot
topic at the United Nations for decades. On December 8 , 197 0, the General
Assembly adopted Resolution 2669, entitled "Progressive Development and
Codification of the Rules of International Law Relating to International
Watercourses.” This Resolution probes the interdependency of nations and their
freshwater resources dating back as far as 195 9. In the 20 years that followed the
197 0 resolution, many studies were done to research the effects of countries that share
a source of water, especially fresh water. This means that the larger goal of the UN
during these case studies had to be the creation of some rules on transboundary water
sources. The UN Convention in 1997 was focused specifically on this exact issue and
https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/trend/archive/spring-2019/how-development-of-americas-waterinfrastructure-has-lurched-through-history, accessed October 22, 2020.
41
Ibid.
42
One such river in the midst of a dangerous political volley is the Nile River, specifically the water
located between Ethiopia and Egypt. The Nile River Delta is in trouble. A massive hydro electric dam
called the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) is currently under construction on the Blue
Nile in Ethiopia. If the project is allowed to continue its negative effects will be felt region wide as
water and nutrient rich silt levels heavily diminish down river. As population numbers continue to rise,
the livelihoods of the citizens of the Nile River Delta as well as the surrounding ecosystems are under
direct assault by the greed of short-sighted politicians and government officials. According to the
latest data from the African Community Advancement Initiative, half of Egypt’s 80 million citizens
live in the delta region. Of these 40 million people 29 percent of all their jobs in the area are related to
agriculture, and 15 percent of Egypt’s entire GDP is produced in this specific ecosystem. Farmers are
currently facing an array of issues in the area from salination of underground water tables, to global
climate change that threatens to raise sea levels enough to swallow 30 percent of the delta within the
next 15 years. For more information, please consider this source: Daniel Donovan, “Egypt’s Coming
Climate Calamity,” US News and World Report, April 3, 2018.
www.usnews.com/opinion/blogs/world-report/2015/04/03/climate-change-is-consuming-the-niledelta-and-egypt-with-it
43
As the Ethiopians continue construction on the GERD they play god with 40 million people’s
water-source. It has been estimated that by 2025 1.8 billion people will be living in absolute water
scarcity, which is defined as annual per capita freshwater availability below 1000 cubic meters a year.
Additionally, two-thirds of the world’s population could be living under water-stressed conditions with
annual freshwater availability below 1700 cubic meters per capita. For more information on this
subject, please consider this source: Inga M. Jacobs, The Politics of Water in Africa: Norms,
Environmental Regions and Transboundary Cooperation in the Orange-Senqu and Nile Rivers (New
York: Continuum International Books, 2018), 2.
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on May 21, 1997 this came to fruition as the UN adopted a resolution containing
norms that would hold countries liable for their actions on waterways that directly
affected other countries dependent on the same shared water source.
These principles outlined strict guidelines for countries to follow stating that
one country must give other countries the opportunity for negotiations regarding
construction projects on shared water sources. The UN principle entitled the “No
Harm Doctrine” also stipulates that watercourse nations must take all appropriate
actions to prevent the direct harming of other watercourse nations. Lastly, the most
blatantly ignored, is the principle of “Prior Notification.” It states that it is required
that other riparian states are informed that a “planned measure might change the
course or volume of water resources so that they might threaten the rights of riparian
owners of the adjoining sovereignty a claim may be lodged…and thus the interests on
both sides will be safeguarded”.44
In 194 4 , the United States and Mexico signed a treaty which mandated that
the US provide Mexico with 1.5 million acre-feet of water annually. The treaty also
specified that on years when there was surplus that 200,000 additional acre feet would
be given to the Mexicans. This treaty is managed by the International Water and
Boundary Commission.45 The point through which Mexico can access their share of
the water on the Colorado River is located at Morelos Dam, between Los Algodones
Mexico and Yuma County Arizona.46 Consequentially, due to all the dams and manmade re-routing tactics along the river, the water rarely reaches its natural delta, the
Gulf of California in northern Mexico. Subsequently, the citizens of Mexicali,
Tecate and Tijuana have to ask permission and receive a water allowance. This need
to request permission was especially degrading because these municipalities had to ask
from a country that erected infrastructure to suit their own needs without taking into
consideration that the water they usurped was not all theirs to take in the first place.
Global Climate Change has played a role as well; beginning in 2007 , Mexico realized
they needed to review the treaty. A series of cooperative agreements between the US
and Mexico were reached, determining that the United States must aid Mexico in the
Inga M. Jacobs, The Politics of Water in Africa: Norms, Environmental Regions and
Transboundary Cooperation in the Orange-Senqu and Nile Rivers. (2012), New York: Continuum
44
International Books. Forward pg. 12.
45
“Colorado River Water and Mexico.” Water Education Foundation, updated October 2020.
https://www.watereducation.org/aquapedia/mexico-and-colorado-river-water
46
Ibid.
67
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
restoration of water amounts regardless of shortages. Most importantly, was one of
the agreements called “Minute 319.”47 In the wording, Mexico agreed to take less
water in years of drought but sought (and gained) the ability to store water in Lake
Mead (the reservoir behind Hoover Dam) in years of surplus. The intention was to
be able to bank water in Lake Mead for times of emergency and shortages. Ten years
later, in 2017 , Minute 319 was edited and finalized, becoming “Minute 323”:
A continuation of Minute 319 called Minute 323 was finalized in
September 2017 . The agreement provides a continuous flow of water
to the Colorado River Delta and expands the restored habitat area
from 1,7 00 to 4 ,300 acres. Mexico will continue to store water in Lake
Mead and both governments will provide funding and other resources
for research projects along the border and throughout the region.48
With aging infrastructure, tectonic activity and what would now seem to be a
figurative handcuff to the wrist of another country, the United States is struggling to
continue to repair their relationship with Mexico, their riparian neighbor. Another
revival of Manifest Destiny is prevailing in this instance, monopolizing the water,
livelihood and lives of millions of Mexicans; funding short sighted and expensive
conciliatory efforts to remain in control of the Colorado River.
Agriculture economy includes plants, but a factor often and dangerously
overlooked in the fight to save water are the growing herds of cattle and other
livestock raised on ranches and feed supplied by the Colorado River. Animal
agriculture is responsible for 5 1% of human caused global climate change. People
enjoy eating meat, especially those privileged to have grown up where it is a staple of
a daily diet. Technology and agribusiness have turned meal expectation on its head.
Many Americans have grown accustomed to eating copious amounts of meat every
day. Historically, meat was expensive: it was labor intensive, and it was special. This
is no longer the case. The average porterhouse steak in a restaurant today is 16
ounces. The USDA recommended portion of meat per meal is 3 oz., which equals
the size of a deck of playing cards. For fish, the portion should be the size of a
personal checkbook. 49 That three-ounce piece of meat required 660 gallons of fresh
Ibid.
Ibid.
49
Choose MyPlate." Choose MyPlate. Accessed November 2, 2020. https://www.choosemyplate.gov/.
47
48
68
�Schwarz, Water Keepers
water to produce. This includes both the water the animal drank as well as the water
it took to grow the feed it ate. It takes 25 00 gallons of water to raise one pound of
beef, 4 4 7 gallons for one pound of eggs, and 900 gallons per pound of cheese.50
Factory-style farming to feed a growing human appetite is sucking 300 times the
amount of water needed from sources like the Colorado River. With government
subsidies aiding the mass production of agriculture, US officials have a laser focus on
maintaining America’s GDP, rather than maintaining the lives of citizens. The
current health crisis in Flint, Michigan underscores this point.
The Colorado River, Mexican citizens and existing habitats are suffering at
the hands of procrastinating and indifferent United States government officials.
Water allocation rights belong to everyone along the river or water source alike. At a
certain point, complacency and currency have overtaken ingenuity and integrity. This
formidable river has been around for six million years. Through ice ages and our
ancient ancestors, this water source has carved a permanent place in the history books.
Human’s attempts to tame it await a centennial anniversary in the coming years,
along with what will most likely be a difficult decision regarding a dynamic
environment and vital ramifications involving the people which rely on it.
Globally, rivers and their names reflect the foundations of life as we humans
understand them. The Volga River in Russia, originally named the Atil River, in
Turkish translates to the word Attila, or father. The Mississippi, named by the
Anishinabe people, of the Ojibwe Tribe similarly means, “Father of Waters.” The
Yangtze transforms to “Child of the Ocean.” The Spanish named the Colorado
which translates to “tinted red.” Like the blood which flows through our veins the
Colorado flows through North America. This red river holds a precariously important
role, which has been essential to the survival, and development of both the foundation
of the North American continent, as well as the United States as we know it today.
Notwithstanding, is the relationship water has to people. As an essential element to
life, the connection humans have to vital water sources is not just historically relevant,
but socially. Like money, or other objects of wealth, water on the Colorado has been
used to facilitate certain lifestyles, while ignoring others. The history of powerful and
influential people often revolves around money, or valuables, but after observation,
"Everything about California Water That Matters." Water Education Foundation (2017) (data from
1991), Accessed November 2, 2020. https://www.watereducation.org/all-california-water-sources
50
69
�Clio: WCSU History Journal
water has emerged as a key component to this story as well. The history of the United
States, its business, its economy and its people could just as easily be called the history
of the United States and its relationship with water. The Colorado River and the
Hoover Dam do not reveal anything new about human nature, but expose an ageless
power struggle among people, a tension between those who have and those who have
not; a moment when a timeless choice was made between power and compassion.
Jacques Yves Cousteau famously wrote that we should not ignore our water resources
lest “we forget that the water cycle and the life cycle are one.” We did not forget it,
but we definitely used it as power and leverage.
70
�
Dublin Core
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Vol. 48, num. 1, Clio - 2021
Date
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2021
Dublin Core
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Water Keepers
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Schwarz, Kathryn
Date
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2021
Description
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22 pgs
-
Dublin Core
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Title
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Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
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Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
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ms026_letters_pg_437
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<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=437">Letter 416, 1945-11-15, page 437</a>
Date
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1945-11-15
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Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
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Glion, Switzerland (lat:46.4335 lon:6.9267)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
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Warner, Truman
Date
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1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
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ms026_letters_pg_424
Title
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<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=424">Letter 406, 1945-10-11, page 424</a>
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1945-10-11
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Warner, Truman
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World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
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Calas, France (lat:43.4601 lon:5.3536)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
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Title
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Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
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ms026_letters_pg_423
Title
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<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=423">Letter 404, 1945-10-05 (from Walter Rose), page 423</a>
Date
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1945-10-05
Creator
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Warner, Truman
Subject
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World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
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Lourdes, France (lat:43.0951 lon:-0.0479)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
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ms026_letters_pg_412
Title
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<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=412">Letter 395, 1945-09-06, page 412</a>
Date
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1945-09-06
Creator
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Warner, Truman
Subject
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World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
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Marseille, France (lat:43.2907 lon:5.3716)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
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Title
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Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
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ms026_letters_pg_392
Title
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<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=392">Letter 376, 1945-07-04, page 392</a>
Date
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1945-07-04
Creator
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Warner, Truman
Subject
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World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
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Lyon, France (lat:45.7572 lon:4.8381)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
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Title
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Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
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Warner, Truman
Date
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1943-1945
Text
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ms026_letters_pg_389
Title
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<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=389">Letter 375, 1945-07-02, page 389</a>
Date
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1945-07-02
Creator
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Warner, Truman
Subject
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World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
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Chamonix, France (lat:45.9215 lon:6.8761)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
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Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
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Warner, Truman
Date
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1943-1945
Text
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ms026_letters_pg_385
Title
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<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=385">Letter 372, 1945-06-21, page 385</a>
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1945-06-21
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Warner, Truman
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World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
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Lyon, France (lat:45.7573 lon:4.8381)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
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Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
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Warner, Truman
Date
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1943-1945
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ms026_letters_pg_384
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=384">Letter 371, 1945-06-15, page 384</a>
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1945-06-15
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Warner, Truman
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World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
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Paris, France (lat:48.8604 lon:2.3483)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
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Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
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Warner, Truman
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ms026_letters_pg_383
Title
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<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=383">Letter 370, 1945-06-10, page 383</a>
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1945-06-10
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Warner, Truman
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World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
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Perouges, France (lat:45.9023 lon:5.1777)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
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Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
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Warner, Truman
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ms026_letters_pg_380
Title
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<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=380">Letter 368, 1945-06-03, page 380</a>
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1945-06-03
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Warner, Truman
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World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
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Sightseeing in the Alps (lat:45.9669 lon:5.5474)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
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Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
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Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
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ms026_letters_pg_371
Title
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<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=371">Letter 358, 1945-05-11, page 371</a>
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1945-05-11
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Warner, Truman
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World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
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Lake Annecy, France (lat:45.8994 lon:6.1323)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
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Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
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Warner, Truman
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ms026_letters_pg_362
Title
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<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=362">Letter 348, 1945-04-22, page 362</a>
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1945-04-22
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Warner, Truman
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World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
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Northern portion of Route des Alpes, Switzerland (lat:46.80612 lon:7.16165)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
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Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
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Warner, Truman
Date
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1943-1945
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ms026_letters_pg_346
Title
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<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=346">Letter 331, 1945-03-16, page 346</a>
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1945-03-16
Creator
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Warner, Truman
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World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
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Grenoble, France (lat:45.1871 lon:5.7368)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
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Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
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An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
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A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
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ms026_letters_pg_337
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=337">Letter 321, 1945-02-22, page 337</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1945-02-22
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Avignon, France (lat:43.9461 lon:4.8065)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_335
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=335">Letter 318, 1945-02-16, page 335</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1945-02-16
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Marseilles, France (lat:47.0683 lon:3.0125)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_333
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=333">Letter 316, 1945-02-11, page 333</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1945-02-11
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Cannes, France (lat:43.5497 lon:7.0161)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_294
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=294">Letter 269, 1944-11-07, page 294</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1944-11-07
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Marseilles, France (lat:47.0683 lon:3.0125)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_284
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=284">Letter 261, 1944-10-16, page 284</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1944-10-16
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Southern France, near Oran (lat:47.6189 lon:0.3682)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_266
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=266">Letter 247, 1944-09-11, page 266</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1944-09-11
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Siena, Italy (lat:43.3102 lon:11.3365)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_264
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=264">Letter 246, 1944-09-10, page 264</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1944-09-10
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Florence, Italy (lat:43.7676 lon:11.2555)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_260
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=260">Letter 243, 1944-08-06, page 260</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1944-08-06
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Volterra, Italy (lat:43.3997 lon:10.8608)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_235
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=235">Letter 217, 1944-07-20, page 235</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1944-07-20
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Mussolini Monument at the Musslini Forum near Rome (lat:41.9311111111111 lon:12.4563888888888)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_220
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=220">Letter 204, 1944-06-09, page 220</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1944-06-09
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Rome, Italy (lat:41.8927 lon:12.4887)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_220
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=220">Letter 204, 1944-06-09, page 220</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1944-06-09
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Rome, Italy (lat:41.8927 lon:12.4887)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_199
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=199">Letter 185, 1944-04-17, page 199</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1944-04-17
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Santa Maria Infante. Italy (lat:41.2896 lon:13.7389)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_190
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=190">Letter 177, 1944-04-01, page 190</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1944-04-01
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Cassimo, Italy (lat:41.4905 lon:13.8205)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_170
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=170">Letter 154, 1944-02-22, page 170</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1944-02-22
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Naples, Italy (lat:40.8566 lon:14.2359)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_168
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=168">Letter 151, 1944-02-18, page 168</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1944-02-18
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Tlemcen (lat:34.8897 lon:-01.3156)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_165
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=165">Letter 148, 1944-02-06, page 165</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1944-02-06
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Oran, Algiers (lat:35.6879 lon:-00.6417)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_146
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=146">Letter 128, 1943-12-31, page 146</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-12-31
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Atlas Mountains (lat:31.0770 lon:-07.8957)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_141
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=141">Letter 122, 1943-12-28, page 141</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-12-28
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Casablanca (lat:33.5856 lon:-07.5435)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_140
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=140">Letter 121, North Africa, page</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-12-08
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
North Africa (lat:27.7590 lon:-09.6240)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_132
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=132">Letter 120, 1943-12-03, page 132</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-12-03
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Hampton Roads, Virginia (lat:37.0286 lon:-76.3701)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_126
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=126">Letter 114, 1943-11-18, page 126</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-11-18
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Tampa, FL (lat:28.0110 lon:-82.4442)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_113
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=113">Letter 100, 1943-10-10, page 113</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-10-10
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Camp Cibolo, TX (lat:29.5692 lon:-98.2363)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II
-
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Truman Warner, World War II Correspondence
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-1945
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ms026_letters_pg_114
Title
A name given to the resource
<a href="http://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Truman_A._Warner_Papers_MS026/6011/MS026_35.pdf#page=114">Letter 101, 1943-10-03, page 114</a>
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1943-10-03
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Warner, Truman
Subject
The topic of the resource
World War, 1939-1945 -- Personal Narratives
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
Camp Bullis, TX (lat:29.6942 lon:-98.5604)
Truman Warner
Warner Letters
World War II