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1922-1924

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MS015

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BOOKS BY UPTON SINCLAIR

THE BRASS CHECK
A S t u d y of American Journalism-Who

b
'

Owns the Press a nd W h y ?

you read your daily paper, are you reading facts or p rqmganda? And whose

;an< "
~ u m ~ ~ uhesraw material for your thoughts about life? k i ummt material?
te
d,
No man can ask more important questions than these; and here f ar , + " P > ~ S ~ifpe the
t
I
auestions are answered in a book.
SLk

T HE JUNGLE
This novel, first published i;p 1906, caused an international sensation. I t was the best
selling book in the United States for a year; also in Great Britain and its colonies. I t
was translated into seventeen languages, and caused an investigation by President
Roosevelt, and action by Congress. The book has been out of print for ten years, and
is now reprinted by the author at a lower price than when f i s t published, although the
cost of manufacture has since more than doubled.

T h e B tory of a Patriot
Would you like to go behind the scenes and see the "invisible government" of your
country saving you from the Bolsheviks and Reds? Would you like to meet the secret
agents and provocateurs of "Big Business," to know what they look like, how they
talk and what they are doing to make the world safe for democracy? Several of these
gentlemen have been haunting the home of Upton Sinclair during the past three years
and he has had t ke <dea of turning the tables and investigating the investigators. He
has put one of khem, Peter Gudge by name, into a book, together with Peter's ladyloves,
and his wife, and his boss, and a whole group of his fellow-agents and employers.

KING COAL
A N ovel of t he Colorado Coal Country
<6
Clear, convincing, complete," Lincoln Steffens. "I wish that every word of it 'could
be burned deep into the heart of every American," Adolph Germer.

THE PROFITS OF RELIGION
A study of supernaturalism as a source of ipcome and a shield to privilege. The first
investigation of this subject ever made in any language.
( A l l t he above books: 6 0c p aper, $1.20 cloth, postpaid. A n y three copies: paper, $1.50; cloth, $3.00.)

T HE BOOK OF LIFE
Volume One-Mind and Body. A book of practical counsel. Discusses truth an$ i ts
standards, and the basis of health, both mental and physical Tells people how t~ live,
in order to avoid waste and pain, and to find happiness and achieve progress. Cloth,
$1.75 ; paper, 80c.

THE CRY FOR JUSTICE
An anthology-of the literature of social prokest, with an introduction by Jack London,
who calls it "this humanist Holy-book." Thirty-two illustrations, 891 pages. Cloth,
$1 50 ; paper, $1.00. Order from

UPTON SINCLAIR, PASADENA, CALIFORNIA
D istributors t o the book trade:

The Paine Book Company, 75 West Van Buren Street, Chicago, Illinois

i

h' r

THE LABOR HERALD

M arch. 1922

IWORLD'S F A M O U S BOOKS 1

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us&g compict, y et readable type, and good thin paper
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T hls new process in publishing now makes i t possible for
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decorate shelves b ut t o enrich minds. These books a r e read.
The original price of these books is 2 5 c each, b ut t o
introduce them rapidly they have been ,offered a t 10c each.
This is a special introductory offer and lntended t o show the
publisher's confidence in the idea. Order by Mail.

TAKE YOUR PICK AT ONLY 1 0 ~ BOOK
A

142 Bismarck and the
German Empire.
Oscar Wilde. 51 Bruno: H is Life
80 pillars'of Society,
and Martyrdom.
Ibsen.
131 Redemption, Tolstoi. 147
and His

183 Realism i n Art and
Literature, Darrow.
177 Subjection of Wom-

1 9 Nietzsche: Who He

$FWeu

Was anA W hat He
Stood For.

I

Revolutionary Crisis

I GERMANY, ENGLAND,

I

4 3 M arriage and Di-

Maxims

i~,"2ufe~rrHT $ pgg;
i gzt:
:

$
:

:z

thema

:

I

E. H. Julius, Pres., Appeal Publishing Company,

(

B y WM. Z. FOSTER

1 307

"This 64-page book, with material drawn from Foster's trip
to Europe in 1921 and from his
wide reading of the labor news of
the world, describes the betrayal
of the revolution by the Majority
Socialists in Germany, the failure of the British Triple Alliance
in the great mine strike, the failure of the revolt led by the metal
workers in Italy, the scourge put
by the Fascisti on Labor following it, and the w r between the
a
radical and yellow unionists in
the C. G. T. i France."
n
'LLikeall of Foster's books, it
i s calm, detailed and authoritative. No person active in the
labor movement and no student
desirous of understanding the
labor movement, can afford to be
without it."

?
$
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pg~~,hng~~.

ITALY AND FRANCE"

I

O%EBIy

vorce, Horace
Greeles a nd Robert
Owen.
en, John S tuart Mill.
Poetrv
208 Debate on Birth
a nd
Control, Mrs. S enger
a nd Winter Russell.
Khaeam.
~
~
~
~
n 236 f airs of ~ e n ;r VIII. n
~ State and H eart Af~
~
yi
g E~igrallls
129 Bome or Reason, In73 Whitman's Poems.
E arnest, Oscar Wade. 50
gersoll and Manning.
common
56 Wisdom of Ingersoll
2 Wilde's Reading Jail.
31 Pelleas and Meli106 Aphorisms, G. Sand. 32 Poe's Poems.
122 Spiritualism, Conan
168 Epigrams 0. wild.. 164 Michael a e - o ' s
Doyle and M cCaba
l
88 ?ngersoll. n of Pain., 59 ~ pigrams'ofWit.
I si'~atio
171 H as Life Me-?
Sonnets.
F an, Oscar Wilde.
35 Maxims, Rochefou33 Smasher of Shams.
71 Poems of Evolution. 206 Capitalism vs. Socialism Seligman
Fiction
163 Sex Life i n Greece
cau~.
146 Snow-Bound, Pied
a nd ~ e a r i n g .
Piper.
6 De M aupassant's
154 Witticisms, I e
214 and Rome. Lincoln. 197 Epigrams of Dbsen.
Speeces of
9 G reat English Poems. 1 3 I s Free Will a Fact
s tories.
or a Fallacy?
79 Enoch Arden,
15 Balzac's Stories.
Humor
180 Sevigne. G. B.
Epigrams,
234 McNeal-Sinelair
Tennyson.
One Of C1eopatra's
18 I dle Thoughts of an
s haw.
Debate on Socialism.
6 8 Shakespeare's
Nights, Gautier.
I dle Fellow Jerome. 155 Maxims Napoleon.
Sonnets.
5 8 Boeeaccio's
Miscellaneous
20 L et's ~ a u g Nasby. 113 p roveris of England 173 Vision of Sir
i
45 Tolstoi's Stories.
192 Book of Synonyms.
106 English a s s h e Is
114 Proverbs of France.
Lannfal.
12 Poe's Tales.
25 Rh-g
D ictionar~r.
222 The Vampire and
145 Great Ghost Stories. z05
78 How to Be a n Orator.
Other Poems,
21 Carmen. Merimee.
Book.
117 Proverbs of Italy.
82 Common F aults in
Piing.
38 Dr. JekYu and Mr.
187 Whistler's Humor.
W riting English
118 P roverbs of Russia. 237 =rose Poems,
P
Hyde.
127 W hat Expectant
W it of einrich
119 Proverbs of Ireland.
Baudelaire.
27
Days of Con. 216 Heine, Heo. Eliot.
Mothers Should
G
120 Proverbs of Spain.
demned Man, Hugo.
mow.
121 Proverbs ofTArabia.
Science
lS1en Who
M
Be
"Bgzy&rk
181 Epigrams, horeau.
81 Care of the Baby.
ging, Plin!z
=
Twain.
228 Aphorisms, Huxley.
1 36 C hid Training.
47 H e Renounced the
137 Home Nursing.
~ a i t h~ a c London.
,
k
Literature
Philosophy,
14 W hat Every Girl
36 Soul of Man Under
Should Know, Mrs.
~P*<~&C~~:
Evolution, Baeckel.
socialism, O. Wilde.
Religion
Sanger.
100 Red Laugh,
F rom Monkey to
28 Toleration, Voitaire. 62 Schopenhaner's
34 Case for Birth
Andreyev.
Man.
Essays.
8 9 Love Letters of Men
Control.
148 Strength of the
1 B i5&ions
on MO&- 9 1 Manhood: Facts of
and Womenof Genius. 9 4 Trial a nd D eath of
Strong, London.
e rn Sdence, Huxley.
Socrates.
Life Presented to
S urvival of the
65 Meditations of MarMen.
105
6 0 ~~n~~~~ E ssayr
Emerson's
cus Aurelius.
Fittest. Tichenor.
8 3 Marriage: Past,
102 sherlock Holmas
44 Aesop's Fables.
84 Love Letters of a
Present and Future,
Tales.
165 Discovery of the FuBesant.
161 Country of t he Blind, 26 Nun.
h u e H G. We&.
.
74 On Threshold of Sex.
On Going to Church,
H. G. w ens.
p laied.
9 8 HOW t o Love.
Shaw.
96 ~ ial'oguesf Plato.
o
85 Attack
On
61 Tolstoi's Essays.
103 Pocket Theology,
H v~notism ade
M
172 Evolution of Love,
Z oh.
176 F our Essay* Ellis.
Voltaire.
p-1
h5 .
Key.
I nsects and Men:
209 Aspects of Birth
History,
160 shakespear:,
132 Foundations of
Instinct and Reason,
Ingersoll.
Rewon.
Control, Medical,
Darrow.
Biography
75 Choice of B O O ~ S ,
138 Studzes i n FessimMoral, SociologicaL
Eugenics, Ellis.
143 Pope Leo o n So126 History of Rome.
Carlyle.
ism, Schopenhauer.
211 I dea of God in Na76 p rince of Peace,
c
128 Caesar: Who He
Series of Debates 152 Fialimu
oundations of
Was.
Bryan.
e r e , J ohn S. Mill.
86 On Reading, Brandes 212 L lfe and Character,
11 Debase o n Religion,
Labor Movement,
185 History of Printing
John H. Holmes and
Phillius.
176 Science of History,
95 Confessions of An
Goethe.
Geor e Bowne.
SO - fiattLife Means
200 I gnorant PhilosOpium Eater.
Froude.
39 ~ i d sus E ver Live7I
ef
188 How Voltaire Fooled
opher, Voltaire.
t o Me. Jack London.
52 Voltaire, Victor
1 01 T houghts of Pascal. 130 Controversy on
Priest and King.
9 3 How t o Live 100
Hugo.
Christianity, I nger3 1 8 Essays Voltaire. 224 God: Known and
125 W ar Speeches of
soll and Gladstone. 1167 % ? t k c h on Health.
Woodrow Wilson.
213 Lincoln, d ~gersoll.
Unknown, Butler.
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INCOME IN THE U.S., King, $1.50.
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THE CONSU1W11ERS' CO-OPERAW E MOVEMENT, the Webbs,
$7.50. A most thorough study of a
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Vol. I.

MARCH, 1922

99

NO. 1

The Principles and Program of
The Trade Union Educational League
N every country buit one an advanced state

I

of capitalism, has produced a highly developed trade union movement. The single
exception is the United States. Here we have
a very elaborate industrial system and the
world's most militant and powerful capitalist
class, butt, paradoxically enough, a trade union
movement which, for general weakness and
backwardness, has few if any equals in the predominantly industrial countries.
No matter what vital phase of our trade
union movement we consider we must admit, if
we are honest, that the workers in other lands
are ahead of us. In ithe important matter of
numerical strength, for instance, we make a
wretched showing. At present, considering the
ravages made in our ranks by the employers,
it is doubtful if we have as many as 4,000,000
trade unionists in this country, or about 1
unionist to each 27 of the general population.
England, by contrast, has approximately 7,500,000 trade unionists, or about 1in each 6 of her
44,000,000 people. Germany shows even better,
with over 12,000,000 trade unionists, or about
1in each
of her 55,000,000 population. In
other words, the English trade union movement
is proportionately about 4 times as strong numerically as ours, and that of Germany 6 times
as strong. For the American unions to be as
large as those of Germany, considering the
difference in the size of the two nakions, they
would have to have no less than 24,000,000
ih
members. Compare this giant figure w t the
paltry 4,000,000 members that our unions now
possess and one gets an idea of how far behind
we are in this respect. In England and Germany (not to mention many other countries)
the mass of the working class has been organized. In the United States hardly a start has
yet been made.

Structurally our trade unions are equally
backward in development. The American labor
movement is the only important one in the
world which still remains based upon the
principle of craft unionism. In a ll other countries the main labor movements, accepting the
logic of capitalistic consolidation, have endorsed the principle of having one union in
each industry and have made great progress
towards is realization. Throughout the rest
of the world we f h d many single unions covering whole industries -such as building,
metal, railroad, general transport, clothing,
printing, etc.-that have been built up recently
by amalgamatingethe original craft organizations. Others are constantly being created. In
England the giant new Transport and General
Workers' Union amalgamation is taking place;
the Amalgamated Engineering Union is likewise making substantial headway towards its
goal of one union in the metal industry; and
in many orther trades the process of consolidation is going on apace. I n Germany the metal
workers, during the past few years, have completed their record-breaking industrial union,
which now counts 1,800,000 members; the railroad, postal, telegraph, and telephone workers,
already closely organized, are combining their
forces into a great organization of 1,500,000
members to control all forms of transportation
and communication; and the workers in the
other German industries are likewise closing
up their ranks rapidly. In Belgium the original
welter of craft unions has been hammered together into about a dozen industrial unions,
and plans are now being worked out to combine the whole movememt into one real union.
The Australian workers have also just gone
on record for a similar project.
The same rapid drift towards industrial

4

.

L

THE L A B O R H E R A L D

March, 1922

March, 1922

idealism and social vision. I t has no SOUL It
has not yet raised the inspiring banner of working d ais emancipation. So far as its vague
conscious expressions go, it is still timidly and
blindly trying !to patch up wage slavery and
make it endurable. I t has still to learn that
the only solution of the labor struggle is by the
abolition of capitalism. I n this sad position
it &nds alone, for the workers of all other
important countries have long since defhitely
broken with capitalism. They look upon it as
an obsolete social system which must be eliminated. They are looking forward to the establishment of a new proletarian society in which
parasitic capitalists will be no more. They
d Ber widely as to how this great goal can be
asked, whether capitalism shall be abolished
pime by piece, as the Socialists propose, or all
at one blow, as the Communists and Syndicalists urge. B ut ,they are unanimous that
oapitalism must go. The American trade
unions are the only general body of organized
workers in t he world that; have not yet masin an tered this fundamental labor conclusion. And
Politieauy our trade
are
the result is a tremendous weakening in their
infantile condition. They have not yet adand fighting strength.
vanced to the point of even rodimentarly political class consciousness. Q hsfnlIy unaware
tha& t he class struggle rages i t he political
n
A striking illustration of this unparalleled
as well as in the industrial fidd, they a re still
capitalist intellectual timidity and conservatism comes to
trailing along in the t rain of
parties and shamefnlly begging favors from light in our ,trade unions' relaticins with the
them. Their Cause is a football f ar every po- labor organizations of other countries. There
litical crook in the country-to t he sad demor- are two world trade union federations, one
alization of the whole labor movement. The with headquarters in Amsterdam, and the
workers in other countries were once i n a simi- other in Moscow. T b Amsterdam Internalar boat, but they have all long since got away tional is reformist, and the Moscow Internafrom it. Some, the anti-political tendency, tional revolutionary. A ll t he important labor
o
have adopted the Syndicalist program of direct m o~ements f the world are afKliated with one
action on the political field through the trade or the other of these two Internationals-that
unions, and others, retaining their belief in is, all except ours. We stand aloof altogether
-political action, have built up extensive Labor, on the ground t hat both are too revolutionary.
Socialist, and Communist parties. But all of Even &e Anwterdam International, whose leadh
them, Syndioalbb, Laborites, Socialists, and ers nndoubteiQy saved capitalism in its greatCommun&ts, agree ugon class action in the est c rbis by dieeeatbg the recent revolutionary
political field. Thssy would laugh out of court uprisings i Germany, Italy, France, etc., is
n
any leader among thi& who dared advocate much too radical for us. Because its "revoluthe antediluvian no-el& political policy of the tionary" doct-rines mightt contaminate our pure
American trade union m vement. F or them bourgeois ideas, a nd for fear that our associathe adoption of such a pzogram would mean tion with seah a "terrible" organization would
discredit ns in the eyes of American exploiters,
turning the clock backward 4 generation
Another striking feature of our labor move- the American Federation of Labor, not long
ment's primitiveness is i ts unequaled lack of since, severed relations with t he Amsterdam In-

ternational. This made us t he laughing stock
of the international labor world, revolutionary
and reformist alike. When it comes to militancy of program we stand in a place by ourselves-at the very foot of the proces~ion. And
so it is with many other phases of our movement, which need not be cited here.
The general effect of the extreme political
and industrial wldevelopment of o m tradd
union movement has been to greatly weaken
the fighting power of the working class More
than ever this is evidenced by the present
world crisis in i n d u h y . Where= the trade
unions of other countries a re pretty much
holding their own, or in some cases even forgk g ahead, ours are in disordered retreat before
t he victorious employers. The latter, strongly
organized and controlling t he pr,ew, t he courts,
and practically every section of the local, state,
and national governments, are smashing the
unions right and left and making ducks and
drakes of the workers' political and industrial
rights. The crisis is serious and so generally
recognized that there is no need for us to
waste words over it here. S d c e to say that if
Organized Labor does not soon reorganize its
primitive craft unions into modern industrial
unions and infuse them with real fighting spirit
it will inevitably d e r crushing defeat, if not
actual annihilation.

unionism is i n evidence everywhere e x ~ e p i n
t
the United States. Here we are still sticking
in the mud of craft unionism and progressing
at only a snail's pace. Standpatism has become
an ingrained gospel with our trade union oi3cials. There is hardly a breath of progress
f
among them. They disregard the o b v i o ~act
t he
that as the capitalists close up their ra*
workers must do likewiie: W ith rare exceptions they are content to plod d ong with anywhere up to 20 or 30 autonomous Unions in the
various industries and to consider such a prirnitive condition, with all i ts r esdtant c raft scabbery and weakness, as the highest praclioal
stage of ltrade union organization. The man
- ' , who proposes common sense amalgamation
along industrial lines they consider a dreamer,
if not a disruptive fanatic. From the s tmdpoint of structure the American labor movement is at about the p o w of .development that
- the European unions were 15 years ago.
'I

THE LABOR HERALD

eons

'H

5

nationalities. And the second goea counter
to all our labor history. Time and again the
workers in this co11ntry have given convincing
evidence of their aggressive spirit and adaptabiliw to advanced types of unionism. A generation or so ago, during the stormy 'BOs, our
trade union movement unquestionably led the
world for militancy. And since that tiat? our
industrial history has been marked with a
whole series of strikes, as bitterly fought as
any ever known anywhere. In view of these
facts it is idle to maintain that our workers
are naturally unmilitant.
The true explanation for the undevelopment
of American trade unionism v a s t be sought
elsewhere. And it is to be found in the wrong
methods used by our progressive and revolutionary unionists. Until quite recently they
have failed utterly to realize and perform their
proper functions. For a generation past they
have been working contrary to the natural
evolution of the labor movement The result
is stagnation and ruin all around.
One of the latest and greatest achievements of
working class thinking, due chiefly to the experiences in Russia, is a clear understanding of
the fundamental proposition that the fate of all
labor organization in every country depen* primarily upon the activities of a minute minority
of clear-sighted, enthusiastic militants scattered
throughout the great organized masses of slugTHE SOURCE F O m TROUBLES
O
Whence comes the ultra-conservatism and gish workers. These live spirits are the natural
extraordinary backwardness of the American head of the working class, the driving force of
trade union movement B What causes the seem- the labor movement. They are the only ones
ing paradox in this country of a very high' who really understand what the labor struggle
degree of capitalism producing a very low de- means and who have practical plans for its
prosecution. Touched by the divine fire of progree of labor organization ?
Many are the answers made to this great letarian revolt, they are the ones who furnish
riddle of the American labor movement. The inspiration and guidance to the groping masses.
chief of these are, first, that the conglomera- They do the bulk of the thinking, working and
Q hting of the labor struggle. They run the
of races here,
greatly
the dangers of death and t he
jails. Not
'Waetion
has
checked only are they the burden bearers of the labor
the spread of trade unionism ; and, second, that
movement,
also its brains and heart and
the warkers i n this country, because of its
sod. In everg
where these vital milibonanaa development, have enjoyed more pros- tants fanction
among t he organieed
perity t han European workers and have Come- masses the labor movement flourishes and prosq u e n t l ~ een rendered almost immune to mili- pers. But wherever, 'for any reason, the milib
tant organization.
tants fail to so function, just as inevitably the
But these answers a re altogether unsatisfac- whole labor organizatisn withers and stagnates.
tory. The f ist is discounted by , the f act t hat The activities of the militants are the "key7, to
some of the very best unions we have, notably the labor movement, the source of all its real life
in the needle trades, are made up of many and progress,

T H E L A B 0R H E R A L D

6

V- E m I

;STAGNATION
Hw

I n other countries the militants, even while
not consciously aware of the above prinoiples,
have quite generally acted in harmony wilih
them. They have stayed in t he old trade &
and, through their organization, activity, and
determination, have been able to take t he l a d
i n directifig t he workers' struggle. Theg: have
communicated something of theix own &.a and
understanding t o t he msms, with the resnlt t hat
their labor movements have b&n comtantly
pushed onward-intell-ye
structurally, and
numericany-to higher and higher stages.
B ut in the United States t he militants, pro, gr@~es and r adials alike, have taken a reverse conrse. F vr fully
years they have
s ystematidly deserted and neglected %e trade
h
.unions. ABtioted with a dwonic m i o n i r a m ,
they have attracted the o v e p w h e ~ am d
m
the livest spirits among the workera to t he f utile
projects of building up a ll s o r b of d u d m0 1
i18
based upon ideal prinuples. Thus the trade
union movement has been sueked 'dry of thousands and thousands of the best militants, the
very elements who should have been its life
hus its development has been
springs, a nd t
blocked, its progress poisoned at the source. By
the desertion of the militants the unknowing
a~
masses have been i n t & & ~ nd spiritually
decapitated. Leaderless, helpless, they have been
left to the uncontested.contro1 of a conservative
trade union bureaucracy, which has hardly a
traee of real proletarian nnderstanding and
Bropess anywhere in its makeup. I n view of
tbk situation it would be a miracle if t he
ieah labor movement, with its most vital fa&m
praotically cancelled, were in any other condi& k one of extreme backwardness.
D u d ~ n i mthe set policy of secessionism,
,
which h R@@mated the Life-giving militants
@
s
from the cuni%emmeorganized m a s s e t h a t i
the prime cause of t he stagnation of the American labor movemeplt. That is t he underlying
reason for onr ap-mt
paradox of the m s
ot
aggressive capitalist i 3 - side by side with the
most weakly orgheaed working class. Dual
unionism has hamsh e r i m Labor.
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March, 1922

March, 1922

sionist tendency that has negated their efforts
for so long; and, second, they must thoroughly
organize themselves within the trade unions for
the effective application of their boundless energies and dynamic programs. When this is accomplished, then, and then, only, can we look
forward confidently t o the American labor movement taking i ts proper place in the forefront of
the world 's t rade union organization-a position
which it occupied thirty or forty years ago, before its militants became poisoned and ruined
by d u d utopianism.
Substantial progress is now being made towards the accomplishment of these two vital essentials. I n the &t place, the militant rebels
are f i e i n g themselves from dual unionism with
wonderful rapidity; and in the second place,
they a re everywhere forming the necessary
propaganda groups within the organized masses
of trade unionists. The organization through
which this new and most important movement of
militant&is taking shape is The Trade Union
Educational League.
The Trade Union E ducatiod League is an
informal grouping of the progressive and re&
lutionary elements throughout the entire trade
union movement; a potent means to assist these
militants in the performance of their natural
functions as the brain and backbone of the organized m s e s . It is not a dual union, nor is it
m t e d directly or indirectly with any such.
It does not h e charters, nor does it collect dues
or per capita tax. F or the revenue to c a v on
its work it 'depends upon voluntary donations
from supporters and sympathizers, profits from
the sale of Literatare, eto. It is simply a virile
edncationd league, operating within and in support of the trade unions, and by no means in
opposition to or in competition with them. It
is an auxiliary of the labor movement, not a substitute for it. It is identical with the movements
through whit& t he militants in other countries
t
have t r a ~ b m e dheir trade unions into real
@hting o rganhtions.

theories, tactics, structure, and leadership.
Instead of advocating the prevailing shameful
and demoralizing nonsense about harmonizing
the interests of Capital and Labor, it is f iing
t he workers' imagination and releasing their
wonderful idealism and energy by propagating
the inspiring goal of the abolition of capitalism
and the establishment of a workers' republic.
The League aggressively favors organization
by industry instead of by craft. Although the
craft form of union served a useful purpose in
t he early days of capitalism, it i s now entirely
out of date. In t he face of the great consolidation of the employers the workers must also
close up their ranks or be crushed. The multitude of craft unions must be amalgamated
into a series of industrial union&-one each for
the metal trades, railroad trades, clothing
trades, building trades, etc.-even a s they have
been in other countries. The League also aims
to put the workers of America in co-operation
with the fighting trade unionists of the rest of
the world. I t is flatly opposed to our present
pitiful policy of isolation, and it advocates
a%lktion to the militant international trade
union movement, known as the Red Trade
Union International. The League is campaigning against the reactionaries, incompetents,
and crooks who occupy strategic positions in
many of our organizations. It is striving to
replace them with militants, with men and
women unionists who look upon the labor movement not as a means for making an-easy living,
but as an instrument for the achievement of
working class emancipation. I n other words,
the League is working in every direction necessary to put life and ppirit and power into the
trade union movement.

E

,

--

W

~ M Tm %a

DN
OE

Two things are absolutely hdhpensable to the
further life and progress of our labor movemrt definitely and
ment: first, the militants m
finally r id themselves of the dual union seces-

How THE L E ~ ~ U E a m m s
O~

TEB x ? l ms P F ~ G I & B M
A u3 '

The Tnds U *rm Edwatioraal L e o g l ~pro@
poses to d e d o p trade unions from their
present antiqaakd a nd stagnant condition
into modern, powerfnl labor organizations
capable of waging successfnl warfare against
Capital. To this end it i s working to
revamp and remodel from top to bottom their

THE L A B 0R HERALD

E":
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The Trade Union Educational League groups
the militants two ways: by local'ities and
by industries.
In a ll cities and towns
general groups of militants of all trades
are formed to carry on the work of education
and reorganization in their respective localities.
These local general groups, to facilitate their
work, divide themselves into industrial sections--such as printing, building, textile, raill
road, metal, clothing, transport, etc. A l the
local general groups are kept in touch and
co-operation with each other through a national
corresponding secretary. Likewise, all t he
local industrial educational groups are linked
together nationally, industry by industry,

7

through their respective corresponding secretaries. Every phase and stage of the trade
union movement will have its branch of the
life-giving educational organization.
Let the railroad industry illustrate the general plan: In every important railroad center
there will be educational groups of railroad
men, not of single crafts, but of the whole sixteen in the industry. These local groups will
co-operate nationally through a secretary (a
volunteer unless the local groups find ways,
through donations, to pay him). A national
program will be established and a great drive
instituted to combine the sixteen squabbling
unions into one solid body. Amalgamation will
be made a burning issue all over the country
wherever railroad men meet and talk. From
the live wire section man in San Diego, California, to the rebel engineer in Portland,
Maine, the whole body of railroad militants
will move unitedly and irresistably to the
accomplishment of their task, the erection of
a great and powerful industrial union of railroad workers by the amalgamation and invigoration of the sixteen craft unions. The union
leaders refuse to carry out this absolutely indispensable project, so it i s up to the rank and
file militants to do it f or themselves.
The Trade Union Educational League will
make great use of pamphlets, bulletins,
journals, etc., in its educational work. I ts
official national organ is THE LABOR
HERALD, a monthly published at $2.50 per
year. THE LABOR HERALD is carrying a
burning message of constructive unionism and
solidarity to the discontented rank and fie. It
is filled from cover to cover with the living,
dynamic organization principles which can find
no place in our static, muzzled, dry-as-dust official trade union journals.
The launching of The Trade Union Educational Leagzce marks a turning point in American labor history. It is the beginning of an
era in which the trade unions, flourishing under
intensive cultivation by their organized militants, will gradually pass from their present
hopeless defensive fight into an aggressive attack
upon Capital, an attack which can end only
with the abolition of the wage system. The
program of The Trade Union Educa$ionalLeague
is the only possible effective answer to the
"Open Shop" drive of the employers; it is the
sole means by which the American working
class can take its proper place in the world
battle of Labor. unionists wilIing to co-operate
Active trade
in the work of the League are requested to
write to the undersigaed f or further information.
WM. Z. FOSTER, Sec'y-Treas.,
118 N. La Salle St., Chicago, I l
l.
Editor's Note: For outline of the League's immediate program, see article "A Call t o Action," elsewhere in this issue.

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8

T H E LABOR HERALD

B y Tom M a m

I

struggles between numerous sections of controllers of industrial establishments, financiers
and others, to conduct trading operations in
the interests of the respective sections of financiers, speculators, industrialists, etc., and
these sectional interests never by any chance
coincide with the interests of the community.
At the present time, middle of December, in
Britain there are two millions of totally unemployed workers, and as large a number of
only partially employed. The unemployed
with their dependents number about six millions of persons, out of a population of fifty
millions.
The Unemployment Insurance Act provides
benefits as follows : weekly benefit payable ;
men,, fifteen shillings ; women, twelve shillings; boys under 18, seven shillings and sixpence; girls under 18, six shillings. A married
man receives in addition, five shillings on account of his wife, and one shilling each for
each of four children. To entitle the workers
to this, workers and employers pay the following weekly amounts:

...........

Men
Women .........
Boys under 18.
Girls under 18..

..

7

pence.
6 pence.
3% pence.
3 pence.

Employers.
Employers.
Employers.
Employers.

8

pence
pence
pence
3% pence

7
4

I n addition those unions that provide unemployment benefits also pay usually from
five to fifteen shillings a week, this of course
in addition to the State benefit.
It is a matter for wonderment that the
principal trade unions, which have endeavored
to guard their members against the worst
evils of unemployment, sickness and accident,
should not have long ago endeavored to entirely eliminate the causes of unemployment.
Innumerable discussions have taken place
as to the best means of alleviating the effects
of unemployment, whilst the cure of the causes
therof have been comparatively neglected. The
modern conception of trade unionism does,
however, undertake this task. It holds that
it is not sufficient to organize the workers,
except as the preliminary essential to the organization of the work.
The objective of the up-to-date trade unionist is-The
organization of work in all its
forms so as t o provide adequately for the requirements of t he whole community. T o do

T H E LABOR HERALD

this it is necessary that the machinery of organization itself, i. e., the unions, must cease
to be sectional, and learn t o manifest solidarity, and aim at producing with the highest
efficiency, and distributing the product with
the truest equity.
Exactly b w t his w i i work out there is no
need to wpsry over, but it may safely be assumed that the most scientific methods of
production will always be resorted to, as this
will fit with highest standard of living, inciuciinn the fewest working hours consistent
with &at standard.
I l ave s e e r known such a large per cen' t age of unemployed in England and especially
in the Engineering Industry as we have at
present.' The Union of which I am a member,
' m e Amalgamated Engineering 'Union.," has
a membership bf 429,500. T he returns for
No%ember,just 40 hand, show t hat the number
sf unesnployed is 92, 272* o r 25.85%. There
is almost as many working s hort time, and in
addition there are 6,842 on sick benefit, and
6,5571 on superannuation benefit.
One contributary cause of this slump in industry was the outcome of the War settlement, which provided that Britain should have
a large percentage of the German ships. These
were taken over and sold to British shipowners a t a much lower rate than they could
be built f o r ; the direct result was t o throw
many thousands of men out of work in the
ship-building yards and the marine engine
shops. Similarly, with regard t o the coal
miners. W ar settlement terms provided that
Germany should supply France with many
millifins of Cons of coal annually. The providing of this coal had hitherto been done by
British colliers. Result:
unemployment
amongst miners in Britain on an unprecedent ed scale.
I a m pleased to say there are some signs of
improvement, though as yet not very pronounced. The t iq plate trade of South Wales
.is reviving. This of course means the steel
plates, tinned, for canned goods, etc., and past
experiences show that this trade is usually

I

The Situation in Great Britain
N order to live we must eat. To live well
we must have enough to eat and to wear. The
food we eat and the clothes we wear can only
be obtained by labor. Industry is carried on
in order to bring into existence the requisites
of life, but if for any reason a sufficiency is
not produced or, being produced it is not
reasonably distributed, it may hapen, and it
commonly does happen, that many are insufficiently fed and clothed, and inadequately
hdused.
Time was when man was unable to work
effectively to bring into existence a sufficiency
for all to have enough. Owing t o the growth
of knowledge in modern civilized life we possess the power to produce enough for all, not
for some portions of the year, but for the
whole year round and for every year.
I t is not a matter of conjecture, it is a thoroughly established fact, that there is on and
in the earth a super-abundance of raw material, out of which all our requirements can
be obtained, and it is equally an established
fact, that man's power over this material is
such, that if this power is wisely directed, an
abundance for all can be produced with the
utmost ease.
Although these basic facts are admitted,
we are confronted with abject poverty in
every country, not less so amongst the most
industrially advanced, as well as in those
relatively backward.
Europe of course is experiencing exceptional
economic difficulties at present, as a result of
the Great War, but prior to the war there never
was a time when the whole of the people in
any country had a sufficiency ; in England, concurrently with an ever increasing wealth producing capacity, there has continued as an
ever accompanying corrollary, a per centage
of unemployed workers, who in consequence
of unemployment are wageless and therefore
subjected to serious privation.
It would seem that notwithstanding t he ever
increasing power to bring into existence the
necessaries and comforts of life, that those
who accept responsibility for managing industry never aim at concerted action either to
ascertain total amounts required, or at providing a sufficiency for all.
It is left to the chance forces of competitive

Mar&, 1922

March, 1922

-

first affected. The prospect of a settlement
of the Irish problem is also having a good effect, and there is m doubt if it proves to be
a settlement of the k oubles between the British Government and t he Irish, that a substantial quickening of industrial interests will follow-and probably solidarity will characterize
the workers of both countries.
It is too early to g auge t he probable effects
of the Washington Conference, but there are
many in this counfry who believe that the

T OM MANN
result will be the allaying of international
friction for a time, and that there will probably
be a few years' spell of industrial activity. It
seems to me likely that this will be so, and
this will be the time for the workers to perfect
their organizations and t o become clear as
regards ideals. There is no need for despondency. Humanity is slow in traveling upward, but there is no doubt a t all about it
really traveling. The organized workers must
have a g reater share in social e t r o 1 t han
hiiherto.

CLOSE U P YOUR RANKS!
The employing class is solidly organized. The workers mu& likewise close up
their ranks. The time has come whm w e must fuse our craft d o n s so that there
is only one union f or each industry. We must do this or be c r ~ ~ h e d .

!.
.

11'-

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.Ubu(l-

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9

10

T H E LABOR HERALD

The Industrial Court - Dead
B y John Dorsey

-

I

T I S two years now since the State Legislature passed Governor Allen's law to stop
strikes-the Industrial Court Law-but ~ v e
a re still having strikes in Kansas. The miners of District 14 have kicked this anti-strike
law around so much that nobody in this part
of the country pays any more attention to it.
I noticed that the packinghouse workers went
out on strike when they g ot ready, and the
Industrial Court didn't even try to stop them.
No, the law didn't stop strikes in Kansas, and
the whole idea of chaining men to their jobs
by law has been pretty thoroughly discredited.
We paid a big price for this result. District
14 has been living on short rations for a long
time; Howat and Dorchey had to lay in jail
for awhile, and so did many of our best rank
and file fighters. Our union is fighting for
life right now. But we have one consolation:
The Industrial Court Law is as dead as a doornail. The workers of America owe that to
us.
I said the Industrial Court is dead, but maybe I am speaking too quickly. There is a
chance that it will come back to life again,
after all. It was dead, sure enough, and
everybody knew it. But John L. Lewis, the
International President of our organization,
sent his men down here with the pulmotor,
and they are trying their best to pump the
breath of life back into it. The bosses tried
by all means to establish the anti-strike law
in Kansas. The Governor, the legislature, the
press, the militia, injunctions, jails, special
LC
vagrancy" ordinances against strikes-all
these instruments and some others were
brought into play to put over the anti-strike
law, and the net result was total failure as far
as we miners were concerned. They couldn't
make it stick. We went on strike just the
same as ever, and the workers in other organized trades did the same. But now the
International President of dur Union is on
the job using all the power of his office to
break up our district organization and make
us submit. If t he Industrial Court Law is
finally put over, John L. Lewis will be the
man who did the job.
When Howat and Dorchey went to jail last

March, 1922

March, 1922

September the Kansas miners again came out
on a general strike in protest. We stayed
out for over three months to prove to the
world that the Industrial Court Law could
cause strikes, but couldn't stop them. I t was
a bitter struggle. The coal operators, the
Governor, the courts, the state troops, the
county officials and the "Provisional Government" of our union, set up by President
Lewis, all worked hand in hand to drive us
back to work; but their combined forces only
succeeded in getting a few hundred to break
ranks. The District as a whole stood solid
until the strike was called off on January 12
by Howat on the ground that we had thoroughly discredited the Industrial Court Law,
and that further demonstration was not
needed.
The general strike made the Court look like
a joke. Our enemies didn't think we would
have the nerve to do it again, after all we had
gone through, but we did it. The members
of the Industrial Court got cold feet, and went
back to Topeka. The business men and the
coal operators began to holler for a compromise. They had Howat and Dorchy in jail
but they couldn't get the miners back to work.
Howat said: "We never denied that they
could pass a law to put men in jail; but we
do deny that they can stop strikes by law.
They have got us in jail, but they have also
got the strike. You can't stop strikes by law
in Kansas because the Kansas miners will not
obey such a law."
It was at this point that John L. Lewis
took a hand in the game. While Howat and
Dorchey were in jail, they were removed from
office and expelled from the United Mine
Workers of America for life. Our District
Executive Board was deposed. The charter of our District organization was revoked,
and a "Provisional GovernmentJJappointed to
take charge. They ordered the miners to go
back to work. For three months they tried
every' means to break the strike. They
worked hand in glove with all the other tools
of the coal operators. Thomas Harvey, the
s herips brother, was appointed secretary of
the district organization. Van Bitfner, the
special representative of the International,

I

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'

THE LABOR HERALD

chummed around with the state and county
officials. A little conversation that I chanced
to hear shows this well:
I was in the District Courtroom one day
during the strike, to attend a damage suit.
Right after adjournment, the Judge inquired
for the Sheriff. The stenographer spoke up:
"Did you try Van Bittner's? I usually get
him there i f he isn't in his office."
Thcf g ot a few hundred men t o desert us.
S evmd mines started up, and Van Bittner began to give out optimistic interviews in t he
capitalist papers. He made arrogant claims
about "breaking the strike." using about the
same manner and language that the big packing companies were using a t the same time
about the strike of the packinghouse workers.
The members of the Industrial Court plucked
up courage tp come back to Pittsburg to look
the situation' over. Governor Allen, who had
been singing mighty low about his law t o stop
strikes, again began to issue statements denouncing Howat and the "foreignersJ' who supported him. So far it had been a man% fight:
a t this point the women took a hand.
I t was done by the women themselves, on
their own motion. No men were allowed to
take part, so I can only tell about it as it was
told to me by some of those who took part in
t he action. They organized into an "armyJJ
about four o'clock on the morning of December 13. Led by a woman with a baby in her
arms, they marched to the working mines.
From one shaft to another they went, routing
out the scabs and chasing them away like so
many outcast dogs. The papers made it out
to be a sort of peaceful demonstration, but
from what they told me there was nothing
"lady-like" about the way they handled those
they went after.
They took the lunch buckets from the scabs,
and threw the contents a t them. An Austrian
woman with a Chaplin-like sense of humor
took a fiendish delight in searching the buckets
f or custard pie. Woe to the man in whose
bucket she found it. They tore one fellow's
trousers off and sent him flying home across
the cold prairie in his shirt, "like a rabbit,"
they told me. They made the scabs swear allegiance to the strike while they poured, cold
cpffee from their own lunch buckets over their
&ads. "It was no "tea-party," I suggested to
the group of Italian women who were telling
me about it with twinkling eyes and enthusiastic gestures. "No ! No !," t hey laughed, "coffeeparty."
Btit t he strike has been called off now, and
Alex Howat is down at the Indianapolis Con-

11 '

vention to appeal to the delegates from all over
the country to uphold the Kansas Miners and
keep them in the qrganization. F or a time
there was a little imesponsible talk about an
'independent union,' but that was quickly sat
on. The Kansas Miners are a part of the

MINERS' WOMENFlOLK MARCHING
United Mine Workers of America, and they
a re going t o remain there. They are the last
ones in the country to split the ranks. They
are now preparing for the expected national
strike, and you can bet that if it comes off, and
all other districts hold as solid as District 14
will, the strike will be won. Kansas has had
more than her share of the fighting, but we
can go anoth& one if we have to.

Union Subscriptions
If y our union is a real live one, every
member will want to read THE LABOR
HERALD. W e expect to find many such,
so we have figured out a suecial subscrivtion price for-unions which want to s&scribe for their members and distribute the
magazines a t the union meeting. The ratea
f or bundles sent to secretaries for distributJon o r sale among the members are as
follows :
25 copies, $3 per month or $36 per year.
5? copies,a$6 per month or $72 &r year.
75 copies, $9 per month or $Mi3 p er year.
100 copies, $12 per month or $I44 per year.
Take this up in your llnisn i f you think
they are a real bunch of unionists there
and know a good l abar axagazine when
they see it. Let us l n w hat the results
em
of your attempts are, even if t hey don't
order the first time- The best kind of propaganda for a &S
I
subscription is to get
a small bundle on4 .sell t hem in t he meeting before you
the matter up. Get
busy, and pa-ur
union on the map1
%
..)

12

T H E LABOR HERALD

March, 1922

March, 1922

B y Paul Dupres

R

3

the prevailing restriction of popular rights in
Russia in an abominable tyranny and disgrace
to the sacred cause of revolution generally.
Now wheilce comes this undeniable limitation of free speech, free press, and free assembly? Is it because, as all the above types
declare, Lenin, Trotzsky and the rest are
heartless oppressors of the same stripe as the
old Czars? Or is there another and deeper
reason? In view of t'he clamor that has been,,
raised and the unfavorable propaganda ma&,
againsf Russia, it will be well for us to look
into the matter a little.
For all those who have had to do with thk
working masses in great struggles, and the
Russian revolution is above all a tremendous
mass struggle, the situation, is or should be,
quite clear and understandable. These practical leaders know that in such severe tests of
the workers' courage and endurance the supreme thing that must be striven for is solidarity, a united front against the enemy. This
can be achieved only through a rigid discipline,
which. in turn, inevitably involves a h eaw
restriction of the rights o free speech, free
f
press, etc. Every strike makes clear this fundamental proposition 'of mass action. When
we understand why the workers, during struggles against employers under capitalism, deny
themselves freedom of expression in their
trade unions, then we will understand why
they have taken similar action in the Russian
revolution.
The Mas- On Strike
All strikes are marked with a strong suppression of the workers' rights of free expression in their organizations. In the early stages
of such struggles this suppression is the work
of the mass itself, later on it is done by a small
minority. At the outbreak of nearly all strikes
the discipline is practically spontaneous. Deeply infected with strike fever, the masses
enter enthusiastically into the struggle. EverythingJooks rosy to them; they can see victory
just 'around the corner. They are altogether:.
intolerant of dissenters and critics. No matter how fernperate or justiiied t he latter may
be they are promptly dubbed company agents
or fools a d then sat upon instantly. Under
such circumstances "free sneech" is- altoeether
x
-a t a discount. What rev ails is a snontaneous
mass discipline.
0

secretary, Red T

ernational

13

But as the strike wears on a
profound change takes place.

Discipline vs. Freedom In Russia
EVOLUTIONS are eammonly urged f or
the purpose of estah&hiagl in addition
to many other deslral$lities, t he most
complete freedom of s p e d 9p ass, and assembly. Yet, strange t o say8 & fidllhssian evoluR
tion, the most profortnd in history, has fallen
far short of this BQL~.B %spIa, a s everyone
knows, there are dr;%s& 1imita;tions upon the
right of the people to freely speak and write
their thoughts. Indeed, this r ight is very
q rgely restricted t o t he membership of the
Communist party, and 'it finds but limited expression even i h e .
This state of a.fEa$rs has brought the Russian
*
revolution a lot o - ahcedaaeous condemnation. Capitalists mati their hangers-on, yellow
Socialists of the Sgptrgb type, petty bourgeois
labor leaders like .Mr. Gompers, theoretical
Anarchists of the Emma Goldman persuasion,
etc., etc., have raised their voices in energetic
protest. Each gives his complaint ehe necessary twist to conform to his particular philosophy or hypocricy, but all are agreed that

T H E LABOR HERALD

-ateriilize.

On t h i contraj ,
re come hardshins ~ i l e d

I

indeed.
Their enthusiasm,
base& upon simple emotion
r8Um?r t han upon real unders%nd'kgrlradually evaporates.
g
Thew l a heart and take on a
d e f & ~ s $ attitude. They degenera& &to carping critics,
and becpm~la prey to all sorts
a
d
of p ~q~agaadaestructive t o
the strike solidarity. In s hort
they are & s c ~ t o l o ~ c allicked.
l~
In thi; critical situation. 1
which corines i n every protrac
ted strike, the burden of maintaining the indispensible discid ine falls uoon a small minority. These are the true
fighters. They are the only
ones who really understand
what the struggle is all aboat.
Their unkillable enthusiasm
and inexhaustible energies are
drawn from intellectual sources
and are very different from the
, ,semi-blind impulse which rules
.HOME OF ALL-RUSSIANUNI.ONS
.
t he niasses. If the strike is to
Formerly Moscow Nobles' Club
',
be won these fighters must
, I make their psycho~ogyprevail.
The Wmeq b Rewohtiop
, They must take the discouraged masses firmly
The foregoing i h f r i t i a n of the course Q%- a
in hand and literally make them fight. They
.-, .
must break up all sorts of defeatist movements strike applies equally well to the c ourw of
among the rank and file, which, in turn, means the Russiart revoldion. And naturally w, bel
t he sappression of free speech to a very large cause1the l ib~er, ike the former, is 9 &we of
tg m isses in bitter struggle. What we have
h
extent. Indeed, only those tendencies a re als e a b ppen a thousand times in hard fought
lowed to flourish which make d ireely f or sol:dariky and the continuance of the strike. GI1
t he rest are ruthlessly smashed, m m etter b w
? " maay abstract rights are violated i the d ebg
n
of it. That is the history of all g reat s t n i
It i s a fact known to all labor men that m t
severe industrial struggles that w& wan hawe
been won a fter the mass of tke ~ $ r wale
b
@$ icked; a fter they had reached the stags af
'
defeatism and discouragement that they w a d
have given up the fight had it not Bees fag the
&,
discipline imposed upon them more oe l& tarf valor were berbitrarily by s mall minority of andefeatable formed and
~f e&rgy expended b i t h e
!pfighters.
transported
I '% ,The whole people were

C

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14

THE LABOR HERALD

swept away in a mighty, swirling, irresistable
torrent of revolution.
This was the dream era, the idealistic period
of the revolution. But it had to come t o an
end, just as does the similar period of unthinking enthusiasm in big strikes. Soon the period
of cold, hard, unemotional fealism s et in, t he
period of long and bitter struggle. As the
months rolled by the heaven on earth expected
by the 'masses did not materialize. Instead,
there came a whole series of soul-trying ordeals. Famines, blockades, civil wars, poverty, were the people's portion. The revolution proved a hard taskmaster. The masses,
with nothing but shallow enthusiasm t o sustain them, did not understand. Somehow the
revolution seemed a failure. They could not
meet its severe requirements. Their revolutionary fervor waned, their original enthusiasm
began t o abate. More and more the responsibility for eontinuing the revolution fell upon
the shoulders of the minority who are revolu.
tionists, not through mere impulse and idealistic imaginings, but because of deep-seated
intellectual convictions. They are the ones
whose revolutionary spirit is inextinguishable,
the Communists.
This process has gone on in Russia for many
many months, until now we find a situation
comparable in principle t o that in the latter
stages of a hard-fought strike. Great sections

March, 1922

of the masses are pretty much defeated. For
them the glamor of the thing has worn off.
T hey want the easiest way out. I t he revoluf
t ion w ere left t o them, it would be over in a
hurry. They would not fight for i t ; t!~ey
would not work for i t ; they would allow themselves t o be made tools of by the 57 varieties
of sophistry-mongering agents of the reaction.
There would be a swift collapse.
But these tired, disillusioned, and disheartened masses are being held t o the struggle hy
t he minority of indomitable fighters in their
midst, the C ommtl~~;~ts. latter are mainT he
taining the discipline essential to t he life of
the revolution, just as tlie fighters always d o
in severe strikes. This could not be done if
they allowed absolute freedom of discussion
t o prevail. If given free rein the reaction,
through the i nstrumentality of its intentional
and unintentional assistants, would have easy
picking among the rank and file, who, always
gullible and easily led astray, are now even
more susceptible than ever because of the
hardships of the revolution. Soon solidarity
on the political, industrial, and military fields
would be ended, and serious, if not fatal, damage done t o the revolution. Because of this
unlovely but inescapable fact, the workers
literally have t o be protected against themselves by means of discipline. Defeatist and
disruptive tendencies must be broken up, even
if this does involve the limitation of
the rights of the individual. And it
makes little difference whether such
tendencies originate in the brains of
scheming reactionaries or in those of
impractical Socialist, Syndicalist, Anarchist, or Communist workers. They
must be checked just the same.
Successful struggle by the masses
unavoidably implies limitation of their
rights of free speech in the name of
discipline. That is the experience of
every a reat s trike: it is likewise the
1) experience of the ~ u s s i a nrevolution,
t he b itterest and most trying struggle
ever undergone by t he world's working class. Reactionary labor men like
Mr. Gompers (whose trade union
practice would teach him the logic of
the Russian situation if he w ere n ot
too blinded by prejudice) may rail
against this conclusion, and idealists
)I l&e Emma Goldman (who lived in a
realm of cloudy theory and disdains
the crass inconsistencies of hard realCONGRESS O F T H E R ED 'LJXADEU NION
ity) may do likewise. But suppression
INTERNATIONAL
(Continued on page 31)

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T H E LABOR HERALD

March, 1922

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** : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : **. . ++*+++++++ *
: *+++++++++++++++*++++ : :+' : : : : : : : : : <
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'111

A PLEDGE!

.

To Tom ~ o o n e im, Larkin, Warren Billings, Alex Howat, Ben Oittlow,
J~
Ralph Chaplin, Harry Winitsky, Harrison George, Fred Mooney,
Frank Keener, Niccolo Sacco, Bartolomeo Vanxetti, Vincent St.
John, Jim Thompson, and the hundreds of Labor's champions, now
prisoners of war in capitalist jails:
DEARBROTHERSND COMRADES
A
:
a nd the workers whose aspirations
W e send you greetings from THE $ ~ O R
we voice. In creating this new weapon for our common struggle, the struggle for Labor's
complete emancipation, we turn to you to pledge our faith.
The high mission for which you s d e r , a nd to which we are dedicated, calls for the
deepest loyalty, devotion and courage. These h t virtues of the working-class movement which you embody, are the very basis of a ll of Labor's cause.
But you have been almost deserted by Labor's ranks. Only here and there have a
few strong voices been raised, and a few arms wielded, in your behalf. Only in brief,
spasmodic moments has Labor moved to bring you justice; and then has been confused,
disunited and drugged, by the lies, the tricky arguments, the traitorous actions, of pretended "leaders. ' '
F or years you have lain in the rotten capitalist jails! With deepest shame must
we write the record of how you have been deserted! We know, and the workers of
America know, that it is only because you were fighters in o ur own s t r u g g l e t h e s t ~ l e
against capitalistic exploitation, against the degrading wages system, against the V I C ~ O ~
a nd corrupt society which destroys all beauty and joy in t he lives of the working people.
A nd t he measure of our shame shall be the measure of our passionate cry to the workers
of the whole land-"To
a ction! Our brothers are being tortured for fighting our battles
for us! Masters! open t h e prisons, before Labor i s f orced t o a ct indepedentntby t o .
that en.d! "
Brothers in prison! The heart of the working class is sound! I n spite of all t he
forces of darkness a nd corruption which have prevented your class from coming to your
rescue, your brothers in the trade unions of America k now why you suffer. They move
restlessly in the knowledge of their base desertion of you. They are going to move to
your defense 1
THE LABOR ERALD
H
pledges to you that we will s hoit t his message to all our class,
in every labor hall and labor home, until our class rises to do justice. So long as we
have voice it shall never be raised without carrying this call as a vital, pressing, urgent
demand of a militant labor movement!

Labor ! Act at Once to Rescue Your Prisoners of War!

THE LABOR HERALD

16

THE LABOR HERALD

March, 1922

A CALL T O ACTION!
Editor's Note: For general outline of the League's purposes, read article "The Principles and Program of the Trade
Union Educational League," elsewhere in this issue.

ILITANTS! The time has come for action! We must now gird up our loins for a great
effort to make a real fighting organization out of the trade union movement. We must
now plunge directly into our vital task of ama?gamating t he many craft unions into a
few industrial unions and of inspiring them with genuine proletarian spirit. The Trade Union
Educational League has launched its nation-wide campaign to organize the militants everywhere
to carry on this indispensible work of education and reorganization, a work for which the hardpressed labor movement now stands in shrieking need. A ll.true trade union rebels are urged
to join hands with the League immediately.

M

T H E League's task of organizing the militants is a gigantic one, one that will require intelli- .
gence, determination, and discipline to accomplish. As things now stand the militants are
scattered broadcast through many thousands of local unions, central labor councils, etc., and
there is scarcely the faintest trace of communication Qr co-operation between them. It is an utter
chaos. And the only way this chaos can be conquered and the army of militants developed into
a unified body capable of exerting great influence in the labor movement is by the rigid application of modern organization methods. Such methods are the very heart of the League's program. I t proposes not to attack the problem simultaneously in all its phases-which would be
a futile project-but to go at it intensively, section by section. It is going to carry out a series
of great national drives, month by month, to organize the militants in one industry after another.
When the circuit of the industries is completed-which should be in six or eight months-there
will exist a well-defined organization of the militants in every trade union and industrial center
in the entire country. Then a general national conference will be held, to map out a complete
educational program, to elect League officials,etc. All told, the campaign is one of the most
elaborate in labor history, and it must eventually result in making the progressive and radical
unionists the determining factor in the labor movement.

T H E f ist of these national drives will be directed to establishing local general educational
groups of militants of every trade simultaneously in all the important cities and towns everywhere. Once established these local groups, in addition to their other activities, will perform the
vital organization work of carrying out the rapidly following later drives to organize the militants in the respective industries. Their first job (the second national drive) will be to organize
the railroad educational organization. It will be done as follows: At a given signal (which
WUcome late in March) the hundreds of local general groups all over the country will direct
Wr e t e d attention and energy to organizing local educational groups of railroad militants in
the% Wpective territories. By this intensive method scores, if not hundreds, of such bodies will
c z & b existence simultaneously in all the principal railroad centers. All these local railroad
o@
t
o
g r o w will be put in touch with each other through the general office of the League, and thus
the &road militant organization will take on national scope. I t will immediately embark
upon a nation-wide campaign to amalgamate the sixteen railroad craft unions into one industrial
organization. This educational propaganda will be carried into every local union in the entire
industry by the local railroad groups, or rank and file amalgamation committees. For the f i s t
time in t h e history the railroad militants will f hd themselves in an organized movement to
combine theif many obsolete craft unions into one modern industrial union. Month by month
similar drives d$lbe put on in the other industries-metal, building, clo@ing, mining, etc,
until finally t he educational organization covers every ramification of the trade union strncture
and the r ejmaating influence of the organized militants makes itself felt throughout the entire
labor movement.
:'

,

W I T H this CalI To Action the first phase of the League's organization campaign-the setting
up of t he loeal m e r a l groups-is initiated. Besides being issued publicly, the Call is also
being laid directly before ,more than 1000 live wire trade unionists in that many cities and
towns, with an urgent appeal that they immediately call together groups of militant unionists
and get our campaign d dynamic education started among them. Considering the present dm-

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March, 1922

Making and Breaking the Packinghouse
-Unions

'.q
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A

By "A Packinghouse Worker"

T

HE collapse of the national strike of the
packinghouse workers a t the end of January marks the close of an epoch in the
long and bitter struggle t o establish trade
union organization in the packing industry.
Menaced by the establishment of company
unions and. radical wage cuts, the workers
struck desperately in the face of great odds
and covered themselves with glory. They
succeded in tying up large sections of the industry for eight weeks. But they did not
have a chance; they were whipped from the
start. Their organization went into the fight
weak and demoralized. Besides being destitute alike of funds and spirit, it was afflicted
with officials in whom the rank and file had no
faith. Under the circumstances the loss of
the strike, the breaking up of the hard-won
organization, and the surrendering of the industry t o the "open-shopper" was a foregone
conclusion. It i s one of the greatest tragedies
in American labor history.
The cause of the packinghouse workers' defeat was a double one; incompetency and
treachery by the officials of the basic union
in the industry, the Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher Workmen, and utter failure
of the rebel elements among the workers t o
organize themselves and thus to exercise control over the administration of their union.
These fatal factors had been constantly a t
work ever since the packinghouse workers began their last great effort a t organization in
1917. T he story of the ill-fated packinghouse
movement is one that Organized Labor should
take well t o heart:
No body of workers in American industry
have been more bitterly exploited or have
made more desperate efforts to escape from
their slavery than the packinghouse workers.
As early as 1886 t hey built up trade unions and
d
established the e i~ht-hour ay. But the wily
and powerful packers soon smashed their organizations and made themselves uncontested
masters of the situation. The next important
movement of t he workers took place fifteen
years later, and resulted in quite thorough organization. But again their unions were
wiped out, this time in the big national strike

of 1904. T hen followed a thirteen-year period
of unrelieved slavery and exploitation, a period
in which the industry turned out a little group
of enormously wealthy parasitic idlers on the
one hand, and a vast multitude of impoverished and downtrodden workers on the other.
All efforts to re-organize the unions were defeated. It w as not until 1917 that the packinghouse workers, responding to the hope
that springs eternal, again take courage and
raise their heads. Taking advantage of the
war conditions, they struck in Denver, Kansas City, and Omaha, achieving some little
success in each place. But the real movement
among them did not begin until the Chicago
Federation of Labor began its big campaign
to organize the workers employed in the
packinghouses of Chicago.

I

Organization of the Industry
T he initiative t o the Chicago campaign was
given by Wm. Z. F oster, who presented a resolution t o the Chicago Federation of Labor
calling for a joint organization movement on
the part of all the trades with jurisdiction
over packinghouse workers. This project was
adopted on July 15th, 1917, and the Federation
a t once took serious hold of the situation. It
organized the Stockyards Labor Council t o
carry on the work. John Fitzpatrick was
selected to head this body d uring the organization work, and Foster was made its secretary.
Ever since the great strike of 1904 sporadic
efforts had been made to re-organize the packinghouse workers, but without a particle of
success. When the big Chicago campaign
started the Amalgamated Butcher Workmen
had only a handful of members, and the whole
industry was demoralized. The prime cause
of this failure was low grade leadership. The
men at the head of the unions, the other crafts
as well as the Butcher Workmmen, persiste a l y a ttempted to apply outworn principles
of craft unionism t o this great basic industry,
when the only hope of the workers was the
most complete industrial solidarity. During
the thirteen black years of unorganization,
craft after craft made individual efforts t o

I.

MOUNTED POLICE DRIVING STRIKERS FROM S TREET
organize, but to no purpose whatever. First
it would be the cattle butchers; they would
carry on a bit of a campaign and get a few
hundred members assembled, when, lo, the
packers would turn their tremendous organization against them and crush their budding
union as a giant would an egg shell. Then stagnation would reign a while more, until eventually, probably a straggling movement would
develop among the sheep butchers, the hog
hutchera, t he steamfitters, the engineers, or
some other trade, which in turn would go the
same way. In this manner practically every
trade got its licking, yet the union heads never
learned the lesson from this experience. They
could not see that the only possibility for the
packinghouse workers t o make headway
against the powerful packers was through
absolutely united action along the lines of the
whole industry.
But if the Butcher Workmen and other
craft union officials knew nothing of industrial
solidarity, the men who organized the Stockyards Labor Council did. T ee b reath of life
of that organization was unified action by
all packinghouse workers. Before it w as organized a n agreement was secured from all
t he trades that they would cast in their lot
- --t ogether, and that espeCially t hey would ,not
m ake the mistake they made in 1904, w hen
they had two local councils in the Chicago
stockyards, one for the mechanical trades and

t he other for the packing trades. The jealousies and quarrels between these two councils,
resulting finally in one scabbing upon the
other, was a prime factor in the loss of the
great strike of 1904.
The Stockyards Labor Council organizers
were determined that no such blunder should
be made in the future. They raised the slogan
of solidarity of all trades in the packing industry. With this rallying cry they went
forth among the packers and put on one of
the most aggressive campaigns of organization known t o American labor history. Encouraged by the new program ,the oppressed
stockyards slaves responded en masse. They
poured into the unions by thousands and soon
the Chicago industry, then employing 55,000
workers, was strongly organized. The news
of this achievement spread like wildfire in
every packing center in the country, and soon
the whole body of packinghouse workers
everywhere were swarming into the organizations. The packing industry, long the: despair
of Organized Labor, was finally unionized.
The whole job took but a few months.

An Incompetent Oi5cialdom
D uring these stirring events the officials of
the Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher
Workmen, the union which controls about
80% o f the workers in the industry, were like

T H E LABIOR H E R A L D

20

March, 1922

feathers in a gale. They did not know what nickel in money to the campaign until a fter
i t was all about. Such a slashing camp*
, h adreds o
f dollars had been turned over to
o unionism was altogether beyond their kmb it h membership fees-the Chicago Federation
f
P etty labor politicians, their practical con*,
.o9 k b w ' mderwrote entirely, t o the last
tion of their union was-as ae orgsnization h pe-myd $& cost of .the early work. But when
f
%
a few thousand meat cutters in retail butdimwas finished, the Butcher
shops. They had no hope or d ers.staacbg
a rapidly growing organizaof organizing the packinghouse workers propor more, and possessed of a
er. They practically abandoned -thel eadeahip
ch were the results in the
of the movement to John F i t ~ p h e k W m. 2
,
.
r y by t he application of indusFoster, J. W. Johnstone, a d 8ke 0 t h gwm
t-y. The mass of workers were
a t the head of th.e S ~ & &-k~&~&I.. feet and given a weapon
.
on their
The flouridend d
m& wd&~t:$ 8 l&mwQ
~
S
~
they could protect themselves
ized t he i9dtpsta-y fisr.tlie$a;,, . .

k'ss

$ h~$.pw& & F Cauicff
~
3 i s.- detraction.fi-on t he work done by
3
organize^^^ w e e &
&
c
amra urnen were fairly w gankers in o ther txmters t o say that the
well lined up, W t h t s d at movebrunt of t he struggle was b orne
ment for @hee ~tabljshrnent f an
o
by the Stockyards Labor Council.
agreemeat with t he packers t o
It planned the campaign, concover the whole industry. Received the method of organizaluctantly this was rybber-stamped
tion, and t o a very large extent
by the Butcher Workmen o ficicarried it through to success.
d s . Accordingly, the local agseeConsidering what is had done
ment between the twelve trades
for their organization, one might
in the Chicago packing industry
think that the officials of the
was expanded into a national one
I Amalgamated Meat Cutters and
and a general committee set up
Butcver Workmen would have
greatly valued the Stockyards
to ccmdtzct the fight for the whole
Labor Council. But the fact was
country. John @itzpatrick was
made c h i q n bf this national
exactly the contrary. From the
packinghouse committee, and
very beginning they looked ask:
Foster its Secretary. As usual,
JOHN R ~ZPATRICK ance a t it. They had no sympathy
the Butcher Workmen officials
with i ts militancy or its doctrine
sat on the side lines, expressing agree- of all-inclusive solidarity. They were craft
with what was being done, but unionists pure and simple. They stood aside
and let i t orgaaize t he industry for them, but
little p art in it. Demands were st&
and, after a spectacular arbitration immediately this was done they set about desing conducted by Frank P. Walsh, .a t roying it. Indeed, so eager was the Presisettlement secured covering the whole indus- dent of the Butcher Workmen, one John Hart,
t o break it up t hat just as t he national movetV. %
W h a h a d happened from July 15th, 1919, ment u os developing he double-crossed all
w hea t he Chicago campaign began, until t he o thw trades by secretly sneaking off t o
March
1918, when Judge Alschuler Waehingt~aaand placing the entire matter in
handed down l$s findings in the arbitration the tender care of the Food Administration.
p r o c e e m v m t h t t he packing industrp. This nearly wrecked t he whole movement. It
had been organized all over the country; the was saved M y by the Stockyards Labor
H art to back out of his areight hour d a . ~established, heavy wage in- C omdl for*
creases secured; the forty-hour per week rangemen% w&b t he Washington politicians
guarantee introdwed, and other important im- and to l mv~rtke'rregotiations ltogether in the
a
provements in t he workers' coaditions insti- hands o$ &@ e ~mbined nion again.
u
tuted. Besides this, the Butcher Workmen's
Imme&fi@ Judge Alschuler's decision was
Union had been lifted from poverty and in- made ia @@a rbitration matter the national
significance to afflusnce a* power. When o ficiak d e c h x l open war upon the Stockt he Chicago c ampaip t a r t e d @is organiza- ya&d&Z a h r Chuncil. Their chosen way to
tion had only a few khousand'members and desfroy it was by the organization of a disa single trict council of Butcher Workmen locals.
was so poor that it did -%ute

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March, 2!E2

THE LABOR HERALD

21

T h y b w very well that the stabllishmes& Butcher Workmen nevertheless went blithely
a body w 4 d pull dl their unioas but

ahead with the nefarious task. To further
their project they sent a flock of "organizers'"
into t he stockyards district t o prepare the
way for t he new council. These sowed the
seeds of disruption. thickly, undertnining t he
whole structure of t he movement. Several
with their project regardless
ineffectual attempts were made to start the
T k &rasing of the new
new council, but they all failed as the senticouncil was. h direct violat
ment of the workers was overwhelDZing1y in
lnf?nt t w w t he Butcher Workmen d
k
fayor of the Stockyards Labor Council. Izio*LM, +midm i t he movement. From the ia- w&, however, in July 1919, enough dupes
n
c&@i&~d:%$te campaign it had been definitely
scared up to form the f atal District No.
s ettW.
&here shotrlci be only one loclrrl .9, and it was duly established.
Chicago Packing industry and
Warbare and w o n
h l u d e al trades. In fact, this
l
was the very beart of the propaganda used to
1
d y turmoil 'raged among the pack~;giiaspired re-organize the workers. They i ngheew a wiatbs, who looked upon these efh J &faitely promised that the great f ott b '&?@t
kb,
een
fP
*eiE
mistake of 11304 would not be repeated, and ranka a s $&e BKO& e
f
that, dnlr or swim, t he whole b d y of pack- t he psrckers.
inghouse workers would fight h one unit. refused point b a
kk
They were v iolentl~in favor of the Stock- t o affiliake w&h Disyards Labor Council and violently against the t ri& N& 9, in ~ i t a
newly-proposed packing t r a d e s council, s the fdmina&ims
f
known as District No. 9.
of &eir national om€Ma Oi 40,000 OF'Ws Stockyards Labor Comd Destmyd
gaBimrd a rtlrkl-s m
t
The behanical e x m e 'agered by t he B l~tc&r z.mwe t h a n 2,0(TO
joked t he new body.
tuth &
*
d
it. Bwt The9 t he national
w
e
.
Their d e b &ee of t he Butcher
three-fourths majority W e r b e n carried its
J. w. JONNSTONE
L abr C ormd and could work of destruction
&me a s tbey liked with that Bady. stiil f urther by susWorkmen o Rcid8 been in- pending all the locals that refused to accept
king an organieatisn i n the their dnal council. T i meant wahaian
hs
which in my jadgment they worse confounded. Thousands quit the u nitas
wemz n ot) they could easily have postponed disgusted, f edis~ghat they had been betr@.
t
ntia their national convention and Others entered militantly into t he many b &e~
a arrangement that c odd take f actimd qmwrels that had been stastedastatmg
a &ituation. The plain fact of t he t he w mhers by t he irresponsible natima1 offiw is t hat so long a s the Stockyards La- a*
& C b ~ ~ ~ e i l their i mm&&tc e d s hy
served
S w n t he disruptive work of t he &ma,
ta
bore
s qamaiag thousands of men into their i i
mm its, f d l Br&, soon t he former s p
and vwt sums s money .into their wBw4 a d t y d t he workers was destr
f
t h y h cl m trouble to go along with i%. I%& ob %he one unified council that tarried t he big
just a s soon as they thought they
battle through, they now
three: the
eootagh, a s soon as they felt t &
emmct.dated Stockyards L&M?c ouncil, DisC
trict N 9, and a M ecbi-1 Trades Council.
situation well in hand, they c m ~ d m h . f p
o.
covered insurmountable, constitutionah ahqjec- In addition there were a =umber af indepentions t o its p i n g on as bcft h y dent unions disgusted d h all these bodies
and affiliated with
stabbed it to death.
them. The work ,
'.
Even though the veriest t y m ~ 1 ~&eve- of dissllption was
~ci
e+e. The officers of
meat could see from the sen
the Butcher W o h * had done the Chicago
w mkers t hat to break up the S
m o v e q n t t o dm& m d with it the movement
box Council meant to smash the whole! pa&all over the e
ry, f or it is a truism that
ing house movement, t he o Ecials d the t he status of t . =qkinghouse unions every-

c & Stockyards Labor Council a d ieave
d
t b b t t e r only a shell. Tb would G rate a reof t he dualism that had &ed
t he
use workers' srlganizathn & 1904.
I
Bxat.&%%e worried them. T ~ T mt ahead
that
w

I

*-

I

I

22

I

22

THE L A B O R H E R A L D

where depends direetly upon the degree of
organization prevailing in Chicago, the h a r t
of the industry. After the installation of D s
itrict No, 9 t he f ate af t he union was waled.
I ts course thereafter was rapidly d o m w a r d
I t was only a m atter of time until the packers
s hodd deliver a coup de grace which finally
came in the recent strike.
As Usual, the Rebels

March, 1 2
92

them t o come in to t he struggle. But i each
n
m e all he got was a cold shoulder. The radid 8 , save for a few notable exceptions, w
ould
have nothing to do with the trade l am
ai .
They p d e r r e d t o ~ p e n dheir time in contemt
plation a f their beautiful industrial utopias.
The aoM bawd f act@ f the mass struggle were
o
far 6
them.

bb

H ere w e w me t o t he crux of the trouble.
h l f or the failure of the paekingat
house movement lies with the rebel elements
in t he industry, and they are many, a s the
body. o workers are foreigners. Hart, Lane,
f
a d t he others who held control of the Butcher Workmen"$ csrgmizsrtion during the critical days were typieal craft unionists and
t'herefore altogether unfit t o make headway.
against modern combinations of capital. It
w odd be stupid ts a pectl them to follow any
other course than the ruinoui one they did,
save under pressure. A leopard cannot change
his spots. If t he msvement was t o live and
proBper t he impetus t hereto had t o come up
from below, from an aroused and organized
r ank and file.
But this impetus did not come. The rsclid s , t he only ones who could develop it, were
asleep a t t he switch. Here w as a grerat movem w t p i n g begging f or them to control it.
The enbrmclus organizations in Chicago were
in t he han& of t he minute group 015 r a d i d s who did show enough understinding t o take
p art in f ie movement. And it would have
be= an easy thing t o have secured d m h r
csn*rol i other places, had the r adial elea
men* d y been willing to assume such control. S ficient resistance, a t least, could have
been d m l ~ p e do prevent t he national officials;
t
from wrecking t he union. But no, the radicals
s t a d aside, oallously indifferent, and allowed
t he m ganimtbn t o be cut t o pieces by the
reacthmaries. The loss crf t he packinghome
rnovernwt i s just one more item, and a terrible w e, rhak m ast be added to the heavy price
the t rade m ian movement is paying for the
duollistic n o ~ which have destroyed the
~s
power anet 'krherrce of those w orken who
work failed com- s hodd be its b ut and livest elements.
pletely. The rebids. were simply not to be
roused. They were d heavily afflicted <with
After the v w e E n g of t he Stoclryards La.the "infantile sichew':&. dual unionism a nd
~ O P c m d the downfall of the organization
C
could not be induced
was rA&d* Thousands quit the trade unions
in the fight against
in-dftgpst. Soon t he national officials broke
cags and other cities
t he h a t of the 35,000 members of t he outf are numerous radical
s tmding locals by winning over one John Kithe p c k i g h o u s e wQr

Considering the type of men a t he head
t
of the Butcher Worktam's Unlon,. the onlp
possible hope for t he p a t movement t o succeed was for the live spirits amomg t he rank
and file to take the s i m a t b well in h w d and
force t heir f m t e m t i o d o flcMs iaM line or
o ut of office. This was evident from t he s tart,
and it became more evident as t he movement
wore on. Eor a time t he live wires handling
the Stockyards Labor Council were able t o
hold the reactionary national officials t o
something like a real program. But as t he
latter became more m d more intrenched by
the stabilizing of the union everywhere and
the extendon of their machine, t he spreading
of the rank and file movement to a national
s a l e b e e m e imperative to prevent the general o&cials from wrecking the m v e w a t
through their stupid methods-to put it charitably.
The burden of organizing t bis r ank ihad N e
movement fell.upon 5 W. Johnstone-before
.
the bitter struggle really g ot s tarted =tzpatrick and Foster, t he first president ,and s ecse
t ary of the Stockyards La$& Cewci1, ha4
withdrawn from the mmem~ent t o take up
&her duties. J ohnstme was t he new secret - ~of the Stockyards Labor Council and an
man in the labor movement. H e
had to be done and he tried to do
the national officials s et out t o
Id cdugcif Johnstone undertook to
organize the rebels everytohare against them.
He and tks associates published an i ndqendent p a w a T he Packinghouse Worker, and
s caaered I& b a d c a s t over the industry &
I

T e real
h

'

March, 1922

THE LABOR HERALD -

kulski, a n influential Palish organizer who
was l ater killed by some of his many enemies.
K&ulskiYsdesertion disrupted the rebel ranks,
Many went back with him t o the Butcher
Workmen, and thousands gave up their affiliation altogether. And what was httppening in
Chicago was pretty mnch h appenbg in all the
other packing center& Mismaaagement, if
not worse, by the B u t a e r Workm& officiab,
throttled the organizatiae everywhere.
By t he Spring of 1921 t he organization was
virtually a wreck all oTer t he country. So
much so that the packers, fresh13 freed from
the war-time control a g r e e m a t administered
by Judge Alschuler, d eter&d,b
~ u i t out
f; flash of
of business altogether. B&
the old spirit the workers mlliad again in
wonderful form. Enofmoae mms meetings
took place and the unions grew like weeds.
Quite evidqntly t he workers were decided to
put up a bitter fight. But again their officials
failed them. They meekly accepted the proposed wage cuts and allowed the establishment of the compapy unions. Once more the
organization began t o disintegrate rapidly.
Things went from bad to worse until the
packers announced their next heavy wage cut,
a few months ago. The organization had almost bled to death. Yet the workers responded again, this time more weakly. A
s trike ballot was taken. This carried affirmatively in a small vote, and finally a strike
date was set for December 5th. Then a marvel happened: When the strike was called few
expected that any considerable numbers of
the discouraged and disappoipted workers
would walk out. But when the fateful day
arrived they turned out en masse emrywhere,
h amstrhging t he whole packing industry. I n
Chicago it was estimated that fully 757% of
the actual workers struck, and in other centers the percentage was even higher. A few
of the craft unions, notably the engineers,
stockhatzdlers, etc. wbo had been thoroughly
alienated by the Butcher Workmen officials,
refused to strike. But nevertheless the strike
was quite general. Considering the circumstances, the organized treachery and mismanagement that: the' workers had s d e r e d from
in their unions for years, it was a noble display of solidarity. But it was futile, it was
only the dying agony of the organization.
There was not a possibility for success. There

23

was neither competent leadership among the
rank and file nor among the Butcher Work-.
men officials. ;All t he packers had to do was
to sit tight. for a while a nd'wait for the inevitable collapse. This they did, refusing all
e darts a t settlement. On January 31st t he
g reat break came. The Butcher Workmen
eaf1d o f t he hopeless strike, The packingf
b a s e movement was crushed, b rokm by the
eornb'mled mismanagement of its official leaders and tbq indifference of the rebel elements
in the industry.
As to the Future

What the future has to offer for the packinghouse workers in the way of organization
is problematical. After such a crushing defeat, following in the train of so much betrayal and mismanagement by their o%cials,
i t is safe to say that they will be seized by
profound demoralization and depression, Already the dual unions are gathering to feed
upon the corpse of the fallen giant and to add
to the general confusion. They have nothing
to offer, in spite of t heir glowing programs.
The only hopeful h ctor in the situation is the
changed views of many radicals in t he industry. Within the last few months (although
too late to appreciably affect the dying movement) they have come to see that it is their
part to stay in the old unions and to so organize themselves there as to'compel t h i proper
handling of t he organization, no matter who
may stand at its. head. Had they understood
this fact three or four years ago and taken
charge of the packinghouse movement when
it lay wide open before them, the whole history of it would have been d iaerent. Instead
of being crushed and defeated as they now
are, the packinghouse workers would still possess a powerful and well-intrenched trade
union organization.
It i s never too late to mend. The rebels
in the packing industry must set out a t once
to break the power of the reactionaries a t the
head of their organization. They must see to
it t hat when t he n ext big drive comes, and it
i s only a m atter of time, the mea who conduct
it are real wrsrkiag class fighters and not,
m ere place-hmtiers and incompetent bureaucrats. I n t hat direction alone lies the pessibility f or ~ uccess.

Ta

-.

THE LABOR HERALD

24

March, 19.22

March, 1922

The Struggle in the Building Trades
-

dstently g

The Coal &err

,

r

the old craft union tactics of each separate uniofor itself. The employers have organized a solid
front, backed by Judge Landis, and by the "Citizen's Comtnittee" with its many mi%lions of dolhrs
have a1pledged to break the unbns. T he
lowed their soEdarity t o be b r h up, clch lldnn
acting for itself, l i t b u t any k Wdnllpba ~h~
the *wul mu& be
rwults a re phh,
befare Labor cran 5 gb a & a
ig
battle.

*rted
May- &st last y a r ,
&-S
&I'
A w c b t i ~ f ie*ed
r
ta res d e @ ~s8im@ly &kek a nd locked a t
&a
T hb I k o & eontiizued uatil
the empkoyero agd t he uaipns
agree&@smpt. t he #ago.qnas&a to arbitration, and
am s
agreed upon J1~da;eL a a ' the arbitrator. In the
m eantbe L t x e ~ 3 c e ~ d arrage of newspaper atb~ s
tack k id been levelled at the -ions, and preparations were made to "get them" in the arbitration
@recess. Landis immediately took the uBensive by
assuming jurisdicOion over working rureq in addition to wages. In September he announced his
award which slashed wage8 savagely and completely
revised t he working rules. The utuen members
spontaneously walked off their jobs, although the
unions did not immec2iatdy call a strike. The contractware willing to reopen the ease. The
B uWng Trades Council was capable o i 'handling a
dispate with some degree of success so bag a s the
opp6nent was only the cantractors. But this time
the Unions were up a minst something biggm. T he
*Citizensy- ommittee" h@dk e n formed, containing
C
& e financbl and c opxmte powers of Chicago, with
a w r .chest of n zillie~saf d ~ b r s and they took
,
of the capitalist Side-of the fight.

hrings with i t he most serious
t

work* d-ting
w ith moh other, and increasing
the ciatfwa and lack a f wlidarity.

The B m . g Trades Gmd, t he body which has
b r n e b t sbpt =hat united action there has hereto@ been v tte~lp nable to cape with this
u
fore
situatim. Z& has been for a strike, then it has been
a shist, && . h r a strike again; but it has not been
ab'le. s ac&.tlre unified attack of all the capitalist
~g&jzatid@, te w e all its forces one way or
the @&es at the s a m time. Under pressure of the
attack, of t he bitter newspaper barrage of lies, of
t he weight of Judge Landis, and the ,force of the
massed millions of the Citizens' C omdttee, t he slender threads of solidarity woven by t he federation
~ f +e craft unions in the Building Trades Council
i
have given way. As this is baing m itten, t he
Council has voted to accept the award, while many
unions are in bitter rebellion and are refusing to
accept it under any condition.

Federation of the 2 and more unions into the
5
.

Building Tradfes CounQil 3s not enough; it has

=~Sxomhe beginning of these anfortunate arbit
ceedings,. the result of w hkh might
been foreseen, the buil&ng trades
'
ces were split, Five of the qaions were
to the' arbitration from the first. Those
unwise as to participate ie the yonivided into those who accepted it with
and the "good unions" who were d l EUILJX&fQ'&%ARES ORKERS! N EW METHW
orders. The regult was a dsage of the unions being o ut 6 6 ~ ODS ARE NECESSARY TO MEET YOUR ENning to work about the same EMIES 'REDAY. GET CLOSER TO-GETHER,
as went out. Some of the JOIN BANDS, AND AMALGAMATE YOUR
tried to get the good will
KZ
oe got it by going back to UNIONS D B 3 OME COVERING T E E .ENTIRE
of the tmp
STRY.
A few of them have con- BUILDING

Qrderabundleof

-

THF: L ABOR HERALD
to sell at your uniod%i~tings.-hbundles U 10 o more, 12 cents per mpy
r

'

adem, intema1 and e xtend.
Rcga&g t%e external side of it: the emp l o ~ wre determined as never before t o deal
a
us a h u s h i a blow. The "open shop" deooteeslare s o axmaraged by their success in drivk gk k
railroad men, smashing t he buildi.ng t&s# &kcS t hat they are all set t o give
US s ,first
trimming7 Indeed, they have
1 start, as the wr&nd Colorado districts
s aur whole union is
to
meckd we will have t o g et r ight down
t o h s h t i : ~ad put up such a struggle as we
a~
h&re never made before,
But our internal crisis is worse even t han
the external one. We stand i n the most imminetlt danger of a disruption that will lay
us helpless be-fore o ur enemies who are all
ready to devour us. T he quarrel over the
Kansas situation is thxeatening t o split o ur
organization. This would be absolutely fatal.
It must be: avoided at all costs. Whatever
comes or goes,t he rqiners must present a solid
f ront this year. Anything else would be sucidal.
Lewis's treatment of H awat and the Kansas
miners is ;t crime, a disgrace that can never
b e lhigated from t he records of trade unianism. But it must not be allowed to l u d t o
- a split. k h m u l d be t he last word in folly.
Tim .e~-mgg not make a right. That would
de
be meref9 c utting off our nose t o spite our
face. 'The very most t hat could be accomp lisbd by 3 secession movement would be
t he t m t i ~ ? n f; t wo miners' unions, both of
o
a h a t t he same strength. Those who tell us
t hat t he masses o f t he men would rally to the
new d o n a re either fools or tools of the employers. At this particular time we will do.
well to t urn a deaf ear t s t he preachers of hot
a ir dual unionism, those who appear at critical moments in union struggles iwd t ear the
unions all t a pieces on the basis of their beautiful schemes of dual unionism. These a re the
j akals o t he labor movement.
f
mly ones
who pmfit f rom their activities are %h&osses.
b
A split now would be worth $ 1 8 ) 0 , 1 0 0 0 , ~ o
t
the mine operators.
I n t his crisie our course is plain. On 16he

*

Much bitterness has been aroused in the worfrerss
ranks in the course of this fight. Harsh names have
been called, and charges hurled back and forth.
Probably some of tho harsh names are just; surely
some of the. charges have truth behind t h e a But
this is t he lesson which building trade's workers must
learn from this experience, or it will have been in
vain: TEESE CONDITIONS WILL CONTINUE
UNTIL THE BUILDING TRADES UNIONS ARE
SOLIDLY UNITED INTO ONE ORGANIZATION.

broken d
-1;
i t doe6 not meet the conditions of todarp. Eaa#hing short of COMPLETE AMALGAMATION af all'building trades uniQns into one indusMal m ion for the buildig trades, will meet t he
situation. Such a unified, solidly organized body of
workers, l by men of spirit and intelligence,
d
d d quickly change the present terrible chgos,
&t
&y
c ad helplessness In t he face of a united
B d & n g Trades Union, the "Citizens' Committee*
and Judge Landis would R pitifully impotent.
e

25

Crisis

-

~ out a p i n s t t he whole b u s h a s f rom
d

The
fight ia Chicago
anoth
egin*.
c end.
" glaringb dding trddes'the foolishness of isontinuwg ~ b,&se 4wo: pg&tions, Others ohave wavered between
example of
c
t
p h g n strike, going back to

(7

THE LABOR H E R A L D

,

one hand we must Dreoare for a d es~erate
and & t he
internal quarre1 does not ~ r ~ d u c esecession movement:
a
We must c o n h e our fight within the bounds
of the Unite'd Mine Workers. Our muse is
t he cause of progress. It i s a just one and
when t he great rank and file come to understand it they will rally t o a ur suport. Lewis
was able to muster a majority of wstes against
u s a t the re-convevned convention. B i t he
barely squeaked by. And if we keep going
ahead it will be only a m atter of a short while
until he will come t o his Waterloo. The only
thing t hat can save him would be the same
thing that has saved dogens of other fakers in
similar crises, a ~ ecessim ovement t hat pulls
m
out the oposition and leaves the reactionaries
. i n control. w e must avoid any such mistakes
this time.
Lewis' s trength is due more to our mistakes
nagement. Our side
than to his own ~ o md
has made blunder after blunder in tactics.
Many of them would be ridiculous were t h y
not so tragic. We must sharpen up our wits
and sit right i nto this fight as thoulgh we
meant business. The fate of the eoal m k r s '
orgrtnizatian depends upon our g etting rid of
Lewis and all t he bunch grouped aroundi*him.
We must organize ourselves better. We must
see to it t hat our cause is carried into every
local organization in the whole union, p t hat
when delegates a re e leded t o t he varibm dist ricts and national conventions they
have
some idea as to what the .&ht i s
. jout.
I b i s they dn not have at t he prestime.
Abeve all we mczst have T journal that will
voiee o ur cause. 8 w International j aad is
absolutely stacked against us. W m s
e ut
counteract its l ies, which have been primarily
t-espaasible for owl defeat so far. Before
many months have gone by we s h d d have a
re&r
independent coal tnine1-s' paper t hat
will c arry the trtlth t o t he m i e.nd file. And
f.k
.
in t he n ~ ~ a n t i m ve should ten11 our hearty
-e
support to The Labor,Herald. I t may be depended upan t u fight emr battle tc the best af
its ability.
Besides this we mwst organize our forces
better. At all t he district and national conventioas, t he rebel elements should get to(Continued on page 31)

- +-I'
.'

d

THE LABOR HERALD

26

March, 1
922

March, 1922

T H E L A B 0R HERALD

27

-

THE L ABOR HERALD
A Militant, Constructive Monthly
Trade Union Magazine
Official Organ of the
Trade Union Educational League
WM. Z. FOSTER, EDITOR
Subscription price, $250 per y

-

e

Published a t
118 N La Salle Sweet
o.
CHICAGO, ILL.
M ember of The Federated Press

LABOR USING THE INJUNCTION

T

,

.

e,

HE s ettlement of the New York Cloakmakers'

strike, which was brought about by Judge
Wagner issuing a n injunction compelling the
Manufacturers' Protective Association to live up to
their agreement with the International Ladies Garment Workers' Union, raises still more clearly the
ever-sharpening question of whether or not Labor
shall make use of the injunction as a fighting
weapon. Schlessinger and Hilquit loudly respond
in the affirmative. o n e would think, from reading
"Justice," official organ of the union, that a new
and wonderful means had just been discovered to
free the working class. But as for us we answer
categorically, NO! ;We a re absolutely opposed to
t he labor movement employing the injunction, ..ad
we unhesitatingly prophecy that any widespread
attempt in that direction will cnIy r esuit in m ore
firmly fastening the shackles of slavery upon tlie
workers.
Our basic reason for opposing the injunction ,no
matter by whom it is invoked, is that it gives the
courts an enormous share of control over the settlement of industrial disputes, and we have absolutely no faith in the courts. We are not childish
enough to think they will give Labor a square deal.
On the contrary, we know very well that they
are as reactionary as the employers, if not even
more s b A t least nine times out of ten they rule
against the organized workers. Does Labor wish
to leave 3s cause to the tender mercy of such a
brace game as that? If so, all that it has to do
is to reco&e
a nd use the injunction and the job
will be done. As s ure as fate, it can Iook forward
t o a thorough clubbing from the courts.
It would be stapid t o judge Organized Labor's
possibilities with the injunction by drawing hasty
conclusions from the Cloakmaker s trike settlement.
Judge Wagner is a n exceptional case, the unusual
instance of a man on the bench with some slight
L abor has had other
sense of honor and hummi*.
experiences with the i n j u n ~ t b n , nd they run much
a
truer to type, they are much more i n line with
what we must expect from t he oourts than is the
Cloakmakers' experience.
A case in point occurred in Chicago eighteen
months ago. The Stark Piano Company had an

agreement with the Piano and Organ Makers'
Union. Although this still had a long term to run,
the company suddenly violated it, slashed wages,
and locked the workers out. The case was almost
identical with that of the Cloakmakers. The International Union, against the advice of many labor
men ,then sued for an injunction to make the company conform to its agreement. Not only was its
suit denied, but the very same judge, d wing t he
same sitting, granted the empIoyers a typical air
tight injunction against the workers. And \ rho was
surprised? Certainly not any intelligent l abor men.
How could they look upon the affair ~ x c e p t s the
a
logical working of our class courts?
Another illustrative case occurred in Pittsburgh
during the steel strike. The city authcrities had
forbidden the holding of meetings of a ll kinds by
the strikers. Even business m.eet;ngs ci t he local
unions were prohibited. Wherenpon, the steel ccmmittee's lawyer, who had much of t he same faith
in the courts that a ppafently Schlessinger and Hilquit have, prayed the Alleghenv County Court of
Common Pleas to enjoin Mayor Babcock from int erfering with a local union of the Amalgamated
Association of Iron, Steel, and Tin Workers from
holding its regular business meetings. Could labor
posibly have had a stronger case? Yet, what was
the result? Not only was the injunction denied,
but the Mayor's supression of free assembly was
. endorsed. Grace to our attorney's naive faith in
the courts, the petty politician's tyranny received
the solemn sanction of law. And one would be
astounded were it otherwise.
Still another case has occurred in Chicago within
the past month. The Carpenters' Union sought an
injunction against the "Open Shop" Citizens' Committee which is fighting the building trades unions.
Of course it was refused. . T h e practical result of
i ts effort was to strengthen the Citizens' Committee and give its nefarious activities the color of
legality. And so it will nearly always be when
Labor attempts to employ the weapon par exceIlence of the "open shoppers," the injunction.
Few indeed are the points upon which we are in
agreement with Mr. Gompers. By and large, we
consider his philosophy and policy to be the very
antipodes of what the labor movement requires.
But we must admit that he is theoretically straight
on the injunction question, even as he is on the
anti-strike laws. H e declares that such measures
are tyrannical invasions of the most fundamental
rights of the workers and must be openly disregarded. That is the very best of rebel doctrine,
and in i t lies the solution of the injunction and
many other difficult problems. That Mr. Gompers has never gone beyond theory in the matter
in no way changes the correctness of his position.
By ignoring the mandates of the Kansas Industrial
Court, Alex Hoarat a nd his co-fighters have done
more to destroy the menace of such institutions
than all the lawyers in the country could have
done by fighting them through the courts.
We must not recognize or use the injunction. W e
must fight it openly. Because the courts are
stacked against us, i t is purely an employers' weapon-the decision of Judge Wagner to the contrary
notwithstanding. The trade union movement of
America is right on the injunction. It will have
nothing t o do with it. To destroy this clear understanding, to delude the workers into believing that

t hey can successfully use the injunction as a
weapon in their own behalf, is to take a long step
backward, not forward, Mr. Hilquit. I t will result not only in giving Labor a false and unwarranted faith in the courts but also in definitely institutionalizing the injunction. When Labor begins
to use the injunction itself it can no longer cornplain a t the employers doing so, nor can it use
militant tactics agaiflst i ts application. W e say,
beware of using the injunction; it is poison to
Labor.

A m A L ACHIEVEMENT

T

.

H E annual meeting of the Fe'derated P ress
b riags forcefully to our attention the revolution that h as been achieved in labor journalism in
the Uhited States. Four years ago this field was
the most cheerless and disheartening prospect imaginable. It was a veritable chaos. There were hundreds 'of isolated little sheets, each with its underpaid and overworked editor trying to spin the
material for his paper out of his own tired brain.
There was the dry-as-dust and absurd A. % of L.
.
News Letter with its stupid and trivial items from
two weeks to six months stale, not to mention the
petrified trade journals, full of cheerless and uninteresting technical matter and "women's pages"
giving the latest dress patterns. All in all i t was
a picture of isolation, stagnation, desolation and
hopelessness.
Into this chaos came the organizing spirit of an
idea, the idea of a real labor news service, the idea
of the Federated Press. There are thousands of
things going on in the world, in which Labor is
vitally interested. The news is all available, given
the organization to get it and distribute it. The
Federated Press brought the organization into this
neglected field. Under the influences of this new
force our press has made strides forward which
are really remarkable. Our journals have a new
life and vitality. Compare the journals of today
with those of four years ago, and get a measure o i
t he progress made. No other country in the world
today has so good a labor news service and labor
press; it is the one field of labor organization in
which we are not lagging. This is another example
of what a few live progressivcs can do, if they set
to work in a sane, energetic, constructive manner.

so-called "better classes" as a m atter of principle.
Over their doors, in spirit if not in letter, runs the
fateful legend: "Abandon hope all ye capitalist. who
enter herein." They discriminate openly in favor
of the workers, and are careful to tell the whole
world of the fact.
Why the hypocricy of American courts, and why
the frankness of Russian courts, in recognizing their
patently class character? The answer is easy. 'The
class that the Landises serve is an exploiting class,
a parasitic class, whose prosperity involves the enslavement and degradation of the rest of society.
'They do not dare to acknowledge their defense of
the interests of such an anti-social class. But in
Russia the courts protect the interests of the great
working class, the useful class, the class whose supreme mission is the regeneration and civilization
of society. The Russian courts may well be proud
of militantly defending the interests of this alli mportant social element. That is the difference be
courts.
between American class courts and Russian class

GOMPERS AND RUSSIA
M
formal protest
the participaI NtionAKINGhas but addedinoneagainstitemConference,
of Soviet Russia
the Genoa
Mr. Gompers
more
to his piti-

ful "policy" towards Russia. All the world knows
that Russia is broken down industrially, and that
its only hope for rehabilitatisn rests in commerce
with the balance of the nations. And all the world
knows likewise, that the whole European economic
system is so shattered that it can never be set right
while the Russian blockade is on. But all this means
nothing to Mr. Gormpers. H e has his own pet little
theory (apparently gleaned from the New York
Times) as to how the Russian people should conduct their Government, and until they canform t o
it Mr. Gompers is willing to let world economics
go hang.
Mr. Gompers' attitude toward the Genoa conference is altogether in line with his attitude towards
the Russian famine relief work. Here are twenty
millions of peasants starving to death under the
most awful circumstances, yet Mr. Gompers, although standing a t the head of a great movement
whose sole aim is the lifting up of the oppressed
and the suffering, has made absolutely no effort
through -the American Federation of Labor to raise
funds for their relief. They are not even Bolsheviki, but Mr. Gompers is so blinded and unbending
TWO KINDS OF CLASS COURTS
in his hatred towards everything Russian that he
H E American courts are like the Russian courts, would l et t hem die without extending them a helpin that they are class courts. I n both countries ing hand of fellowship. This is carrying political
the courts are instruments to keep a class in sub- partisanship beyond the uttermost pale. Even the
jection. But they differ in the fact that the Ameri- capitalist politicians themselves, the H ardings a nd
can courts hypocritically deny their class charac- others, whom Mr. Gompers himself has denounced
ter, whereas the Russian courts proudly boast of it. as the blackest reactionaries, have shown more heart
In the United States the Landises, t he Andetsons, and human sympathy in the situation.
How long shall this shameful thing be allowed to
and the thousands of their ilk who wear the Urobes
of justice," shamelessly do t h e w otk of the employ- continue? Is it not time that Organized Labor
ing class and crush the workers down t o submission. awoke from its slumber and insisted upon a rational
They fill t he jails with Mooneys a nd Howats, and policy towards Russia? Mr. Gompers' senile prenegate every liberal law on the statute books. Then judices must be swept aside or overridden. Labor
with solemn pomposity they fare forth t o convince in this country must demand the unconditional lifta gullible world that their purely class institutions ing of the blockade against Russia, and the extenare based upon principles of impartiality. How dif- sion of every possible assistance to her hard pressed
n
ferent it is i Russia! There the c ourts soak the people.

T

28

THE LABOR HERALD

THE INTERNATIONAL
GREAT BRITAIN
E British trade union movement is now passing through a severe crisis. I t has recently lost
quite heavily in membership, and conditions of
labor have been somewhat worsened all around.
This is largely due to the terrible industrial depression, which is the worst in Britain's history. On
December 31st, t here were 1,885,300 workers totally
unemployed and over 2,000,000 on short time. Government figures put the total number of days work
lost last year from this cause a t 50,000,000. I n addition to this naturally disadvantageous condition,
the trade unions are also afflicted with a considerable amount of demoralization. This set in among
them after the betrayal by t heir leaders in the Tripple Alliance strike movement last Spring. The
workers have largely lost heart. An illustration of
the general state of the movement is seen in the
circulation of the London Daily Herald, which has
dropped from 400,000 in 1920 to about 200,000 at the
pesent time.
Taking advantage of the situation, so favorable
to them, the employers are making a big drive
against the organizations. In nearly every trade,
transport, railroads, textiles, metal, etc., they are
forcing the unions slowly backward. In a few instances they have actually gone so far as to declare the "open shop," which has created quite a
sensation in airtight union England.
Unlike our leaders here however, the British
unionists are not standing idle and helpless under
this attack. They are meeting it by a general
tightening up of the lines everywhere. Get-together movements are the order of the day now
in England. The Miners and the Metal Workers
(A. E. U.) have signed an agreement whereby the
A. E. U. members working around the mines agree
to strike whenever the miners go out, and they
also agree to pay a portion of their dues into the
Miners' Union to cover the cost of negotiations
with the companies. Besides this a most important amalgamation has taken place in the transport industry, fifteen big unions having joined
hands and formed the Transport and General
Workers' Union. The National Union of Shipsy
Cook, Stewards, etc, has amalgamated with the
British Seafarers Union and formed the Amalgan ated Marine Workers' Union. Marchbanks of the
National Union of Railwaymen has also declared
For one solid. union of every branch of the railroad
tnd general transport service.
But probably more important than any other
feature of this general closing up movement is the
proposition now being acted upon in referendum
by the affiliated unions, to give the General Council of the Trades Union Congress control over all
serious disputes involving trade union standards
so that the united force of the whole movement
may be brought into action when necessary. The
proposition reads: "that in the event of any attack
being made upon any uni6n's general standard of
wages or conditions, the union should not take
action without seeking the advice of the General
Council, and so giving an opportunfty for the consideration of a united policy!'
This is the first
definite move of the British unions to unite the

THE LABOR HERALD

March, 1922

whole labor movement into one compact organization-much as the Belgium and Australian workers are now doing. It is fraught with tremendous
possibilities.

FRANCE
Sad disruption has come into the ranks of French
Labor. A definite split has occurred between the
right and left wings of the trade union movement.
This is the result of a bitter struggle between the
two.
Before the war the French General Confederation of Labor was a very revolutionary organization, but during the big upheaval many of its leaders degenerated into typical labor fakers. This
forced the radicals to organize groups all through
the various unions in opposition to the traitorous
bureaucracy. The minority organization, known as
the Revolutionary Syndicalist Committee, or C. S. R.,
was in line with the customary tactics of French
trade union radicals for many years past.
To defeat the rapidly growing C. S. R., the old
bureaucracy began to expel local unions connected with it. This provoked still further opposition and bad feeling. At the Congress of Lille
last Spring the disruptionist policy of the old officialdom was rebuked. But after the Congress it
was continued just the same. C. S. R. locals were
expelled on all sides. Things went from bad to
worse, with the revolutionaries trying desperately
to stay in the unions and the reactionaries t o expel
them. The latter think that if they can get rid
of the radicals the Government a nd t he empIoying
class will show appreciation of the "cleansed"
unions by giving them recognition and consideration.
Finally the situation got so bad that the organized revolutionaries. to save themselves from annihilation and the movement with them, called a
special national convention to decide upon their
next move for unity and a militant labor movement.
At this juncture, the. Red Trade Union International (Moscow), fearing a split, proposed to the
International Federation of Trade Unions (Amsterdam) that the two bodies meet and compose the
differences between the warring facttons. But the
latter conservatiee organization, which is of one
mind with the French union stand-patters, declined
to assist in keeping the movement intact.
The left-wing unity national convention met in
Paris on December 22-24. To pacify the situation,
it offered to virtually dissolve the Revolutionary
Syndicalist Committee, which was presumably the
bone of contention. But the old officialdom w eie
cold to this. With their unshakable determination
to drive the radicals out even if they had to also
expel the majority of the whole labor movement
that is lined up with them, they refused the conciliation. Then, seeing that all else was hopeless,
the radical convention demanded the calling of a
general Congess of the whole French labor movement early this year and in the meantime set up
a provisional council to act until the Congress takes
plzce.
As things now stand there are practically two
distinct labor movements in France, one radical

a nd the other conservative. Each either has or is
busy establishing provisional organizations in all
of the industries. It is factional war to the knife.
A t present the radicals have the best of it. The
majority of the workers are on their side, won over
by the latter's skillful campaign in the old unions.
Unless all signs fail the old guard are doomed and
the French movement due- for a rennaissance.

BOOK REVIEWS
THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION
"Through the Russion RevoIution," by Albert
Rhys Williams, is more than an ordinary book.
Williams w ent through the first months of the revolution, a nd was personally acquainted with many
of t he chief actors. He saw the large aspects of
the greatest social upheaval, and a t the same time
preserved a keen sense of the Russian atmosphere.
He gives the reader both in this book. Especially
valuable are the colored reproductions of the flaming posters which are the unique contribution of
the Communists of Russia to the practice of education of the masses. Here is working-class a r t and
science, organized by a working-class Government;
the thing is laid before one in its originaI form,
together with an amazingly interesting story of the
revolution a s seen through the eyes of Williams.
I t is too bad that the book, with all its splendid
features, cannot be published a t a price which
would give it a wider circulation. W e hasten to
add, t hat compared with other book prices in the
United States, this one is very reasonabIe.

29

"Pen Pictures of Russia," by J ohn S. Clarke, is
quite a different sort of book, but in its way quite
as interesting. The author describes it as "Reminiscences of a surreptitious journey to Russia to
attend the Second Congress of the Third International," and the story is a curious mlxture of narrative of the journey, historical ancedotes. literary
recollections and quotations; and keen observations on things Russian and things revolutionary.
Clarke is editor of The Worker, a weekly paper of
Glasgow, and puts the same rough-and-ready vitality into this book that he does into his paper.
T he forty-two photographs reproduced are not the
least interesting part of the book.
"Through the Rusian Revolution," by Albert Rhys
Williams. Boni & Liveright, New York. $2.
"Pen Pictures of Russia," by John S. Clarke. Na
tional Workers' Committees, Glasgow.

SPECIAL NOTICE 1
In compiling the list of 1,000, live wires with
whom we are communicating to organize THE
TRADE UNION EDUCATIONAL LEAGUE, we did
our level best to get the names of the most active
and reliable workers in each locality. There is no
doubt, however, but that we have erred in many
places and have got hold of the wrong parties.
Where such is the case, and where our correspondents do not take the proper action in forming
League branches, we trust that the local militants
will realize the difficulties we are under, and will
get busy a t once to straighten the situation out.

m

RAILROAD M EN!
Learn why our trade unions are on the retreat and what to do about i t?

The Labor Herald for April
will be a

Special Railroad Number Articles by many nationally known rank and file railroad men outlining the
weakness of o ur unions and initiating immediate action t o remedy it.

Every Railroad Man

Must Read This Vital Numbg

T H E L . A B OR H ; E R A L D

LABOR BREVITIES
Newport, Ky.-Tanks
a nd troops are patrolling
the streets here at the request of the Steel Trust, on
account of a strike at the Newport Rolling Mills
Co. Col. Denhart's soldiers have run amuck, assaulting promisciously, so that even t h e city authorities have joined the unions in their protest. Fourteen units of State troops are on duty.
"Provisional Government"
Pittsburg, Kan,-The
o i t he miners of District 14, set up by J. L. Lewis
with a few hundred members, has sent delegates to
the national convention a t Indianapolis to contest
the seating of delegates of the followers of Howat,
consisting of almost 1 ,
3
m miners in the state.
Under advice of friends, H owat a nd Dorchey have
given bonds to secure release from jail for the period of the convention, and are a t Indianapolis to
place their case again before the delegates.
St. Paul-State troops were used effectively here
in breaking the spirit of the packinghouse strikers.
Terrorism on the streets, and invgsion of strikers'
homes by the soldiers were testified to by many
witnesses in hearings before the Grand Jury.
New York-Unions
and workers' organizations
affiliated to the Friends of Soviet Russia have con~ ributedm ore than a third of a million dollars in
cash, and over a quarter of a million dollars worth
of medicines, clothing, etc., in the national drive for
Russian famine relief. Other organizations cooperating through the American Federated Russian
Famine Relief Committe have brought the total cash
well over the half million mark.
Chicag-The
s tory of the mine war in West
Virginia, with its martial law and assasination of
union officials by company gunmen, and wholesale persecution by the State, is told in a series
of articles sent out in February by the Federated
Press. These articles were prepared by the Civil
Liberties Union of New York, a n orgainzation of
liberals not connected with the labor movement,
and summarizes the evidence given before the Senate Investigating Committee which disclosed the
lawless rule of the companies prevailing in the coal
fields of that State.
Washington-"To
secure to all men the enjoyment of the gains which their industry produces,"
is said to be the purpose of a conference called in
Chicago on February Mth, of trade union and farm
organization representatives, and spokesmen oi
liberal parties and groups. The( practical aim seems
to be to secure co-ordinated action in the coming
elections of the labor parties and sympathetic elements. The call is said to be authorized by the sixteen railroad unions.
Albany, N. Y.-Labor
in this state will have an
opportunity to show how much it has learned from
the Kansas miners about the way to kill oppressive legislation, if the bill which has been introduced to establish an Industrial Relations Court is
made law. The bill calls for a special session of
the Supreme Court which will have power to determine wages and working conditions in New York
State, and prohibits strikes and picketing under
penalty of imprisonment. Labor organizations are

March, 1922

March, 1922

and it is r2volutionary; i t i s the only plan offered today that
gives the d igbtest h p e of soIidifying labor'^ s cattered

rallying, to fight the bill, and if it becomes Iaw they
say that it will be openly and in mass disobeyed.
Nebraska City-Governor
McKelvie s ent state
troops into the packinghouse districts here at the
request of the big packing companies, to suppress
the strike.

forces and cglling a halt l o the o ictMious m ar& of organized Capital,
T he fnasue m arks a n epoeh i n o ur labor h istory.- I ca.nt
n ot possibly fail if o w people have a y imagination w hatever; first, b eerum it shows clearly the meet way of tackliag a u r p r ~ b l e m s ; a e m d , i t or$anire.s a ll the heretofore
disorganized radical a nd p ragressiac forces; and t hitd, by
w n o Feb. 10. 1922
eg,
D ear Sir and Brother:-I
have c areidly r ead t h advance
r h n g ~ h u l t a n e o u s l y on a s ingle plan i n many hundred
p ages of t he L AB6R HERALD s eat to me, a a d to shaw
t owns a t t he e m b e , i t draws the fire of our reactionary
what I t hfnk d i t am enclogiia,~m m e r o rder fgr 25 e ~ p i e s leaders from tbe inafviduPil r adical I t h e single laeality,
n
of tka f i s t issae.
t o the h undred t imes rtraagcr g roup in many b n b e d s 08
If t he r est o t he articlks in t hig E rst issuc a r e a s h&- loealitics. This plan multipUer the e B~etiveness of o ur
f
ment-91 a nd timely as t he sdvaner: a rticle I have seea. I
pmpagrrnda a t housandf~ld,whila at the s ame time i t gives
will G v e all my spare time t o a$&
t he good news t hat
the g reatest protection a g a h t d f s ~ r h i n a f i o n ,blacklist, etc.
a tJast we have a atonbhly m a w t hat c overs t he l abat
used a sainst individual a gltatws,
srmblems. n ot only of America, but of t he entire w orld i n
I u nreservedly accept the principles and program of the
a eompteheasive, constructive. a n& a ggressive astamer t hat
League, end affer a ll my spare time in its service. As a
WB ean $eat$ t o the pie-card artist and the t k e r , and
m
member of t he rank and fk I s ay I t is our L a g u e , i t is
i
t he r apid g rgwth of a m ilitant and solidly united E ghting
aar fight, a nd i t i o ur job to put into e @ s t t he pw@;rin
s
laid down h T he Trade Union Educational L a m e .
.
h+w movement.
' F raternally y orvs

Trinidad, Co1o.-Troops which have been patrolling the strike district in Huerfano County coal
fields were withdrawn about the first of February.
Denver, Co1o.-The
S tate Industrial Commission
designed to prevent strikes, has obtained the imprisonment of the leaders of the packinghouse
workers' union, for their part in leading the recent
walkout. Following the lead of the Kansas miners,
the Colorado packinghouse workers refused to recognize the "can't strike" law.

S. H N
..

San Francisco--It is rumored that a move is
about to be made to heal the split in the Building
Trades Council and bring back the unions now outside in the Rank and File Federation. Active unionists say that such a move will be hailed with delight by all sincere union men who deplore the
present disruption.

F rom California.
Fresno, Feb. 1 1922
.
D ear Sir and Bro.:-I.
was sure glad to hear about the plan
YOU a re working o n for the railroadmen, to get us out of
t he hole we are in. The men here are much enthused about
t he proposals, and, looking forward with great interest.
Send me a bundle of the magazine. Fraternally,
CHAS. BRENNEN

F rom the Secretary of a Railroad Union Council:

A SUGGESTION I

St. Paul, Feb. 6, 1922
Dear Sir and Brother:-Please
send me 25 copies of "The
Principles and Program of the Trade Union Education
League" reprint from THE LABOR HERALD. Also advise
if large quantities are obtainable for general distribution.
I am endeavoring to interest the Shop Crafts State Legislative Committee in this work, and if successful, to send a
copy to the secretaries of all local unions, shop chairmen and
roundhouse points in the state.
Fraternally,

( Editor's Note: The leagues in the various cities are requested
to give consideration to the following letter):

New York, Feb. 6, 1 9n.
Dear Sir and Brother :
I see by your Rules of Organization that you
have done, away with all dues and per capita tax in
THE TRADE UNION EDUCATIONAL LEAGUE.
Personally I t hink this is a very good thing, and I
a m heartily in favor of the proposition.
We must by all means avoid giving any chance
for the charge of dual organization to be applied to
us. This is accomplished by the rules you have
adopted. Certainly no one can say that we are a
dual union, when the entire finance will come from
literature 'sales, voluntary donations, etc.
The only point that needs consideration is, how
are we to have a definite test of membership in the
League. I understand from the rules how this is
taken care of for the National Conference. W e
are going to have delegates according to the average circulation in our localities of T H E LABOR
HERALD. But this doesn't solve our local League
problem. I w ant to make a suggestion on this
point.
Why should not each local League ask each member to subscribe for THE LABOR HERALD. who
is also a good union man, and wants to join the
League, is certainly entitled to a full voice and vote
in the Lgague; but any one who isn't a subscriber
-well, I'd be inclined to let 'em speak, but dam'd
~f I'd want to see 'em vote.
S a I suggest that each local League make the test
of full membership to be "Subscription to THE
LABOR HERALD!'
Anyway, let's talk it over.
You'll think a long time before you hit on a better
plan to get an accurate and definite membership
list, and a t the same time avoid completely the
dues system and per capita tax. What do you say
to it.
Fraternally yours,
J. S. R.

THE L A B 0R HERALD

Two good ones from Ohio.
E. Liverpool, Jan. 30th, 1922
Dear Comrades:-Have just been reading about the Trade
Union Educational League, and it looks good to me. We
are working along those lines a t present in o ur Potter's
Union; we are trying t o amalgamate four closely related
crafts into one union, and it looks like we will accomplish
it. We have some live wires here, and all are looking forward to the new magazine, THE LABOR HERALD
T. C.
Dear Sir and Brother:-Please
rush about 200 copies of
THE LABOR HERALD and send bill for same.
Fraternally,

J. B
.

F rom the Secretary of a Central Labor Union.

4

J anuary 29, 1922
Dear Sir and Brother:-As
secretary of the Central Labor
Union, I feel it my duty after reading your program to
write you for full information, so that we here can be
playing the game with the rest of the active workers right
from the start. Hoping this venture will meet with the best
of success, and promising you my fullest co-operation.
Fraternally,
January 22, 1922
Dear Comrade:-Rush
by express C. 0 D. one hundred
.
copies of RAILROADERS' NEXT STEP. Must have them
X. Y Z..
.
for system meeting next week. Fraternally

... .

.

New York, peb. gth, 1922
Comrade Foster:-Just
received, read, a d re-read, the advance copy of THE PRINCIPLES AND P R O M O F THE
TRADE UNION EDUCATIONAL LEAGUE?
f h ave been
eagerly awaiting the advent of the League, hoping w ith a
w e hadly t inctured with scepticis'm peculiar to the Axnerie aa radical, born and reared i n t hat dualistis, "destroy-the
k F. of L.' atmosphere, which I see more clearly than ever
h as been the curse of the movement for the past thirty
years.
I a ssure you my scepticism has been entirely removed.
The program leaves no room for argument; it is p ractical

Discipline vs; Freedom in Russia
(Continued from page 14)
of the individual for the sake of the mass remains an inescapable necessity of the labor
movement, nevertheless. It is an inexorable
condition of successful movements by the
masses a t this stage of their development.
When the Soviet Government establishes freedom of speech, press, and assembly for all
classes in Russia-and that must soon occurit will be the unmistakable sign t hat the situation has passed beyond the stage of life and
death struggle; the sure indication that the
revolution has triumphed and that the new
society is firmly established.

The Coal Miners Crisis
(Continued from page 25)
g ether a nd map out their course of action.
Then we would not see the machine riding
rough shod over us as heretofore. Knowing
what we want and being fully organized we
would be able to get it.
Brother coal diggers, no dual unionism, no
gecessionism. T hat would be .fatal. B eware
of the man w ho tells you to split the union,
he is no friend of ours, no m atter how well
he may he equipped with hot air. What we
must do is to organize ourselves wi'thin t he
U. M . W. A W e are just on the verge of
victory. Let us go t hrough to the end. We
must continue t o demand the reinstatement
of the Kansas battlers.

&'

32

THE LABOR HERALD

March, 1922

L IVE WIRES WANTED
T o circulate the following B oob

I
--ThIM&€EIXIATE TASK of the MILITANTS of the American Labor
Movement Is t o PUT ACROSS the Work

1 FOR

Food is the great need in Soviet Russia.
The only food surplus in the world is in America.
If the Russian famine situation is to be met it must be met by America.
I f America is t o meet the situation it is the workers who must act.
There is no one else with the desire or the power.
I n every shop, mine and factory; in every local union; wherever there
are workers, the drive for the collection of funds for the Russian Famine
Relief must be made the matter of primary importance.

The Revolutionary Crisis of 1918-1921in
Germany, England, Italy and France
By Wm.' Z. Foster
64 pages, paper bound
Single copies, 25c each; 10 or more, 15c each

,
, The Russian Revolution
b
1

.

BY w m. Z. ~ o s t e r
155 pages, paper bound, 50c per copy

(Only a few copies left, and no orders filled except for single copies ;cloth bound sold out)

I

:

The Great Steel Strike

BY w Z. ~ o s t e r
m.
265 pages: Cloth bound, $1.75 per copy; paper bound, $1.00 per copy

THE RELIEF OF THE F M I N E
I N SOVIET RUSSIA

1

I1)

O NE HOUR'S P AY A W EEK
FROM EVERY UNION WORKER IN THE UNITED STATES WILL SAVE 10,000,000
LIVES IN SOVIET RUSSIA

It i s up to the trades unions and the trade union men and women, which means that it is

Up to the Trade Union Militants
T o Put the Work Across
The Friends of Soviet Russia has 140 local branches in as many cities. It has collected $400,000, which has been spent for foodstuffs which has been sent to the K amn
District of Soviet Russia in cases marked
"FROM THE AMERICAN WORKERS to the RUSSIAN WORKERS and PEASA$TTS"
The work of the Friends of Soviet Russia must be extended to every city and town
in America. The collections must be increased to the very capacity of the American
working class, which means thah it is

The Railroaders' Next Step

BY w m. Z. ~ o s t e r
48 pages, paper bound
Single copies, 25c each; 10 or more, 15c each

Resolutions and Decisions of the First
World Congress of Revolutionary
Trade Unions-Moscow
P er copy, 15c
SPECIAL RATES TO AGENTS

ORDERS PAYABLE I N ADVANCE

SEND ORDERS AND REMITTANCES TO

III

Chicago, Illinois

Send all communications and contributions to

I FRIENDS OF SOVIET RUSSIA

I/

The Trade Union Educational League
118 North La S de street

Up to t he Trade Union Militants

II

American Section of the I nternationsl Workers' Famine Relief Committee

2 0 1 W est 1 3 t h Street
New York City
Thie advertisement is donated to the Famine Relief Oampaiqn by THE LABOR H ~ A L D

The Labor H erald
Only four months old
but already

The Most Talked-of Labor Magazine
in the Country

I

t

s enemies damw it-

"THE LABOR
S amuel Gompers
HERALD is monumental, brazen publication."

"THE LABOR HERargumentative and
understand how
such a t hor---L

+-

J

97

o ugn-going . aocun
Both are high recommendations that you should
~ rbscribefar -this u nusual m agaziae a t once, if you
w ant to know the inside workings of the labor rnovernent and unders+tandt he issues a r o ~ n d hich conflicts
w
-will-rage and h istory -be made.

The One Indispensable Magazine

I f you do not r ead THE L ABOR HERALD you cann ot t alk o r act 'intelligently upon the problems of the
.[
- lab6r movement.

E
l

I

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THE LABOR HERALD

june, 1922

I

T HE VOICE
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LABOR

The Railroaders' Next Step:
AMALGAMATION
By W m. 2. Foster

The Organ of Militant Workingclass
Expression

This 64-page pamphlet, written by a practical railroad man of many
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BUILDING TRADES NUMBER

THELABOR HERALD
Published monthly at 118 N. La Salle St. Subscription price $2.50 per year. The Trade Union Educational Leanue, Publishers.
"Entered as second-class matter March 23, 1922, at the postoffice at Chicago, Illinois, under the Act of March 3, 1879."

Vol. I.

June, 1922

oe

No. 4

The Building Trades Problem
B y Arne Swaback

T

H E Building Trades unions are face to face
with a terrific war, intended to break their
power. A complete combination of all the
hitherto scattered forces of the bosses is
out to establish the so-called "open-shop," and
the unions are in retreat before the assault. The
committees of the bankers, the manufacturers,
the captains of industry, carefully prepared the
union-smashing campaign and are taking one
industry after another. Having driven the unions out of the steel mills, slapped the railroad
unions in the face, and lined up the forces of
Government and the press, they a re'now engaged in battering our hitherto strongly entrenched building trades unions.
The fight was started in city after city,
throughout the country, and extends from coast
to coast. In some places the bosses have made
rapid headway against the unions ; in others the
workers have put up a most determined resistance. In every case a well worked out plan
was followed, involving the daily newspapers,
the courts and legislatures of the various states
and cities, and the special organizations combining all the employers' forces, variously named
"American Plan" associations, Citizens' Committees, e t ~ . The newspapers began the campaign of propaganda: "Rent is too high! That
is caused by building trades wages, whi* must
come down. Then the building industry will
begin to boom." T his was the key-note, to obtain the support of the 'public.' The pale, fainthearted clerks and the other white-collared wage
slaves echoed:,"Wages must come down."Public opinion was created, and the employers
could proceed with the next step.
Then comes an avalanche of legislative investigations, charges of graft and corruption,
wholesale arrests, commissions of inquiry ; and
finally the decision not to renew contracts with
the 'unions, but to cut wages, destroy union
regulations, and put the industry on the "open
shop" basis. "Arbitration" proceedings put the
seal of official approval upon the schemes, and

the battle is on, with the employers on the offensive. These attacks have everywhere thrown
confusion into the ranks of the workers. The
bosses have cleverly Yaken advantage of the
divisions between the crafts, played off one
against the other, and broken up the solidarity
of the Building Trades. The workers are beginning to wake up to this situation, and today
we are given some cause for encouragement
by the sight, in a few cities, notably Chicago,
of the workers recognizing the immediate necessity for complete unity.

The Chicago Building Trades Struggle
Resistance to the "open shop" drive is seen
at its best (and also examples of its worst) in
Chicago. The most' emphatic protest yet made
by Labor in this struggle was registered in the
great parade held Saturday, April 29th. This
day will be marked in red letters in labor history.
I t was a monster demonstration and protest
against the encroachments of capitalism, embodied in the so-called Citizens' Committee and
the Landis Award. A parade was arranged by
a joint publicity committee of the building trades
unions; more than 125,000 workers marched
shoulder to shoulder. Their banners registered
their solidarity and readiness to fight to the end
against the menacing enemy. Traffic was stopped
for hours in the heart of the city by this demonstration of the United Front of the building
workers. It registered a decided move forward
by Labor.
Already this is being felt, even by the bosses.
I t was a solemn warning to the "Citizens Committee" that the workers are preparing to stop
their retreat. True, the bosses were able to get
in their underhand work even in this parade.
Their agents managed to keep some of the unions
from taking part, by playing up old grudges and
prejudices at the last moment. But it was made
so evident to all that the workers were preparing
themselves for action, that the simple show of
stren@h, &arching down the streets shoulder to

4

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T'I.;~.E" L A - B O R H E R A L D

June, 19%

June, 1922

T HE, V A B Q R . H E P A L D .
I

$boulder to. the musi= of bands, has created a. i ng hundreds % ofhnion officials and .members,
charging them with complicity 5.1the killing of
+han$e in the situation.
Thk >mili!ant mood b f h e workers is shown 'two policemen during a bombing affiir. The
by a story going the rounds of the union halls. whole city is in a turmoil, unequalled since the
Samuel Gompers was in town for the occasion. days of the Haymarket riot.
The Building Trades Council finds itself pracOne of his henchmen asked permission to have
an automobile in the parade. H e was notified tically helpless. Its past fights have been against
that all must walk in this parade. Gompers de- the contractors. But no longer is this a case of
clined to do so and the parad9 went *its way . fighting against disqnited bosses. The council
ih ts'trw:light, as a loose federa.. ,
:.
-without him.
._
- - h a ~ . b e e n - & ~n i~
I n the strike leading up' t o
demonstkat?on, tion with ea$ craft really acting for itself, and
many stormy events took place. On May 1,~1c92~, i t cannot: cope with the situation. A number of
the employers semed notice of wage reductions. unions have meekly submitted, others have
The unions msiskd, apd m any of them .were sttuck, and others have bargained for sepatate
rlwker! out, A st&e .foIlowed, .and a fter weeks conceksions from the bosses. The "Citizirns'
& struggle, arbitration was agreed to, with the Committee" has become arrogant, and other un,
usual detrimental effect to the workers. Judge ions which took up the fight have been "outLandis became the arbitrator, by consent of a lawed," and the general confusion is increased.
Several desperate efforts have been made, from
number of the smaller unions. The carpenters,
painters (whose agreement had not expired), the ranks of the workers to obtain unified action.
and three other unions, comprising in total mem- But such moves are frustrated by the I n t e r n
bership a large majority of the building wotkers, tional officials, and they also meet the resistance
refused from the beginning to submit to arbi- . of many. local officials. They seem to dread 'the
'thought of the rank and file workers getting tot ratim
Landis, in his notorious "award," not only gether. But when the agreement of the painters '
judged the questions in q spute ;h e also enlarged expired, *April I, 1922, this large body got into
the sco6e of his decisions t o cover the unions not the fight. Their District Council called a con.parties to the proceedings, and assumed jurisdic- ference of delegates from the outlawed trades,
tion over working conditions, writing the follow- and t he joint publicity committee was created.
ing "open shop" conditions into the award: This body united and -crystallized the opposition
"There .shall be no stoppage of work individ- to the "award" and has finally brought t he conually o r collectively under penalties prescribed." flict t o fie new stage evidenced by the big dem"There shall be no restriction against any onstration above-mentioned. .
manufactured material, except prison made."
W hat bas happened in Chicago indicates fairly
nm-union men well t he general situation in the building tradeg..
"In case of- smciV of
work wkh
men
such time as True, in many places the unions have not f?red
union men .may b e obtained."
so well, and have been almost completely deThese
n~~~~ breaking the power
feated; in Chicago there is sti'll struggle. But
rhe unions, and their ultimate destruction. T he
the workers a re in r etreat; Seattle,
workers Protested violenfly- For a time there Butte, Salt La&, Denver, Boston, S an Francisco,
were
s~ontaneousstrikes. But a
and other cities, bear witness to this. T he emof the leaders began to manouver their unions ploye*, are united with millions of dollars to
into 'accepting the "award."
Meanwhile, t he
spend do break the unions. The unions are dicagitdists had organized the "Citizens Commitvided, and their treasuries are rapidly being emptee" t o enforce the award, raised a war-chest of
.
tied.
millions, set u p a scabsupplying agency, mobilDivision Causes Workers' Weat
.
ized bank credits against She small contractors,
T he source of our weakness is readily found.
and completely united their forces. Unions refvsbg, t o .work under the award were declared Our industry is a veritable chaos of craft unions,
"outlaw" and a bitter war began ; armed guards pulling in different directions and fighting each
were placed on the jobs to protect imported other. Within many of these craft unions are
scabs, who were working side by side with union split-hair divisions, where members are confined
men. The strike has been marked by extreme to certain branches, and fight about the inner
violence. Bombings., both of,union and non-union lines of demarcation. O ur Councils, and the
workers have taken place. The "Citizens' Com- Building Trades Department, which could be the
e e e " has declared publicly that it will slug basis for establishing unity of action, merely
two union men for every scab that is beaten up. serve as places where these fights may be carried
As we write this the police of the city are raiding in different forms.
Craft divisions are largely responsible, in turn,
the building trades offices on a great scale, arrest,

f or the poor leadership, and lack of vision among
the officials. These men, from the lowest to the
highest officials, havk been nourished in an atmosphere of craft exclusiveness. They have
worked for years in deadly M t y . toward other
crafts, bred of t h4 f ear that Wr jurisdiction
may be infringed upon. Accustomed by this condjtion to attempting to gain advantages for their
own craft at the expense of others, it is onlx
another step to h d themselves working with the
bosses against the others. Thus they lose sight
entireIy of the broader aspect of the commoq
fight against ex@oitatioa
~ o s'of the other evils wGch hold back our
t
u dons and deprive them of power, also find
their breeding ground and natural habitation in
craft division. Countless opportunities are open
t o'the dishonest few, that element which can always be found in any aggregation 'of men. With
t he'rich o pkings f or graft, 'it is often the most
unscrupulous business agent who can build up
the most power. If he is willing to enter into
an alliance with the employers, he is able to
keep his adherents a t work, while those who
have the temerity to question his control at the
union meetings, can be forced to walk the streets
in idleness. This petty tyranny has created an
atmosphere in some unions which has proven
fruitful soil for the poisonous seed of the "open
shop9"ropaganda of the employers. All these
f o r d s swork for the boss, who cleverly makes
capital of them; and a ll can be traced directly
back t6 the fundamental cause of d t division.
"Internal strife has been a terribls evil in the
p'aSt; Today it is sdisasterous. In the face of
the tinited attack made upori us by the employers,
it threatens ta d btroy o ur organizations. It will
c e M y do so, if a remedy is not found. T he
r kisdy is amalgamation. Truly our present
situation is "Amalgamation or annihilation."

I*,

'w~

o

s

1

a

thq capitalist sheets and dmouncing u Bolsheviks an? disrupters t h e workers who a& advocating for the& unions the same m ea~iuEof mala
gamation that the keqer-sighted employers were
actuaUy putting into prac$icq.,> Unify of action
eah be guaranteed only by unity of organization,
and the Building Trades Unions will stand on
their feet with 'power to protect their memlp$$
only when they have completely unified their OF
gapizations into one 'union to cover the entire
indus~.
T he time has now come for the militant unionists in the building industry to take the lead;
they must organize, all, q e i r forces upon a great,
campaign of education, to infuse their nuniions,
with the new spirit, and give them m undersgqding of &e effective ,modern forms of organ&-,
..
tion.' qur unions must be molded to the form,
which will meet our needs. Amalgamation of the.
unions of the e,ntire industry will give us. the
united front capable, of meetingathe,f ~ r c e s hich.
w
SF& to destroy us, and powerful e nough,to dc-,
feat t q n T he reconstruction of our e o n s i s,
lq.
the immediate. program of militant u niaists,.
il
which wl lay the f owdation , of.control by the
workers, and. the ultimate establishment of the
~ orkers*..Itepablic. , ,
. . ,.,

Tbe Bosses Show the Way
T h e employers do not allow sentiment or pre-

-7

*

judice to prevent them from organizing thoroughly. Amalgamation has no terrors for them ;
they want power to crush the unions, and know
&at ta have power they must have unity. So
everywhere we see them join forces. No where
is this more strikingly iflustrated than in Chicago.
D ligng the present bitter struggle they have
ahalgamated their organizations, the Associated
Building Contractors, and the Building Construetion Employers Association, into one solid body.
Conpast the employers' militant policy of solidarity with the backward stand taken by the
bbilding trades union officials on amalgamation.
Almost at the very moment that the bosses were
amalgamating, Mr. Gompers was iulminating in
,,

V

I

6

T H E LABOR HERALD

I

June, 1922

Call for National Conference of the
Trade Union Educational League

T H E LABOR HERALD

Towards Unity in the Building Trades
B y Joe Petersen

T

HERE is serious division of Labor's forces the agents of the Steel Corporation. Large con-

in the Building Trades. Both nationally
and locally our forces are broken up. We
are finding it impossible to get common action,
in the face of the most terrific attack which our
unions have ever had to face. We are attempting
to meet the situation with antiquated, 18th' century methods of craft unionism, while the employers have united all their forces so that they
act together in the entire industry. Due to the
disease of jurisdictional disputes, our organizations are falling back before the enemy.
Wars between the unions over jurisdiction result from the craft divisions existing between us.
When the process of building was simple and the
employers were competing small contractors
without great capital, then the divided craft
unions had a chance to make a showing and obtain a few concessions. But the industry has
been changing. In the process of building, a revolution has taken place. New methods have
been introduced, new materials have become
common, and machinery is playing an ever greater part in the industry. Today, while suburban
building remains technically simple, the dominating factor in the industry is the standard city
building of steel and concrete. The new elements
brought in by this change, cut across our craft
lines. This brings the craft unions into conflict.
The amount of work being limited, each craft
wants to get the lion's share. We then have a
mad scramble among them, often several claiming
that the nature of the work places it under their
jurisdiction. There is usually plenty of evidence
on all sides, with nothing to decide between them
but power. So they fight. The test of battle
has for rnanv vears been the onlv one to receive
respect. The result is a continual, bitter fratricidal struggle, with consequent loss of power and
demoralization.

M

I LITANTS! At last the time has come their strength in recent years by consolidating
for us to draw up our programs and to their organizations, amassing vast riches, and
organize our forces throughout the labor becoming intensely class conscious, the trade
movement. The Trade Union Education League union leaders cling desperately to their own anis about to hold its first National Conference. tiquated system. They are constitutionally o p
The meeting will take place in Chicago on Aug. posed to all real organization betterment and
26th and 27th. Militant union workers from every habitually fight it to a standstill. Intellectually
locality and industry are herewith cordially in- they are frozen over solid. There is hardly
vited to attend.
a twig of progress showing above the cold
The labor movement is now passing through and lifeless surface of their collective mind.
the most serious crisis in its entire history. With = But if the static trade union officials fail to
unexampled aggressiveness, the employers are perceive the necessities of the movement, the
smashing one section of it after another. Ortho- the moral courage to acknowledge them), the
dox trade union methods and tactics are unavail- dynamic rank and file will and must seize the
ing to stop this "open shop" drive. Drastic new initiative itself. Hence, the National Confermeasures will have to be applied, or the labor ence of the Trade Union Educational League.
movement will be annihilated and the working This representative gathering of rank and file
class left helpless in the grip of the exploiters. workers will not only point out the needs of
T he multitudes of craft unions must be amal- Organized Labor, but will also outline a camgamated into a series of industrial unions. The paign of education to satisfy these needs by
prevailing craft form' of unionism is out-of-date revamping the prevailing philosophy, amalgaand obsolete. It no longer conforms- to indus- mating the unions, and giving them new leadertrial conditions. It prevents real solidarity and c L k
it must give way t 0.a type of organization that
T he Trade Union Educational League is op
will include all the workers in a given industry.
The multitude of craft unions must be arnalga- posed on principle to dual unionism. It is not
Only the industrial form of organization can cope a labor union itself, nor does .it propose to bewith the powerful employers. Another vitall?~ come one. I t is solely an educational body. It
necessary step is the discarding of the existing aims, not to split the mass organizations, but to
trade union philosophy. At present our labor unite and strengthen them in every possible way.
unions are in the anomolous position of having The proposed conference will not be held for the
w orkhg class bodies and capitalist minds. They purpose of furthering secession movements, but
are in fundamental contradiction with theni- to work out an organized, intensive campaign of
selves. They have proletarian interests and constructive, militant education in all the indusinstincts, but their petty-bourgeois point of tries. Representation will be based upon the
view lleutralizes them. Hence their every effort local general groups of the T. U. E . L.. each of
is paralyzed by uncertainty, timidity, and weak- which shall be entitled to six delegates-if there
ness. And so it musf remain until they finallj is no such group in your town, organize one at
come to realize that there is no hope for the11-1 once so that you may be represented. Trade
- except in the abolition of capitalism and the es- unions and central bodies may send only fraternal
tablishrnent of a workers' r e~ublic. Then. and delegates. Each participating organization shall
t hai only, with a revolutionary goal before them, take care of the expenses of its delegates.
Do you believe that Oiganized Labor should
will the trade unions gain the clearness of aim
and the militancy of spirit indispensable to suc- have a real rebel spirit? Do you believe that
the craft unions should be amalgamated into
cess in the modern class struggle.
I n the present crisis the old officialdom stand industrial unions? Do you believe that the trade
in helpless! consternation. They are at their union movement should have new and militant
wits' ends. Again and again they apply the leadership ? If so, come to the National Confercustomary trade union methods, only to be over- ence of the Trade Union Educational League. It
whelmed by fresh disasters. But still they do not will be one of the most important gatherings in
change these methods. Disregarding the patent the history of the American labor movement.
Wm. Z. Foster, Sec'y-Treas.
fact that employers have enormously increased

'

.

SA*q,.

Our Unions Lag Behind
T he increased power of the employers has been
forcing the unions to also. close up their ranks.
The bosses find, with each new step in their consolidation, that they have more power as against
the workers. Their greed for huge profits immediately causes them to attack our wages and
working conditions. We resist one at a time
with our craft unions, but find ourselves losing.
Then we finally search for ways of acting together. For years the writer, who is a practical
building tradesman has taken part in these e'fforts
toward unity. Thus, although the workers' organizations are continually lagging behind those
of the capitalists, they are nevertheless constantly changing and coming gradually closer together.
During the years 1900-1910 there were many
amalgamations brought about of closely related
crafts. The movement gained great headway for
a time, resulting, among others, in uniting the
The Employers' United Front
steamfitters and plumbers; the carpenters and
W l e we have been fighting among ourselves, wood workers; the granite cutters, polishers and
the employers have been busy in another way. rubbers ; the stonemasons and bricklayers ; the
The rapid development of large and expensive marble workers and several independent unions ;
machines in building, with the use of steel and and the hod carriers and the excavation laborers.
other new materials, did not affect the bosses in The reactionary leaders did their best to head off
the manner it did the unions. Instead, it became the movement, but even they were forced to
i
a power for unifying the employers against our give it lip-service. Samuel~Gompers,n addressorganizations. More and more capital was re- ing the marble workers convention in 1909, exquired for machinery and equipment, greater pressed the hope that all men engaged i n. the
sums were needed for building investment ; i t stone industry would soon be in one powerful ornaturally followed that the industry came into the ganization. The movement culminated in the orhands of the trust companies, great banks, and ganization of the Building Trades Department
d

..

i

struction has thus come to be directly controlled
through the giant construction companies and
banking interests, while the great bulk of small
building is kept in line by the control of building
loans.
This concentration of capital and financial con'trol, has been going on for a long time. Following it has come the unification of the building
trades employers into ever more powerful associations. These have continually been combining
and amalgamating, until today the building interests have one organization, directing throughout the country the fight against the unions. The
so-called Citizens' Committee in Chicago combines practically all building interests, controlled
and directed by the great bankers. In other cities
the unions are similarly fighting the united power
of the capitalist class.

.

8

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THS L A B 0R H-ERALD

of the G F of L., in 1908. T his was a definite
.
'
recognitibn of 'the common interests of all uriions
in the' building industry, and a step toward uniiication.
T he organization of the Building Trades Department was a very "radical" step. The writer
remembers quite well the fights that raged around
this issue. Many of the same arguments now
used against the program of the Trade Union
Educational League were then hurled against the
idea of forming the Department. But in spite of
the' reactionary fulminations, the "radicals" of
that day went ahead and established the Department.
- T h e new body was intended to eliminate the
worst features of jurisdidional wars, and to
bring about greater unity between the various
craft unlons. I t was a great step forward. At
least it got-the uniond in touch with one another,
and h id the basis for some approach to common
action. But its results, especially under the
pressure of the employers' present organization,
have not justified the high hopes placed upon it.
It has exhibited the fundamental weaknesses of
all federations. In moments of greatest crisis,
when strength is needed most, it has a disconcerting habit of giving way, leaving the unions
in dire confusion. The wars of jurisdiction rage
09. T he Department is only another field of
battle. Union resources are still taken up more
with f ighthg each. ofher, than in fighting the employers. The bosses are also affected by these
6

June, 1922

..

struggles ; strikes over jurisdictional dairns continue, and' the "fair" employer is' i n'the same
danger of them as the "unfair" one. The net
result for the unions is loss. Federation has ,not .
..
met the situation.

.

Two Felse Remedies

%

Efforts t change this situation have been
o
many. Two of them should be pointed out, because, coming from widely different sources,
they are equally false and dangerous to the
workers. One is the effort of the employers to'
set up "impartial" boards to decide upon juris-'
diction; the other is the program of dual unionism advocated by the I. W. W. and others. Ufitold mischief has been done by both of these
quack medicines of unionism.
The movement for a national board to arbitfate
jurisdictional disputes was launched by engineers
and employers. The proposal for such a board;
composed of architects, engineers, employers and
employees, was brought before the Atlantic City
convention of the Building Trades Department.
One delegate, speaking for the adoption, said that
he believed it would go far toward eliminating
the radical element from the building trades. The
proposition was adopted. The organizatiofi which
this same delegate represented is now out of the
Department because of defiance of this board of
awards. Differences between the unions cannot
be settled by any outside agency. They must be
eliminated by the growth of solidarity inside; 2nd
the unificatiw of the various unions. Instead of

June, 1922

THE L A B 0R HERALD

solving problems of jurisdiction, the board of
awards has been a tool for further dividing the
workers against one another. Those unions
which, like the Carpenters', refuse to accept its
decisions are obeying a fundamental instinct of
the 'trade union movement not to allow nonworkers to dictate solutions to their problems.
The program of building new "ideal" unions,
to replace the imperfect craft unions, has been
one of the chief evils of the labor movement.
Disgruntled and rebelling elements have thought
to take a short cut to solidarity, by breaking
away and starting all over. Actions of this kind
have done nothing but increase the confusion and
weaken the labor movement. Today it is plain
to all intelligent men, that progress cannot come
in this way. Every m e of the many efforts in
this direction has failed, and dual unionism is
dead in the building trades. The militant union
men have learned to be on the watch for. this
tendency, and to root it out in its beginnings.

For Building Trades Unity
T he way out of our present mess lies along
the road of arnalggmation, the unification of all
building trades workers for common action on
wages, hours, and policies in the industry. One
union covering the entire building trades is required.
Such a plan will not mean wiping out craft
lines, wherever these meet some need of the
workers. Instead, it will take the form, outlined
b
in 1913 y the famous Tveitmoe resolution adopted by the Building Trades Department but not
carried out, which groups together the closely
related crafts, such as the mason trades, pipe
trades, iron trades; wood-working trades, ets. In
a Building Trades Industrial Union these groups
would form departments, under the general executive which would have supreme power on
questions of wages, hours, disputes, etc. Within
these departments the old craft units could be
retained as sections and separate locals, so long
as wanted to handle purely craft matters. Related crafts will also have the machinery for
handling their own peculiar problems, in the departments. But in the struggle against the
bosses, t h y will all bg united under one executive
commitke, concentrating the enti& power of the
building trades workers.
The technical obstacles to this program are
not great, W e e the railroads, the building
trades (with the exception of helpers and laborers) are vecy d ose tagether in wage scales. T he
adjustmeats ne&sary a re easily provided for by
the department and craft sections. The advanbges w e so evident and so immediate, that they
completely overshadowed any little objection that
m ay be raised.

A great source of weakness today is the thousands of workers in the small towns, where there
are not enough of their craft to make a live local
union. The small-town worker is just as good
material for unionism as, the ordinary union man
in the city, but he does not have the association
of numbers of his fellow craftsmen to keep him
in line, as the city worker has. Imagine w kit
would happen to our great city local unions if
they were divided up into little groups of three
or four, or even 15 o r 20. T he organizatioil
would die out. That is what happens, particularly in the smaller crafts, when you leave the large
centers.
T he Building Trades Industrial Union could
immediately rally all these workers to the union.
The cities like New York, Chicago, and the like,
would need little change in the local unions. The
next smaller cities could unite tbe little fragments
of locals together according to groups thus giving
them size and strength and a feeling of power.
The little towns could have department locals,
or even one local of all building workers in the
villages, even if there should be only one or two
in each craft, and have a fair size local union
which could be alive and healthy. Consider that
this would eliminate the entire supply of scabs,
relied upon by the bosses in fighting the union,
and judge the value of such a united organization in increasing our power. Every buildtrades worker in the country would soon be a
union man with a paid up card and membership
in a live local.
Greater power for the union, that is what
amalgamation means. The employers are out to
smash our unions. They do not discuss the right
or wrong of it-they have the power. The only
thing that will save our unions and defeat the
bosses is greater power. When, instead of a
score or more of executive committees a t the top,
each making a different decision a d p a k g
different ways, we have one committee uniting
in itself the combined power of the txtlilding
workers: then we will stop our retreat and move
forward to new victories. Amalgamation is the
road to that goal.
b
Take this up in your union and urge w tba~e
taken to get all ourr unions together, for the puppose of consolidating their forces. Get yrmr
local union to act; take it to your distriet e m cil; then put it up to your intematiowl mecutives and conventims. Demand h : ogr 6
ty
cials take action. Vote for those union men f ~ r
office in your union, who stand for this prcgmm.
HeSp to defeat those who oppose It. Discuss the
question wherever building trades w o r k s
together, and make this the domiaating i w w in
the entire industry.

June,

1~22
t

A Tale of Two Cities

THE LABOR HERALD

June, 1922

6f the trade unions (the ~ b s c o wo r Red Council of Labor Unions). -

H ow the Conventimrr: Differed on the Large
T he Conventions of the Imternatio~zal L adies Garment Workers' Union and
of the A w . 1 g a m t e d Clothing Workers of A w i c a i n. Cleveland mzd Chicago.

T

HERE is nothing easier than to label a
thing or an event. A living, complete
reality is thus easily reduced to a formula,
and there you have it: merely catalogue it and
shelve. it in your memory or conscience. But
then-what ? Then nothing.
Labels h ' t Explain
- A mere fact in history or in life, which is
history in the making, is of no significance whatsoever unless it generates.new force and determines development. And so is the knowledge of
a fact of'no value unless the fact is conceived
in its living connection with what had preceded
it and what follows it. Naked facts, tom out of
their immediate environment, are but incidents
or accidents devoid of much meaning. The knowledge of facts outside of their historical soil is
fruitless, barren of results; and the labeling of
t
facts, perhaps a times' an easy pastime, is at all
times a waste of time. Yet it passes quite often
as judgment and it helps to create what the
market is willing to designate as public opinion.
f L. G W. U. Not Reactionary, nor A. C. W.
o A R&olutionary
f.
The two conventions of the two large unions
in the needle industry held the other day in
Cleveland and Chicago, are illustrations of the
above. H ere large gatherings of labor, organized and aggressive, militant labor made inroads
into history, legislated their immediate future
and determined, in so far as it can be deter-.
mined, what their policies shall be in the days
to come. But what do we see? The press, the
transfer-agent of public opinion, satisfied itself
with the recording of a number of happenings
at these conventions, for the most part an uncritical sort of recording. It then had the happenings duly labeled, and the "movement" is
ready to proceed to other "unfinished business,"
most likelv to "finish" it in much the same fashion. The iibel is the finishing touch in portraying
life.
The convention of the International Ladies
Garment Workers was reactionary throughout,
and that of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers
of America was the one bright spot on the marred
background of the American labor reality. Thus
public opinion summed up the two momentous
labor gatherings, and that i s all so many of us
are satisfied to know. But when we know all
this what do we know? Even if a step further

is made and personalities are introduced to supplement the facts, we still are none the wiser.
Suppose we accept, without critical analysis, the
verdict of newspaper-made history that Benjamin Schlesinger, of the I. L. G. W. U., is a diedin-the-wool reactionary, and Sidney Hillman; of
the A. C. W. of A., is the spirit incarnate of revolution, what then? How much more do we then
know ?
O- pposition In Both Conventions Rather Weak
Only eight hours of travel divide Chicago from
Cleveland, the seats of 'the two conventions, yet
measured in units of political and spiritual advancement,-as evidenced in .the two needle industry conventions, it would seem that there is
a quarter of a century of distance between the
two cities. That much may be readily admitted
if judgment shall be based on appearances. But
is it right to do so? Does judgment by appearances lead us anywhere? Hardly, as a matter of
&..
"&.I

L I ULll.

But let us have a glance at facts.
The convention of the I. L. G. W. U. ran
under the sign of fight on the left wing. I n the
convention gf t he A. C. W. of A. the left wing
felt quite at home. As one onlooker termed it,
there the opposition was extremely anxious not
to embarrass the administration, otherwise it was
rather comfortable. It would be interesting, then,
to discern the objectives of the opposition or the
left wing in either case. And this is not at all
easy to do, as it was shown in an article in the
preceding issue of THE LABOR ERALD.The opH
position in the needle industry is not homogeneous, it is in the making as yet and it lacks both
in clarity of vision and in oneness of purpose.
And, it may be added, it also lacks most badly
in training.

Some Objectiveis of the Left W n
ig
However, in as much as a liberal allowance for
the newness of the situation permits, the following may be considered the program of the most
purpose-conscious element of the opposition or
left wing in the needle unions:
I T he democratization of the organization
.
structure by means of introducing shop representation.
2 T he consolidation of all needle unions into
.
one concentrated fighting body.
3. Lining up with the aggressive world body

Issues

boundaries, engaged in sinister attempts t o defeat and crush the labor movement both within
each nation and on an international scale; a nd
Whereas, .A well-define4 movement $0 defend the sacred cause of labor by co-ordinating
our industrial organizations on an equallj
broad international scale is shown in the communications to the Amsterdam Trade Union International from the Moscow International of
Labor Unions, inviting the former to participate
in t he formation of a United Front of all the
labor unions of the world; t herefore be it
Resolved, That the Amalgamated Clothing
Workers, in its Fifth Biennial Convention assembled, express its approval of the efforts for
a United Front of all the labor organizations
of the world, and give its heartiest co-operation in the fight against organized capital.
Adopted.

On d l of these issues the two conventions took
a stand widely different.
O n the first point the stand of the I. L. G. W.
U. is definitely negative, whereas the A. C. W.
ofA. made ah effort to meet the issue somewhere
haifway. T%e convention of the A. C. W . of A.
empowered €he hcdming administration to
change the organi'c law of the union, wherever
the dernarid f or it will-make itself felt. And it
was let to be known that the geiieral office is in
favor of a 'change in the structure of tIie organO nly those who are intentionally blind could
izatioti'that would bring the'shop as'a unit nearer discover a defeat for the position of the left .in
t o active participation in the goverrimerit of the the adoptation of the above resolution. But it is
union.. . . . " .
.
an old story that with so many wish is the father
' Agajn, on the issue of 'consolidation of ' the
to tha thought.
unions' 'iri ihe .nekdle &dustry,' the' siand o f' the
The I. L. G. W. U., whose defenders-right
&algamated was decidedly positive.' he A. C. or wrong-talk a great lot of unity, would not
W. of A. is for one centralized union $ the in- stand for any "Moscow nonsense," even be it a
dust$ ~ n ' o p p o ; to a IooBe federation of' the genuine effort to bring about unity of all labor.
d
needie tiades, +hi& fis sponsored by t hd I. L. G.
If the actions on the just enumerated three
W: U. Whether a resolution of this kind 'is nec- cardinal points is to be taken as the basis for
;es'sai-ily'a' step t o k r d consolidation' in the hear judgment there would be reasonable ground for
f utute may be questioned;
it is &own that the notion that the I. L. G. W. U. turned reacthe Sternational' ( the I: L. G. W. u:) is' deter- tionary and the A. C. W. of A. has gone decid'
niibediy opposed to such a consolidatioi
edly radical in those convention days. But is it
-.
. - ..
really so?
NOW,on the. point of international" a$liation,
the reports were ~ a.ther isleading, in. so far as
m
W y the D ference in Attitudeh
f
the Chicago convention of the A. C. W , of A. as
One cannot escape facing the following quesconcerned.. W i l e the p.ress hsd it, that 'fthe left
met with crushing defeat on tbe issue of inter- tion, and the questian is to be answered if we are
national affiliation," the following is the truth in to understand what's what.
the q se. There y ere introduced .a number of
The question is-What is really resposible' f or
resolutions a dv~cating. ffiliation with the. Mos- the difference in attitude taken by the A. C. W.
a
cow Council of Trade Unions. These reso1ytio.n~ of A. and the I. L. G. W. U. on a number of
came from local3 and the delegates stood hl- points of great significance? Was it due to a
structed by their mandate of election to have difference in leadership or was a different c0.mthese resolutions brought before the convention. position of membership responsible for the differHowever, in the convention resolution No. 67 ence in attitude? Or-perhaps there was really
evolved and it met with the unanimous approval no such great difference at all in the attitude'of
of all the left -or opposition delegates. It also one organization or the other?
was favored by the administration and it was
As a matter of fact, some ten years ago, one
carried manimousIy. None of the other resolu- would find an exactly reversed situation wi* 'retions favoring direct affiliation had any support- gard t o the organizations under 'consideration.
ers or votes. It inevitably would follow, that The I. L, G . W. U. was then the one radical
there could be no "crushing defeat" under the organization, and the United Garment Workers
circumstarices, and there was none.
of America, the parent body of the present AmalResolution 67 reads :
gamated, was reactionary in many respects. Since
Whereas, the whole tendency of modern then .the leadership of the International Ladies
times is toward the international co-ordination Garment Workers' Union has changed a nd- in
of a ll movements and enterprises, whether they
so far as the personnel is concerned the change
be of labor o r capital; and
Whereas, These are times of monster com- was rather toward the more progressive type.
binations of capital, over-reaching all national And the split that has taken place in the U nited
'

‘sine?

'Z

SS
L

T H E LBABO B H E R A L D

Garment Workers of America and caused the
growth of the Amalgamated was not a split
along lines of radicalism, or industrialism, o r internationalism, only questions of autonomy and
leadership were involved in that controversy.
W hy then the great change?
The make-up of the two organizations, in so
f ar as the membership is concerned, is not different. The same racial groups, practically distributed in the same ratio, make up the I. L. G
.
W. U. and the A. C. W. of A. T he industry,
that is the market, the technique, the earnings
are closely neighboring, except that the system
of work prevailing in the women's wear industry
still retains a greater part of mechanical skill,
whereas in the' production of men's clothing the
operations are further simplified by a wider application of machinery and by a minute specialization and division of labor.
Logically speaking, there should not be room
for a great diflerence in tactics, if actions of
large bodies are motivated by environment.
Of course, it is inconvenient to discuss the
problem of leadership since it involves the analysis of personal motives or abilities. Yet it
would be nothing short of violation of truth to
assert that the leadership of the two organizations differs very widely on the point of radicalism, at least in so far as formal profession of
faith is concerned. In point of fact, the leader
of the I. L. G. W. U. is a prop of the Socialist
Party and President of its most powerful daily
paper publishing company, whereas the 'head of
the A. C. W. of A. is politically non-attached.
Borsing or Leading
There is, however, one difference in the makeup of the leadership of the two organizations,
and rather a vital one. It lies not in any official
label but in the very conception of leadership.
I n one case i t is an attempt to boss a situation
that is underlying the policy of the leadership,
whereas in the other case the tendency is to lead,
to control the situation by creating or acceleratk g the conditions of the sitqation. Benjamin
Schlesinger is a red-card Socialist, and Sidney
Hillman will tie himself with no political group
or philosophy. Yet the one succeeded in having
even his own party members oppose his policies,
whereas in the other case, the administration appears to be the expression of the living spirit of
the entire organization. It is the great, old yet
ever new problem of leadership that is to be
looked for in the search for light in the situation.
The administration of the I. L. G. W. U had
.
its convention under- its complete control. I t
could have its way
to wholesale political murder of opposition delegates. Yet

.

June, 1922

it did so. The spirit of vindictiveness was manifest throughout the sessions of the body. And
also did the administration of the A. C. W. of A.
h v e the convention under its full sway. The
opposition was numerically weak, consisting of
the disgruntled elements, controlled by the politics of the Jewish Daily Forward, politics foreign
to the life of the organization; and of the left
wing groups who had cgnstrudive o r misguided
notions of organization reform, but throughout
confined to the problems of the union. But the
administration did not seek to antagonize the
opposition by fighting their ideas because of the
spiritual fatherhood. It tried to meet squarely
every issue as it arose, and the result was exceedingly gratifying. N b one left t he convention "licked," unless he came for what he was
not supposed to get there. A "defeaty' on a
point. of principle, in a union, is never a c ams
bell;, never causes animosity, if the fight for or
against the principle is a gallant one. That much
in favor of the A. C. W. of A. leadership will
be conceded by any one who saw the convention
in operation.
To sum up :T he two conventions did not differ
very widely in point of radicalism. Both remained on the safe ground of reality i'n s o far
a s the actual problems concerning the life of the
organization are considered. But, whereas one
body, blinded by a partisan animosity and by a
perverted notion of bossism instead of leadership
has created ill-fekling and narrowed down the
sway of the convention to the degree of pureand-simplism ofl a most primitive type, the other
organization managed its way through difficulties and presented a sight novel in the practice
of the American labor movement. I t was not so
'much the actual difference in the attitude taken
by one organization or the other, on one point or
the other. It 'was the mehtod of approach to a
solution of the problems of the movement that
divides the two otherwise similar organizations.
CHILI
H E industrial, commercial, and agricultural employers of Chili have just combined themselves
nationally into an organization called the Association
of Industry. It is headed by a General Council, composed of one delegate from each province, and one
from each industry. The Association intends "to
take all possible steps with a view to harmoniziag
the legitimate interests of employers and workers!'
It declares it will "defend the right of the individual
to work by all means in its power and will give assistance to members who are faced with difficulties
owing to sympathetic strikes and similar disputes."

T

Dr. Joseph Goldstein, "Russian expert," is quoted
by the Chicbgo Tribune to the effect that '&End
of Soviet Regime is Near." Where have we heard
these 1 6news~efore?
b

June, 1922

THE LABOR HERALD

From George to Dick

'

+

Dick Harridan, Engineer, St. Louis, Mo.
Dear Friend Dick:W e all reached home sober and feeling better for the trip. But
since coming back from there I have been thinking over some of our
kitchen-table discussions regarding the union, its policies; etc., and I
want to put my side up to you in a workable form so you wont fail
to understand clearly the point I wanted to make. Here it is:
You are an engineer and probably understand an engine and what
it will do better than I do. Now suppose you had a heavy train, say
2,000 tons, to move, and it was all ready and you were anxious to move
that train to its destination in the least time and at the least cost; and
suppose your future more or less depended upon your making a good
showing on this particular trip.
You find it will take equal to a 160 ton engine to do the work,
and you are told to select your power to make the run. Suppose you
go over to the roundhouse and find that they have 16 engines of 10 tons
each, and one engine of 160 tons, ready for the road. Would you take
one engine of 10 tons and make 16 t rips? Or would you take the 16
engines and make one trip, taking coal 16 times and water 16 times, and
calling 16 more tallow pots, and taking chances on 16 sets of machinery
getting out of order and chances of all not starting together, or some
being in reverse when you started, or maybe an engineer asleep on the
job, or playing hookey to same steam?
.
O r would you take the 160 ton engine, where you had the whole
power necessary concentrated in the one lever under your own hand?
I ask you, as an intelligent engineer, which of the three would you do?
There can be no question at all about your answer. You would
take the big engine. You would do the job in a warkmanlike manner.
Sure, you would.
Now the railroad workers have just this kind of a practical proposition before them at the present time, and they are trying to combat
the railroads by using the 16 little engines, or Brotherhoods, against
the companies who are using the biggest engine they have on hand, and
who are trying hard t q construct one still bigger by misusing the power
of Government, if necessary, to whip us. You might not be able to get
all the power out of the big engine, or general amalgamated union, at
first, but you would soon be able to handle it and to get definite results.
If we cannot combine all our organizations into one, as you seem
to fear that we can't, then we must admit we haven't as much intelligence as the railroad companies have. I such is the case we are a bunch
f
of incompetents and our cake is dough under any circumstances. Think
it over, and look around your yards. to see if you haven't got a railroad
spy among you and the boys, suggesting the ideas you expressed the
other night, because such ideas are in perfect accord with those that the
companies wish you to hold. Perpetuating craft divisions amongst us
fortifies the companies and makes them unbeatable. Amalgamation of
our many unions into one is the only thing that will give us sufficient
strength to defeat them. We must have a general railroad union.
With kindest regards for yourself and all union men and the friends
that assembled Saturday night, I am, As ever,
GEORGE

r3

June, 1922

The League Under Fire
B y Earl

R Browder

[ NE pages of inflammatory denunciation in
the Americart Federationist! This is the
new high point in the campaign against
'the Trade Union Educational League, the be'ginning of which was reported last month in
, THELABOR ERALD.n the May issue of his
H
I
;house-organ, Gompers runs a long screed of
.slander and vilification, continuing the attack
he started in his April issue and on his trip to
Chicago, Cleveland, and other cities. "Organizers" are busily carrying on against the League
all over the country ; Gompers' pocketpiece,
Matthew Woll, is sent to make a slanderous
.attack at the Convention of the Railway Employees' Department ; and ' ~ e n e r a l residents of
P
unions all over the country are taking up cudgels
against the League. Nearly every International
journal has obediently taken a shot in the same
,direction within the past month, with a few honorable exceptions. The natural culmination
,comes with Gompers' resort to the capitalist
,press i n his flamboyant May 1st manifesto.
In a hysterical fear of everything which even
smells of progressive and militant action by the
jworking class, Gompers is hurling charges reck,lessly right and left. H e is flatly and positively
;against real labor solidarity, and denounces its
d
,advocates as "disruptors." W hat are his arguiments? Does he attempt to prove his charges?
, Not a t all. a e is content to damn the League
:as a "secret" organization intent upon destroying
'the unions (one version),, or to deliver them up
:to Lenine (second version-take your choice).
~Gompers'panic, however, does not prevent him
from extreme care in choice of words, where
2direct charges whose absurdity he well knows,
might lay him open. By skilful juggling of
words he manages, without saying so directly,
to make the charge that the League is being
financed by "Bolshevik Gold." The invitation
.extended to him in Chicago, to inspect the books
'of t he League, is carefully ignored.

1

'

Why Reactionary Leadem Shudder

.

tion of Labor, especially, has reverberated
throughout the labor movement of America. The
national convention of the Brotherhood of Railway Clerks, just closed at Dallas, Texas, adopted
a resolution for amalgamating the railroad unions
into one industrial union, and also passed the
Chicago resolution favoring amalgamation of all
craft unions upon lines of industry. In the convention of the Railway Employees' Department,
described in detail elsewhere in this issue, there
was a powerful sentiment for this measure,
which was only headed-off by most strenuous
efforts.
The facts are that Gompers' influence in the
labor movement has been to stultify and stop all
progress. Such a condition is the reason why
the League, boldly proclaiming a program of
q i t i n g o ur unions for effective action, calling
for militant leadership, and affiliation with the
International of working-class solidarity, the
Red Trade Union International, has been given
so enthusiastic a welcome. I t is the first sign
of real life in the labor movement, and as su&
it rallies those in whose hearts hope still springs.
I t is not a violation of confidence to say that
one of Gompers' principal sources of worry is
the knowledge that a surprisingly large number
of high international officials in the unions are
sympathetic to' the League, and are quietly supporting its program. Hardly a week passes without several of these men, from various sections,
dropping into the office of the League to wish
it success and pass a word of encouragement.
They want to see some constructive work done,
and they know the old machine offers no hope.
The reactionary officials have a keen sense for
this atmosphere of wholesale "disloyalty" to their
rule; they do not know how to meet it. So,
with Gbmpers a t the head, they launch a mock
reign of terror. They do not realize that these
very tactics are forcing many union men into the
ranks of the League who would not otherwise g~
the whole way upon the League program. T
%day Gompers is forcing the issue,-"Gompers
and standpatism" or "The League and progress."
All of which is the best possible testimonial td
the correctness of the League's position and the
effectiveness of its work.

T he reason for the panic, witnessed by this
,unprecedented campaign, is very simple. It is,
that the League has received a tremendous re'sponse from the labor movement. The amalga;mation movement, one of the most important
, points in the program of the League, has taken
The Merits of the Argument
o n great headway, and is sweeping through the
We have grown accustomed to have our r e p unions. I t has been adopted by dozens of central lar "May Day Scare" thrown into us each year
labor bodies, and by hundreds of local unions. by A. Mitchell Palmer and similar "Department
T h e resolution adopted by the Chicago Federa- of Justice" officials. Accompanying the w a -

of the bigl cities open wide, and 4th screaming. vilification, and mwth.
Strangely ma?& tb tho* who d a &IX
8 coltma headlines the rnardfesto of Gotapera
kci a waiting world i g i brought j arth U nder Blte the latent: $ @ Wi the trade d o n s , .
m m tn
these q ~ c u k w i t c h - b d g a d - of MF,
,
bidzing heads is carried tsao solumns of such
t he m& of
noqsaaie t hat even the capitalist papers balre been G empm,-sa far fim ~~Q
p
urnable to -refrain freun j o k k g about it. Crompers" t he &ague, h ik~e mmd the m st decided. stirnut
charge w i n s t t he League b in the form of in- hnt t~ i s w e ~ kv53111be8by pmt failures, afld
& muraged by t he. mchianary ~~d ehamcter
fiumdo, and re%& s follows :
a
of
'W. 2 Foster, wka %adno money, went to MOSCOW their miam, atafiy miIiahtats ha8 failed to
.
o
A came back and announced that he was building awaken t the a l l mt out by the Trade Union
d
a great s ectst rgachitrt to uoderazia3e t he Azqedczan Educational L a v e when it w;as
Is;b.er movement and t arn 'it over to the Red ktntermtioaal, a w a d by Z d ETt b ema pubheiltioe of These dormer livewires had lost hope,
ea
&et
z s,xpensive m a w h e and g roclaimd rc thousand upon t he L eague I t mook theforlorn
w
t
d emomtra~cin
dmiried t futility.
o
' s eyet * ~ ~ i s thousand . co-uniti~~"
fa
n
of rm&nary o$icialdom- in a &c:
of f ear t
6
. ~ isreg%di~lg direct lies contained in tbis
.
t he.
conwince them that progress t 'not only posGblt;
paragraph, which -are apparent to any m d e r a nd
which were dealt with in the last &sue of T ~ l e but waiting t o be -called fa& t o transform our
LABOR.
HERALD, e will deal only with .the in&- hbor movemient into a living,-grow& pow&.
w
~ u - !Gqnpem can no longer - hold b d c
l
rect s tatempt that the M e is b e d by Bro.
the tjdess. of propess by m t words. The
pr
L qin of Ruaia. We have ,already poiated aut
e a t Campers was oBerecl Phq opportunity, w h k workers a m getting ready to go forward, and
in Chicago, to examine &% bmkg of the a qpm- eatmot ba mtl& logger fooled. I f the pathway
a
-&icm, but he r;efusc:d t o do so. In t he face of f the fatme m rries them, to k d.uskrid mionbm,
t-O. t d imrdkg of ' f~ssilsl i e : Gom@rs, to afb
this, t he repetition of such a s i d e a nd mouldy
&&rge is $is!inctly in bad faith. The L a p @ &lhtiarn ta the Red T mde Unim htm%at.ianal,
t
demaeds t hat he produce praof of his ~tssertions, Pbey a re not asraid (98 thav-e:W i !or heir name%
T he time ha% p m ~ d hen the scare-craw of
w
or c~
his s hder,
N .G mpers, in dl his decades of oppasitian BrrIsheuism and the bogie-ma of rwalution,
r
o f . G ompe~so of
t~ q ey@ng smacking of progressive or qidical. naanipuhted lby .theMhapdshe-road to betterr orcasx onger CJ& t
tt:ndm~@, a never before display& so much
h
on wad- more w orw-class power. T he
bitterness or attacked mything so atithasly, as
Ize i s
attacking the T rade Union Eciucatiw1- program of the Trade Union Educational L agpe
the way a l o q ithi%r d , the' masses
4 h a g n e . .Not m e n t s ith the use of m o e of has
in the m iom a re beginning t see the way, and
o
t he a m e m t i ~ erade lmian j omaIs, h e needs
t
now that they -have. tftartd it will take m e
must t urn to the c apidistic dailies. T he latter,
significantly enough, g l d y $ve him all the space
I

THE LABOR HERALD

June, 1922

June, 1922

The Railway Employees' Department
Convention
1

F

ROM the standpoint of constructive work, to merely an advisory body, because the Presi-

the convention of the Railway Employees'
Department, recently held in Chicago, was
an almost total failure. This was because it
neither understood the supreme need of railroad
labor, nor did anything to satisfy that need.
What railroad workers require above all i s a
solidification of their ranks, a unifying of their
forces so that they may make efTective resistance
to the powerfuily organized employers. But to
bring about this vital measure the convention did
virtually noffiing. Judging it by results accomplished, it was a standpat, visionless gathering
which refused even to express a desire for real
solidarity.
But, strange to say, ib the convention achieved
little or nothing in a constructive way, it never' theless displayed a g reat volume of radical sentiment. From first to last there was a strong
minority, which on a couple of occasions actually
became the majority, fighting steadily and consistently, if not always wisely and effectively, to
strengthen the bonds between the affiliated organizations and to draw them into amalgamation.
In fact the business of the convention was little
else than a constant struggle between this minority seeking t o progress on towards industrial
uiionism, and the international officials striving
to maintain the present craft alignments. I t was
a case of industrialism versus craftism. Over
it the battle between the two forces raged ceaselessly and manifested itself in every conceivable
fashion. I t was the bone of contention in the
discussions on such questions as the election of
new classes of officers, raising of per capita tax,
jurisdiction, amalgamation, admission of unions,
strike votes, and dozens of others. I t pervaded
everything, made all issues. And t he worst of
the thing was that upon almost every issue the
industrialists lost and the craftists won. That
was the calamity of the convention, the sense in
which it was a failure.

P:
L

-

.

.'

I

.p'i
,

'

'

I

17

tactics, together with all sorts of wild denuncia- ity to support Kutz's appeal. The appeal was
tions, ik took to force the delegates into line so lost, however, as i t failed to secure the requisite
that a majority could be scared up to defeat the two-thirds vote.
proposition.
.
Undeterred by this preliminary defeat, the
R a R evdt Looms
el
progressives waxed dangerously radical. One
The never-ending battle of the progressives delegate got vociferous applause when he defor solidarity of the railroad trades manifested clared:
itself sharply again on the general question of
"I believe the time is here and now when
affiliation of the various unions with the Departwe should decide who is going to affiliate
ment. Two distinct tendencies to this end were
with the Railway Department and who is
in evidence: one to bring into the Department
going to decide which organizations shall
all the real railroad unions, and the other to excome in.-Are we going to let the carpenclude the numerous craft unions that were tryters and joiners, the cigar makers, the pating to edge their way in so that they might ext ern makers, stone cutters, barbers, peanut
pand at the expense of the existing organizapeelers, peddlers, packers and polishers tell
tions. Under the latter head the Painters and
us who is going to affiliate with this Departthe Steamfitters were barred, because their entry
ment?-It
is time for us here and now,
nieant merely to divide and weaken the railroad
American Federation of Labor or no Amerworkers, not to unite them. Under the former
ican Federation of Labor, to say that the
head an invitation was extended to the four
railroad men of all crafts shall be united."
BrotherhooBs t o become part of the Department,
Further attacks were pressed against the Comand the Stationary Firemen were taken in over mittee's report. Amendment after amendment
t he strenuous, opposition of the administration. was offered, but they were all declared out of
This action was taken because it was felt that the order on the same grounds. Finally there was
Firemen wonk4 lend strength to the Department nothing left to do but vote on the report. Then
by coming in.
the p rogr~ssiveswere able to make their majorBut the real fight occurred over the request ity count by voting down the report. This left
of the Maintenance of Way for readmittance the matter before the convention without i ny
into the Department. The Committee reported recommendation. A motion was then made to
that this should not be granted until the organ- admit the Maintenance of Way forthwith. This,
ization straightens out its jurisdictional squab- too, was ruled out of order as unconstitutional,
ble with the Carpenters and is reinstated in the and the rebels lacked the necessary two-thirds
A. F. of L. But the progressives would not vote to upset the ruling.
agree to this ; they launched a determined fight
This last blow left nothing for the progressive
for re-filiation of the Maintenance of Way re- majority t o do but to amend the tabled section
gardless of consequences. They could not see of the Department's laws sd t hat affiliated unions
why the ranks of the-railroad workers should be should not be required to belorfg to the A. F.
split and this important organization kept de- of L. This they hoped to be able to do with
tached from the rest simply because petty poli- their majority vote when the matter was bronght
ticians in the A. F. of L. saw fit t o give aid and before the body again by the Law Committee,
comfsrt to the Carpenters' ridiculous jurisdic- But when the occasion arrived they were asleep
tional claims.
at the switch. Chairman Jewell put the section
The fight started by Del. Kutz moving to to the house and it was adopted without objecamend the Committee's report so s a t the Main- tion before the delegates realized what it was all
tenance of Way might be admitted immediately, about. This put the progressive majority in the
regardless of its suspension from the A. F. of L. same old difficulty of requiring a mo-thirds vote
h n d m e n t ruled out of order on the ground in order to get action. They moved to recon.that a section of the laws provided that only sider the action just taken and though polling
or@atbns
in good standing in the A. F. of L. 82 votes as against 79, failed to get the requisite
&n afffliate with the Department. Kutz appealed amount. An appeal from the decision' of the
from ,the decision, urging the very clever soph- Chair for having declared the section adopted
istry t hat the law in question was not i force without taking a formal vote on it went the
n
became it bad been laid on the table pending same way. Further attempts to amend the laws
further action by the Convention. It was a so that the Maintenance of Way might be adquibble, but so eager was the convention to mitted failed similarly. So, finally, the Prostrengthen its ranks by taking i the isolated gressives had to confess themselves beaten and
n
micm, and so little respect did it have for the give up.
A. F. of L. heads, that it actually voted in majorThe fight of ttre majority to seat the Mainten-

.

dents, although handling the business of the Department, are not responsible to it, but only to
their respective craft unions. T he proposed arrangement would upset this and bring the Council directly under the control of the Department
convention. It was an industrialist proposal of
first rank and its adoption would have gone a
long way towards solidifying the organizations.
Hence, the international officials turned their
heaviest guns against it. Practically all the Presidents denounced it, likewise many Vice-Presidents and Organizers. But, notwithstanding all
the alarmist outcries that its adoption would
wreck the whole movement, the resolution actually got the votes of a majority of delegates, so
strong was the desire to unify the ranks. The
vote was 141 f or and 138 against. The project
was defeated only by an appeal to the antiquated
system of voting by craft units. The six important crafts split three and three on it, bu&two
delegates, one casting the vote of the whole
Clerk's organization, and the other of the Switchmen's, made the h a 1 vote three crafts for and
five against. The thing was lost.

Another battle raged around the question of
increasing the per capita tax paid by the Internationals to the Department. At present it is 1%
cents per member per month. The proposal was
to increase it to 10 cents. This was another industrialist measure. Giviag the Department more
money meant to strengthen it and give it more
independence in the face of the craft unions. The
International Presidents perceived this very
clearly. They wanted to keep the purse strings
in their own hands, to keep the Department poor
so that they might dictate its policies. It was
pointed out that last year the income of the Department, through donations, etc., all of which
came from the craft unions, amounted to 9%
cerits per member per month. But when it was
proposed that this should be collected by a regular per capita tax guaranteed to the DepartT he Fight Be?gins
ment, and not through gifts and voluntary assessOne of the first big dashes came over a prop- ments under the arbitrary control of the Presiosition to enable the Department to elect its own dents, most violent objection was raised. One
Executive Council. As things now stand the a fter another the International Presidents, or
Ekecutive Council is made up of the Presidents their spokesmen, took the floor and stated that if
of the several affiliated craft unions. The effect the increased per capita tax was adopted their
of this is to reduce the ~ e ~ a r t m conventicsn organizations would quit the Department. Such
dt

TH-E.LABOR HERALD

1
8

THE LABOR HERALD

ance of Way, notwithstanding specific A. F. of
L. law prohibiting it, was a remarkable illustration of the strong rebellious spirit, in the convention. This spirit.was the more noteworthy in
view of the fact that fully 95%'of the delegates
were p 4d o,fficials, system c h a i ~ e n ,each receiving anywhere from $300.00 to $6oo.oo:salary,
plus expenses, p er month. If such high-paid
officials were in this mood it may well be
imagined what was the state of mind of the rank,
and file of workers on the roads. The International officials had to constantly exert all their
power and influence to keep the convention from
running away from them. On nearly every important issue the Presidents, who are usually
reluctant to speak, had to take the floor to hold
,the delegates in check. So standpat, was their
attitude and so unpopular did they become, that
their appearance o a the floor was usually greeted
with ill-concealed groans.
The General Strike V ote
All through the convention the reports of the
committees and speeches of the delegates were
replete with details of how seriously t he organizations are suffering under the "open shopn attacks of the companies. This, in fact, was the
basis of the strong radical sentiment prevailing.
Most of &e delegates realized that the unions
were being driven back and they were eager
for almost anything that would solidify and
strengthen them. A streak of desperation ran
through all the convention's proceedings. This
came strongest to the fore in the discussion on
the question of a general strike of the six shop
trades as a means to put a stop to the "farrriing
out" of work, &he institution of piecework, the
establishment of company unions, and the many
other measures used by the companies in their
militant efforts to destroy the unions and to reduce the workers to slavery.
From the beginning it was evident that a
strike vote would be carried. The only question
was what kind of a strike it should be, a sectional or general one. After reviewing the hostile attitude of the Pennsylvania, New York Central, Erie, Western Maryland and many other
railroads, the Xesolutions Committee presented
a resolution providing for the taking of a national strike vote of the six shop trades if t he
grievances complained of could not be straightened out within sixty days after the close of the convention. This radical proposal did not suit the
Administration and they immediately &gan,to
war against it. Their plan was to confine the
strike merely to the roads affected. Hence Jewell
himself pleaded with the convention. for an
amendment to that end, saying:

-June, 1922

"I am going to earnestly suggest to this
convention t hat the second resolve of this
resolution be amended so the strike ballot
be submitted to the membership .on' the several railroads that may on the date of the
taking of this strike vote, be involved in
the conditions complained of in the whereases of this resolution."
The amendment was obligingly made by a delegate. But the convention reacted viojently
against it. They would have none of its policy
of leaving one part of the shopmen at work to
scab upon those that were on strike. The sentiment was overwhelmingly for a united stand
against.the common enemy. So strong was this
that not even the International Presidents dared
oppose it. For the most part they confined themselves to straddling and to pointing out the difficulties that would have to bg faced.were a national strike called. Some urged that the unions had
no money to finance such strike, and they were
told that the men were hungry 'now and they
.might a s well starve. striking as working. Others
called aqention to the fact that some of the roads
had signed contracts with the shop unions, but
the contention that the roads took them serious
and that the unions should consider them sacred,
was laughed out of court. I t was, indeed, the
time of the radicals. In their determination to
fight and to fight unitedly against the oppressor,
they swept all before-them. The Jewell Administration amendment was overwhelmingly beaten
and the original resolution providing for .a national strike vote unanimously a d~pted. I t was
the one victory of the rebellious spirit of the convention, and it was a veritable triumph.
The Amalgamation Scare
From the opening day of the convention it
was apparent that amalgamation of the many
railroad unions would be one of the most impo'i-tant questions to be considered. The delegates, most of whom realized the imperative necessity of doing something to greatly strengthen
the unions, were full of the subject. They talked
of little else. No less than 40 resolutions demanding. amalgamation in some form or other
were before the convention for action. The very
air was electric with get-together sentiment.
. All.this greatly alarmed the old-time railroad
union leaders. In fact, some of them became
almost panic-stricken. From top to bottom they
ascribed the sentiment to the Trade Union Educational League, which lately had been very activa among t he railroad workers. Their plan was
to scare the budding amalgamation movement.to
death. Caucuses of the delegates were held and
dire warniogs issued of the sad consequences to
follow if amalgamation was encouraged. In this

I

q ' n E : LiA!BO *R H E R A L D

June, 1922

campaign Mr. Gompers hilnself did yeoman service. In a conveniently arranged trip to Chicago,
where the convention was held, he publicly attacked the League most vigorously. Not content with this, he sent his man Friday, Matthew
Woll, to the convention itself to campaign against
the League. Ostensibly Mr. Woll was to advovate the union label, but in reality he spent over
half bis platform time heaping coals of fire
upon the head of our much-maligned organization. His harrangue to the delegates consisted
of the usual torrent of lies and abuse that are
doing service in certain circles as argument
against the League's constructive program. How
frightened he was at the sudden growth of our
educational movement, promising as it does some
real progress in the unions, may be judged by
his lengthy plea that the delegates should not
allow themselves to be made "the tail of a bookselling; proposition," as he dubbed the Trade
Union Educational League. He declared)that the
labor movement was watching to see that this
alarming calamity did not take place. Seldom
has anyone more openly insulted a convention's
intelligence than Mr. Woll with his peurile warnings. But then, he was so anxious to head off
the League and to save the railroad workers
from its terrible machinations that he did not
realize the asininity of his remarks.

.

The Thing Fizzles
T he general air of expectancy and (for the
reactionaries) alarm about the amalgamation
movement increased as the first days of the convention passed and the big fights developed over
various projects tending towards industrialism.
Especially the battle over the election of the Executive Council directly by the convention added
fuel to the flame. Another factor was a mass
meeting called by the League and attended by
fully half of the delegates, at which Wm. Ross
Knudsen and the writer made addresses on amalgamation. Practically everybody looked forward
to a battle royal on amalgamation in the convention, with a good chance for the principle at
least to be adopted. But little came of it. When
the actual issue camegbefore the delegates it
proved pretty much of a fizzle. The industrialists s+ed away from it badly and made a poor
fight. It is not too much to say that a large portion of them were influenced by the intimidations. and red-flag wavings o f. the standpatters.
Th'e measure received only a fraction of the support that it should have, considering the temper
of the convention. It was one of the ironies of
the convention that the body of the delegates
fought consistently for at least a dozen different
measures, all making for the fusion of the railroad organizations and the building of the De-

'g9

partment into an industrial union, but when they
came squarely up against the issue of amalgamation, the. very thing that their many fights on
the flooIf were leading straight to, they fell down
and failed to support it. When they came face
to face with their actual goal they did not recognize it.
T he amalgamation question came before the
convention in a minority report of the Law Committee, submitted as a substitute for the famous
40 resolutions and calling for a referendum vote
of the affiliated unions on the proposition. The
standpatters sailed into this, belaboring it from
all sides. The historian of the future, studying the development of the movement after
the unions have reached the industrial stage, will
snicker at the arguments made against amalgamation at this convention. Fully 99% of them
were the most trivial nonsense of the outpourings, of violent prejudice. Never was the real
question of amalgamation met. The poor old
Knights of Labor, which all the world knows
was merely a mass organization, was dug up
from its grave and made to serve as an industrial union. Likewise the American Railway
Union and the One Big Union, both secession
movements pure and simple, were cited as horrible examples of the folly of amalgamation.
Even President Wharton, who used to be a progressive, was not above putting forth such intellectual trash. H e was a pinch-hitter for the
Administration a ud was brought into the convention to close the debate on amalgamation,
which he did. It would be a waste of t h e and
space to analyse his trivial remarks on the subject at issue.
But if the standpatters made no real arguments
against amalgamation it must also be admitted
that the latter's proponents made few in favor
of it. They were too much on the defensive.
They spent too much time telling what it was
not and too little telling what it was. Outside
of a couple of speeches, there was very little
meat in the many talks favoring amalgamation.
Quite evidently many of the industrialists had
been a little overawed by t&e violent campaign
made against it by Mr. Gompers and other officials. Also, two mistakes were made by the
minority of the Law Committee. The first was
in reducing the proposition to merely an amalgamation of the eight trades affiliated tp the Department, whereas it should have c ~veredthe
whole sixteen. But something much more serious
was their failure to present a concrete plan of
amalgamation when called upon to do so. Jewell
put their shoulders squarely to the mat when he
demanded something more definite than the mere
(C&.nzced on page 30)

June, 1922

Labor Movement'
B y Fritz

B

EFORE the war, the German trade unions

Heckert

starving and poverty-stricken proletariat, likewere counted as the most progressive labor wise a wrecked industrial system.
organizations in the world. They stood under
The working class, brought by Capital into
the immediate influence of the Social-Democratic these difficulties, and disillusioned by the overParty. But even more aapidly than did the whelming defeats in +e war, stormily demanded
party, they passed from the policy of revolution- the repudiation of the trade union policy of class
ary class struggle to that of reformistic oppor- cooperation. They insisted that property rights
tunism. With the outbreak of the war the in the means of production .be abolished. So
leaders of the German trade union movement originated the watchwords, "Socialization of the
became unquestioning followers of the militar- mines and the industries," and "Control of proists. They threw themselves into the arms of duction by the workers." And again it was
nationalism and did all possible to increase na- the trade union leaders, in cooperation with the
tional hatred and to further the war slaughter.
Social-Democratic parliamentarians and theoreFrom the beginning of 1915 we find the trade ticians, who sabotaged the struggle of the workunion leaders carrying on a sharp struggle ers to revolutionize the economic system. The
against the anti-war elements. "Whoever is great strike of the Ruhr miners and iron workers
not for the war policy of the unions is our in the Spring of 1919, fought to socialize the
enemy and must be relentlessly fought," so said mines and the steel works, was betrayed by the
Fritz Paeplow, president of the Building Trades trade union leaders and drowned in blood by
Union. The head of the Sailors' Section of the the Social-Democrat, Noske. The central organ
German Transport Workers' Union, Paul Muller, of the Social-Democratic Party, "Vomaerts,"
wrote after the capture of Antwerp : "The black- directly demanded the assassination of Rosa Luxwhite-red flag waves on the walls of this old embourg and Karl Liebknecht, saying: "Four
seaport, let us hope forever," and the editor of hundred dead in a row, and Rosa and Liebknecht
the miners' journal declared in the Summer of not there, not there!'
1918, "Ninety per cent of German trade unionThe principal theoretidians, Kautsky and Hilists are for holding the conquered territory."
ferding, told the workers that socialization of
I n this frame of mind the labor leaders ceased production is not possible. They compared the
all struggle against the capitalists, declaring broken down German industry with a quarry
social peace with them and helping them legally and "Quarries cannot be socialized." Then, t o
tie the hands and feet of the workers with anti- deceive the workers, a socialization commission
strike legislation. Every revolutionary they was established. Up to this day it has done
considered a mortal enemy to be fought by any absolutely nothing. With the lie that socializameans. They denounced the oppositional ele- tion is at hand, the German Government managed
ments to) the military and civil officials, and to save itself from the assaults of the wqrkers in
many were either sent to the trenches or thrown June, 1919, and to escape an overthrow.
into jail. The leaders were bitterly opposed to
Although the German trade union movement
the revolution, until the fateful 9th of November, had shrunk to only 700,000 members at the end
1918, when, for good or evil, they found them- of the war, in 1919 i t grew to over g,ooo,ooo
selves drawn into it.
members in the Socialist trade unions and almost
In the days of October, 1918, when the mili- 4,000,000 in the others. With only a total of
-tary and economic collapse of the Empire took .17,w,ooo workers in agriculture and industry
place, the German trad' union leaders, headed *The Arbeitsgemeinschaft is a sort of economic parLegien, drew' up the Arbeitsgemeins-iament, made up half of representatives of eml
chaff* with the coal and steel king, H ugo Stinnes. ployersi organizations and h i f of representatives
T he Arbeitsgervueinschaft still stands unshakably of trade unions. It covers all industries, and has
fast, in spite of the revolution, which gave power shop, local, district, state, and national sections. Its
into the handsi of the workers, and notwithstand- function is to settle all disputes arising in German
industry. The whole mechanism is an elaborate
ing a thousand disasterous experiences with i t institution to kill militant action and to establish
later. The end of the war left in G rmany a class-cooperation.
--

THE LABOR HERALD

in general, 13,ooo,ooo organized workers r eprq
sent an irresistible power. But the trade union
leadership has never understood how to use this
power in the interests of the workers. Yes,
apparently they have never even had the intention t o do so. I t is no wonder, therefore, that
the employing class, which after the collapse of
its imperialistic dreams was completely helpless
and exhausted, has been able to take courage, to
reorganize itself, and to begin to wring from the
workers one after another of the latters hard-won
concessions. Indeed, an opposition in the movement sought to win the trade unions for another
policy, to give them a new leadership. And it appeared a s if this opposition would overthrow with
success, the opportunists. u nder the leadership
of the Independent Sodalist, Robert Dissmann,
the great Metal Workers' Union, numbering
~ , b , o o o embers, was conquered. But soon
m
the membership of this big organization learned
that Robert Dissman was only a "word-radical,"
who from the moment he arrived at the head of
the Metal Workers' Union, pursued exactly the
same opportukistic policy as his Social-Dem~cratic predecessor.
In 1920, the opposition split : the Right-Indep ~ d e n t s under the leadership of Dissman, went
;
back into the camp of the class-cooperationists

21

about Karl Legien: while the Left elements affiliated themselves with the small Communist opposition in the trade unions. It was clear that
the right wing of the opposition, although publicly pledged to the postulates, "revolutionizing of
the trade unions," and "dictatorship of the proletariat," really had no other goal than the winning of a few easy-chairs in the labor movement.
When this end was reached it ceased its struggle
and joined hands with jts former enemies. O n
the other hand, the left wing of the opposition
expended its energies to give the entire labor
movement a new fig'hting spirit and to make it
more capable for the struggle. Ever clearer became the differences between the two factions :
A~beitsgemeinschaft nd class cooperation on the
a
one side, and relentless class struggle on the
other. The more the right-wing trade unionists
became prisoners of their class-cooperation policies, the bitterer became their struggle against
their opponents. Where they could, they drove
the latter out of the trade unions.
At the end of t he war the buying power of
equalled 45 pfennigs of prethe Gemn
war time. In the course of a year its value had
fallen to 1.6 pfennigs. Wholesale prices, according to official figures, were 43 times as high in
1922 as in 1913. T o offset &is waFes had

June, 1922
mounted only 15 times. At. the close of 1921
the productivity of the average German worker
was only three-fifths of what it was in peace
time, and his actual wages barely half as much.
Rapid decay of the national economy and rapid
decay of labor power, are the consequences. The
future offers only the saddest prospects. The
cost of living for the workers, from the end of
October, 1921, to the end of February, 1922,
mounted 120%. A broader and stronger wave
o f. price increases is now coming on.
The trade unions have done nothing serious
to organize the defensive struggle of the workers
against these conditions. It is true, however,
that the Socialist trade unions enunciated ten
demands for the workers to fight for, and which
should save the working class and the national
economy from collapse. The chief demand was
the seizure of 25% of all wealth. That meant
codfiscation, for State purposes, of Capitalist
property to the extent of 50 billion gold marks,
and the socialization of the mines and other natural resources. With this help the ruined industrial system was to be set right again. The
working class saw in the realization of. these
demands the possibility to protect their standard
of living and to reconstruct the broken down
industries. Yet the trade union leaders failed
to push these demands, and the Social-Democrats have concluded a tax compromise with
Hugo Stinnes, which freed the bourgeoisie from
the confiscation of their property in return for
the latter's loan of a billion gold marks to the
State. Consequently the workers have been
loaded with new taxes, which swallow up 30%
of their entire income.
Against &is insane policy the working masses
are in revolt. The strike of the railroaders and
the solidarity demonstrations of the workers
generally on behalf of the strikers are visible
sics of the indignation of the working class.
The policy of the trade unions, serving only the
interests of the capitalist class, has led to the
result t hat the workers, badly divided, could
be &fly defeated by the employers. Consequently
a great indifference towards the unions is becoming rtxinifest in the masses. The revolutionary trade unionists are, therefore, devoting
their entire efforts to unite the scattering fights,
the united front of the working class against the
capitalist class is their slogan. And likewise they
are fighting no less resolutely against those
revolutionary workers who turn their backs on
the trade unions and therewith leave the field
entirely free for the old bureaucracy to carry
out its injurious policies.
, I n all national trade unions, in all localities,
in all shops, the revolutionary trade unionists

HowsI Became a Rebel

'

A Symposium. ' Part I.
Editors' note;-A fundamental p wt o f th.e g ei- era1 troops with shotted guns and orders to
era1 ' revolz~tionaryprogram i s to p ake rebels; kill. Next? The brotherhood officials in allit o develop me% ' am? w o m n w ho hawe defbnn'tely ance with the railway officials and orders issued
b rokm iPrith c apitati-~m d w ho are tookivtg fora
to the craft unions . to fill the places of the
&d to the establishment of a Workers' Society. strikers. Next? The office of the American
Bzlt h o d carz such rebels be made? T o t hrow Railway Union raided without warrant of law by
some gght olz t& a ll-+aportmt qwmy, TEE government. thugs, the clerks driven out, the
LABOR JEWD has a sked prom'nent figures in records carted away, and the officials thrown into
I
all b d nches o f the radical movement, to explaili jail in accordance with the law and order probr: fly j w t - h ow, &hy, and m d e r w hat circum- gram of the railway corporations. My blood
st,mce$; t k y b e c a e co.qz61zced that capitalism boiled as I s at with my associates in the foul,
hkd t o be dofie a my':with. The symposium m
l
'
Z rat-infested jail at Chicago. A six-months' sen6 e completed in our J uly m mber.
tence followed, jury trial having been denied.
I
I n jail there was time for sober reflection. RevoI
i
lutionary literature came through the bars. My
. 'E By ~ & e n eV &bs
.
blood cooled and my head cleared. The class
was d v/e r a time in my life when struggle came into bold relief and I saw clear as
I .was not with the weak and poor and the noonday sun how and why the government
again3t-the rich and strong who oppressed came to do the bidding of the railroads abjectly
them. At - fourteen I was a wage-worker in as a trained monkey obeys his master.
In the darkness of a prison cell I saw the
a rriilroad shop. My pay was fifty cents for a
light, and when I walked forth I was a socialist
fen hour day. I had my lesson in wage-slavery
early in life and never forgot it. I n later years and from that day to this I have -been the remany offers came to desert the ranks and climb lentless and uncompromising foe of capitalism
to the "top" but they were all refused. It suited and wage-slavery.
me better to remain a slave than to become a
B y Wm.Roas Knudsen
master. Upon that point I never had a doubt.
R ESH out of High School, with a bourgeois
At sixteen I was firing an engine and at ninepsychology and fame as a roller-skater,
teen, in 1875, I joined the Brotherhod of Locowell dressed and with a beautiful crimson
motive Firemen as a charter member of the necktie as a headlight, I put on my best efforts
Lodrre instituted at Ter- and strolled into San
"
r e Haute. In 1892 I re- Diego, California.
signed the office I held
There was a free
in the Brotherhood to or- speech fight on, but of it
.
ganize the American I knew nothing. SuddenRailway Union. The ly a policeman's hand
craft no longer satisfied shook my shoulder, and
me. The great body of when; insulted, I resistrailway employes were ed, I was slammed in the
not organized at all and jaw ;completely subdued,
.
the American Railway I was brought before the
Union, based upon the police sergeant, absoindustrial principle, ern- lutely in the dark as t o w. R- K~~~~~~
, .~~~
E~~~~ V. DEBS
braced them all. The what was the cause.
railway managers recognized the menace of
"Here's another Red, Sergeant."
the new industrial power of their united emCompletely bewildered, I looked about in a
ployes in the Pullman str&e in 1894 and com- frightened manner. Those ahead of me were
bined t o destroy it. The federal government, questioned regarding Socialism, Unionism, I. W.
subservient to the railroads, gave willing sup- W., etc. I thought I was in a bughouse.
port. The strike had been won clean and the
' Where a re you from?" 'Who are you?"
victory was complete. Not a wheel moved. The "'Are you an I. W. W. ?"
roads were paralyzed and the managers helpless.
I tried to ahswer questions that I did not
What followed ? Injunctions, arrests, and fed- understand. "What are you wearing that red

d

\.

*sy

have formed groups whose duty it is to show
the working masses the necessity of a united
struggle against capitalism and the necessity, of
the revolution. They point out to the workers
that the class-cooperation policy of the trade
union bureaucracy leads only to ruin. During
the past few months this intensive educational
work has had great success. Everywhere, grows
the influence of the revolutionary elements. But
this brings upon their heads equally the hate of
the bovgeoisie and that of the trade union
bureaucracy . Thousands of the best workers
have been deprived of their means of livelihood,
thousands of t he best fighters' have been expelled
from the trade unions. Still our comrades are
undismayed. They see in the hate of their opponents that they are upon the right way, and
they will allow no measure to turn them from
their course of revolutionizing and conquering
the trade unions. During the week after the
railroad strike numberless victims paid the pen-'
alty for their zeal. But every day shows us that
headway is being made, and we are determined
that the organized Berman workers, in the very
near future, can again be pointed to as the most
progressive in the ranks of the world proletariat.

F

1

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&em that I
my Z r d ~ m .
lay mind. Soes? mil while
together, I ~uddenly
Y approach to the socSPrl problem m s p d i d h a . In I wept and w s
a
tical. I was a tepartxr, ia rnwtzkrakw; a d
d the p a n t p b and literature 5
l
n
I had been a college m an; American, Gere h t A* I tmd to $ 1 with m mm full, a ma& R n h uiiimsities. My working Wy
1.
y
ex
r,
scuddRn cammatian bmlre i tn, my tb1~gt;l&. therefore, was W & t i f i i c The ~lc.ialproblem
n
A r dd
v m to me a polrtiaf p b h ; a d the.political
f fc
ad
graMem w u m d . E d m a made our g o t
kd
Be
This
= p a s and h t a the tank g o v ' m m t bad and
P w eat Here X ,XSIPd k m W g arguing, aJld g a d men wadd make i t
iZ
n
sn. ext
wg N
I h 4wI the fire hose was gwd, H one~tS;~ beI
turned &to the
I tried b r d ta away f m t ~ Lievd k t .
the water; w e d i the b wit% &e fuil
n
&
Honestly I * lqosed"
f a k e of the s t m m from. t he howsI fell a moment seventeen cities. Tizey
k ter i m e feet: uf water.
n
were aJ1 ~ ~ f r u p they
T
The brutal acaoxls of the palice, the confine- were all oorrupted hthe
ment wjth these r e W * and my mental reactions s ww way, to the same
t M5, caused me ta have a great interest in c sd. Reg"'d1.a~of mm.
1e m. gwhat i t ~ a a saIl aboltt. I i a v d g a t d . The WWCB of corn@. a in
I f d a2 the litemfare I d d gee. Read*
e1
md W n g produced thr? m t a Red.
dtie ware the m a This
L ~ N ~ C-RS
SN
suggested h t general,
not merely personal forces were at work, and that
N I was g ~ u a g W* taught IWS. the preb1rm.s of all our cities were all m e p roblm
I
I
wozs taught tb€?rKk very mmstly, a d I and that the s01ntioa.mmt be one,
At b t time many dty people thought that*
to aagpdy t m auld I diswvered that t world
h,
k
w-h& the cities were "bad? tbe state govern$id not mean for them t o be a- mlied. Neither ments were "g80dm g r '%&fm?' I took the trail
&e i d d s of
tQ the statesI and I "did" eleven of them. They
ity, which I learnedpnor
were 211 corrupt. They were all mmptad h
rhos2 of the poets w b m
eact1y the same wag. They were all cormpted
I w w tan&t $0 h e I had
c
,
just a s the cte were corrupted. h l as ia
iis
the c itie~,the s m c e s of t-he cormpltion in an
my eleven states were the -me.
But thu: nationail ~ o v m l e n t .that a t Iiast was
:
"gmd;'I wrote a sedes d artides in W d &ton8 giving prticdan whkh i genera1 &own
eb that the 3P$dmt G overnmat was n d mly
~~t
like!the cities and the ~Clrtw it w s e ;
am
mpted i r ~ same m y , by the same interests.
the
d a~trid ad financial
mm
L.2LABa
Xla the T g m m o this inmdgatiofl I m t
m
f
e
syshm js founded uPQn
f
r
a s i ideas d btrie;mUp qjposctd t a thaw ;ef all mrb o men i9 p &tia: p o d and bad, c&
et: d
md r efomen. 'It made no. essential CSiBemce,
C hrissie$- and d h w e .
Our p dithl system w8.S ,@qpma?dta be better : The best and ablest refarmers I watched at wcark
that L tci say, m-ay,ero&@ a d We +bts of were either beaten or comptwl. The. pmm of
lmwmity w as ~ u p p d ail there. But s amption weht on over or w der o r
t~
E8ridt~tiythe problem was m at moral
em politics w e corrupt, md.1 d!acoverd that then~~~
i t w a ~ ig business ij.M&
b
&e corrupting. pmblm liuld the mlprion waa nd-goa$ness.
&
the
When 1 I
W
&,
s
i
md
eat attout ita I Bad men d i4 a CLLUSX evil; gcmd mcm d d
f w d h t the upholders a f &e present system not do much good.
invariably either r idialed a of h a m e fadig&,
Still thinbg in t erns of good and evil, I asked
n ant with m - So gradually I Betame a r&l,
e.
what did the evil, and to firid the answer I passed
and I %aa kept in tfie fnmd of rebg.lli.lliwl by evew- by &a sad started for the rcma That's what
I kam about t e present world; by every *'radidJm e m : a
h:
for the mots Qf SOne-e

for?$* I h all7 @ced

W~S
a

P I M 'w'
C C %b' and gained
C%n~e tdde I
w

M

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;.

Metal Workers Awake
B y Jay Fox

T

I RTY years ago when a dozen! of us metal about our joint relations with the boss, that is
mechanics were delegated to organize the well worth the years of effort.
first Metal Trades Council in Chicago, the
Not Craftsmein, Just Employees
initial step was taken in the evolution df t he idea
that, in the near future, is going to reach its
W e have learned t hat a s union men all of u s
culmination in the amalgamation of all our un- have the same point of contact with the boss.
ions into one metal trades organization. A t that Whether we be molders, blacksmiths, m*
a&
time none of us had the least idea of amalga- ists, boilermakers, patternmakers, engineei-s, firw
mation, although we felt the need of united men, o r whatnot, when we approach the boss
action on the part of the metal trades. AfKlia- with a n agreement our craft distinctions disaption through a council was, naturally, the first pear and we become "etnployees'" seeking to batstep. I t was for the future to determine the gain f or our services collectively. The more of'
practicability of our move and to carry the idea US there are in that collectivity, the better barfurther if it failed to fulfill the need.
pain we will be able to strike. Having. &&
T he ideal of the most advanced of us at that &owledge we begin to look around f br & o m
time was a Metal Trades Council that would take of union that will always insure us the b i g s &
m
full charge of our relations with the bosses and crowd when we wish to negotiate terms of e ployment. A union that would represent every
swing all unions behind the demands of each.
person in the plant is the ideal organization. For,
W q did not know to what extent our separate why have more than one union, since one win
International union relations would interfere with fulfill the desired function, and do it best? I
such a plan. I t had to be tried out first. In don't think I need to elaborate upon this phase
fact, we never thought that our crafts unions of the subject. Every metal mechanic' h aws
might be improved upon. I t was not up to us, it is only too true, that our greatest obstacle .to
at that early date, to have such a far-off idea as united action is our different International a s h that of a union that would take care of us all. tions.
Yet the idea, is very simple and most logical. I
We have tried to carry out this idea of udtjf
am sure that if anyone had p.roposed such a of action through our M. T. Councils, but o w
union he would have been laughed at.
success has not been at all what it should have
been. Nlot that the councils are at fault. The
We were all such staunch believers in the councils are all right, and must remain as t he
craft union idea in those days, that we did not local central bodies through which our various
admit helpers. Thus there were two unions in
local r nions will function, as for example, the
the blacksmith shop, in the boiler shop and carpenter's district councils. The trouble with
foundry; and the machinists would not admit us is that the power behind the councils is
men who operated drill presses, bolt cutters, or scattered and we have a dozen different constiturret lathes. The theory was that we highly tutions and a dozen sets of International officers.
skilled men had nothing to gain by bothering The result is, that it is almost impossible to get
with helpers or semi-skilled men. But in time joint action at any given point with the assurance
we learned that these workers did cut some figure that funds will be forthcoming in case of need
in the shop, and that in a strike, by staying on from all the Internationals. Some of the bthe job, they made it much easier for the boss ternationals may be financing strikes elsewhere
to get on without us. So we proposed amalga- and don't feel able to undertake burdens. Such
mation to the helpers and now, with the excep- Internationals either forbid their men to stsilce
tion of the foundry, we are down to one union o r tell them they may do so on their own r e s p in each department. The molders amalgamated sibility. Thus the opportunity for united a c t h
with the core makers, but somehow left out the a t strategic moments is lost, and our whole
other foundryworkers.
of metal trades unity falls t o the ground.
The fault does not lie with the I nternatiawb.
Thus far only have we gone in the way of
actual amalgamation in 30 years. However, our I t is the system that is a t fault. How can
30 years of association in our Metal Trades have united action locally when we havenst $ot
Councils have prepared the way for the greater it nationally? The Internationals can never,
amalgamation. We have learned a few simple agree upon a working code so long as
things about our relations with each other and have separate treasuries and separate rules; s

T &e
m

tind C m @a 6e heard from
Qt
to
in the al&tio. of the & M s t s " U d h ,
the
for Pre&lenf i rqmftd on May 16@h,
s
%6

f 1 0:
01m

wf&. . jb&b&bXl, ...;..... 3 ,
E
.0
w
..,... 10,2118

W m. W h o t s & #
s

T he p Iatfam u pfi wM& &dsa made his
campaign w as un-compFamisi.s:1y k r b dustrial,
mbnism in the meh1 W e s , st~~g&e agahst the
employing A s s , &d '*ation
tQ &e Red Trade
Union International.

I wish to m e 6 a coqectioa in my W e
A R W bB HAUMFB? In mp .
m ~ I ,naBwrtkntJy omitted axwi&h ka-E %he
i
Br&t.hcm@ of Railroad Signabea, ~~"~,
,
.
I

s t impregnable ink=finance and the M e
railroading, the utter
amtian becomes apmostly always takes
r bitter experience
the burdens of the
orrect its mistakes.

E . K. Henry

T HE LABOR H ERALD
A -Militant, Constructive Monthly
Trade Union Magazine
Official Organ of the
Trade Union Educational League
WM. 2 FOSTER, EDITOR
.

Subscription prica, $ . 0
-25

mediate action in the matter. Each central labor
body, district council, state federation, and international union, should take the matter up. Governor
Stephens, in Sacramento, California, should be bombarded with resolutions, letters, and telegrams, d e
., manding t hat Tom Mooney a nd.Warren Billitlgs be
released. Upon the action of our unions will ilepend the fate 'of these champions of Labor. Act,
a t once.

p a year

Published a t
1 8 No. L a SalIe Street
1

CHICAGO, ILL.
Member o The Federated P n s s
f

DEMAND TOM* MOONEY? RELEASE
H E Governor of California has many times
stated as his excuse for not taking action in
the Mooney Case that "Labor is not interested
in the freedom of Mooney and Billings." The entire
case against these two men has been shown, point
by point, to have been a frame-up. Every piece of
substantial evidence brought against them has been
proven rankest perjury. No one doubts that they
are completely innocent of the charges upon which
they have been in prison for years. District Attorney Brady has requested Governor Stephens to
grant them pardons. But the Governor answers,
"Labor is not interested."
As a matter of justice, what difference does it
make whether b b o r is interested or not? W hat
has this got to do with the case? ' Since when has
justice openly become a mere question of politics?
The Mooney frame-up is a stench in the nostrils of
the whole world; it stands as a Bving indictment
of our entire system of "justice," which has two
codes, one for the poor and one for the rich. Mooney
is proven innocent, but there is no way to release
him from prison. Imagine t h e prisoner a wealthy
man; does any one doubt that he would have been
released long ago? No case in modern times has
shown such a bold and shameless miscarriage of
justice; even the famous Dreyfus affair is not to
be compared with it. There is not tlre shadow of
reason for the men's imprisonment.
The Mooney Case is only the most glaring of our
many travesties upon justice in labor cases before
the courts. Hundreds of other labor men are still
in prison on frame-ups differing only m degree from
this one. But the Mooney Case, particularly, symbolizes the whole struggle against a corrupt and
heartless capitalistic machine.
Unfortunately, there is a germ of truth in Governor Stephens' statement, that " labor is not interested," and that is exactly *he reason why Mooney
and Billings are not released. I t he trade union
f
movement had given proper support to the case,
the victims would have been out of prison long ago.
Notwithstanding that their continued incarceration
is a monstrous crime, Governor Stephens will not
act until he is forced to do so. He wants to hear
from the labor movement. Well, let him hear.
The case is in the hands of' Organized Labor.
Every local union in the c ountrycshould take im-

T

.-

'

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THE LEAGUE CONFERENCE
d

Y LSEWHERE in this issue is printed the Call
f or the First National Conference of the Trade
Union Educational League, to be held in C
hicago, Aug. 26th and 27th. This conference will be the
constituent body of the League, and will officially
launch the nationql movement and its organization.
This gathering will be the first time in our lab,or
history that practicalry a ll of the aggressive, forward-looking, radical and progressive groups have
come together ,for; t he purpose of planning on a
large. scale for. the educational w ork which is t o .,
consolidate and strengthen out: t rade unions, slaking.
of them the fighting instruments which, we must,
have if' we are to' stop the present retreat of our
organizations and go ' farward instead of backward.
f
In addition to t he~delegates rom the League groups,
i
who wW make up t h e conference proper, there will
be delegates from sympathetic and radical organizations in a consj tative capacity. It would b e<hard
t o overemphasize the importance of this gathering,
or to overstate 'its Significance for the futnre'of
I.
American h b o ~ . .
Out of this conference of the active unionists of
t he movement will come a New Charter for Labor,
holding up for the gliidance of the militants everywhere the t rue principles of militant trade unionism, and , the ideal and goal toward which our organizations. must struggle, and. which give meaning .
and value to the trade union movement. Into the,
darkest corners of the labor m oreqent, light will
go, giving new hope and courage, and adding
strength to the arms and brains of all who work
in the cause of Labor's emancipation. Every milit ant union man ,will a t opce become active, and
make sure that his locality has representatives a t .
this, t he 'most important iabor gathering of the
i
period.

a

I

I

THE

1

.

TEXTILESTRIKE

,

a

.

,.

wopde;fu!ly ' heroic struggle of the tex&
T H E _ r k e r s is being waged againat terrific,,odds.
Froni week to week it has gone dn, with no signs
of a settlement, or of weakening upon t ke ' part of
the workers.. T he rich barons of the textile mills
a re determined to add to their enormous wealth,.
wrung from the toil and sweat of these men and
women, by increasing still further their exploitation.
With the weapon of immediate and quick starvation,
they hope t o force the textile workers to accept a
condition of abject slavery.
In contrast to their wonderful stand against the
mill owners, there is a deplorable lack of unity
within the ranks of the strikers. I t is- pitiable, t o
watch the quarrels between the Amalgamated Textile Workers, the One Big Union, the United Textile Workers, and the other unioas, with tbeir mutual
o
recriminations in the press, ~ icketing f each other's
A

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1

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THE LABOR H E R A L D

30

c ar after car of scab coal. The Coal Kings are
'cashing in on the strike a t t r e m e n h s l y increased
prices, with the assistance of the railroaders. In
fact, i f , the men on the railroads had entered into a
deliberate alliance with the employers to break the
miners' strike, they could not work more effectively
to that end than they are doing. Knowing, as every
wide-awake worker does, that the great industries
of steel, mines, and railroads, are owned by exactly
the same financial interests, they should recognize
the need for one common fight against the common
enemy. But still the unions seem not to have learned
that their interests are class interests, not craft
interests.
Such a shameful situation cannot be accepted
without protest. The question of active solidarity
with the miners should be raised in every local
lodne a nd svstem federation: railroad men should
..
getatheir organizations unitediy t o refuse t o handle
scab coal.

a consistent point of view upon all o-f the labor
e vmts as they occur,' makes it a thing to be
wondered about.
"I keep asking myself how it happened. Yesterday, there wasn't anything but a desert of
half-dead, miconnected, meaningless "labor papers" kept going by artificial respiration; and
suddenly today we find a garden teeming with
ripe fruit. Evidently, the makings of it were
there all along. And now, irrigation.
"Salutskv's article on the needle trades situation is v eG keen, I think. I t is b ig calibre stuff.
For meaningness, it is almost like a business
letter. Nobody would write a business letter
unless he had to convey certain information.
I'm delightid t o see that this month's LABOR
HERALD i s just as merciful upon its readers and
the paper supply, as any business manager is in
FOSTER MAKES WESTERN TRIP
writing letters.
E GINNING early in July, the secretary of
"Well, I haven't said much, but you must
the Trade Union Educational League will know that my heart is pumping fast with enmake a trip through the West, covering the thusiasm for the marvelous thing you are doing.
plincipal cities. He will lecture on "The-Crisis And I'm very happily amused with seeing that
in the American Labor Movement." If your you smoked Sam out. I hope you printed a big
city has not received a date for a meeting, write edition.
Robert M n r
io.
to the League, and an effort will be made to
arrange such a meeting. The routing will be
RAILWAY EMPLOYEES' CONVENTION
closed within two weeks.
(Contz'rmed from page 19)
word amalgamation and they replied that they
AN OPINION OF THE LABOR HERALD had no plan to offer. The greatest argument
HAVE just read No. 3 of THE L-R
against amalgamation was the failure of its advoHERALD. t is the most stirring reading that cates to adequately present and defend it.
I
has come to my eyes in many long months.
The convention accomplished absolutely nothI can't resist the temptation to say that the, quality of it is astonishing-astonishing to me, who ing in a constructive way, save possibly the orexpected much of it. The s tartlkg thing about dering of the strike vote, and 'that could have
it is its complete success in getting away from been done about as well by the Executive Coun"dead matter," or "boiler plate" filler, and, what cil itself. Representing the craft idea, the Adis perhaps more rroteworthy, its plastic adjust- ministration was content to defeat the progress'ment t o the entire gamut of national Labor ive stuff proposed by the industrialists. They,
themselves, proposed nothing new. Apparently,
Union events and, situations of the day.
desperate situation of the railroad"The first d d e on the Coal Strike is such in the
a relief from the ;miles of unenlightening news- ers, they believe there is nothing to be done but
type that I've been reading- i t is informative. to run around in the same old circle. The conT h a the heme gait is kept up all the way vention left off just where it began. It w& the
through, or, in fad, t he juciness of the stuff old story of marching the army up the hill and
increases with each page. G udsen's stuff makes then marching down again. This is a sad fact
a man know a lot of things about the Metal but a true one. The only encouraging feature
Trades that he didn't h o w b eforeinteresting of the convention was the prevalence of such a
large body of progressive thought. This in&thing t hat you like to refnember.
"And then-Gee whiz! I can't keep it up; it. cates a similar condition among the rank and file.
would be too much like a recommendation col- It is to be 'hoped that this spirit will grow and
expand so that when the next convention of the
umn in Lydia E. Pinkham's advertieement.
"The mere fact that THELABOR
HEBALD has Department assembles the delegates will come indrawn together an array of writers who can only structed to merge our many weak and detached
be classified as the best trade union brains in the railroad unions into one, militant, all-conquering
United States, is enough. That it is,being edited combination. To bring that about is the task
in such a mann&r a s to play a sSeady stream of now before live wire railroad workers.

THE LABOR HERALD

June, 1922.

June, 1922

THE INTERNATIONAL
FRANCE
T H E Provisional Administrative Council of the
Unity
of Labor-C.
G.
T. U. (the revolutionary half of t he F rench union
movement which recently split away f rom t he old
General Confederation of Labor-C. G. T.) has published a projected constitution for the new body, to
be discussed by the movement in preparatioi for
the coming convention in St. Etienne. The proposed
statutes differ widely from those of the old organization. Most of the differences are devices to prevent bureaucratic domination by the officialdom and
to place control in the hands of the rank and file.
The French militants have had mbre experience in
fighting autocratic officials in their unions than any
other rebels in the world; first in the big struggle
beginning 30 years ago when the original Syndi& calists won control of the organizations from the
primitive union autocrats, and then in the recent
desperate battle with the yellow Syndicalist leaders,
which resulted in splitting the whole trade union
movement in two. In these internal wars for control they have learned just what forms of organization serve best as seats of autocracy and which yield
most to rank and file pressure. On the basis of this
dearly-bought experience they are trying, in the
proposed constitution ,to place the direction of the
new organization as far as possible in the membership. Their experiment, coming as it does from
such seasoned militants, will be of the utmost importance to the whole labor world. The official
statement accompanying the projected statutes,

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"In working out the present constitution, the
Provisional Administrative Council has been inspired constantly by the necessity of placing
the entire confederal organization under the
direct and permanent control of the membership.-Henceforth, the C. G. T. U. will live, not
merely through the activity of its superior organisms, but especially by setting in motion all
its cells, by the initiative of all its members!'
In the new statutes many means are proposed to
check the growth of autocracy, such as limiting the
officials to one term of office and making them ineligible for re-election until after a t erm of years,
etc. But the most fundamental of all is the drastic
shearing of functions and importance from the national industrial unions and the transference of
these functions and importance t o organizations
called regional unions. Before the significance of
this can be realized we must glance a moment at
the former state of affairs.
In some respects the old C. G. T. was a unique
organization in the world's labor movement. I t was
in reality a double federation. Its national executive
committee had two secretaries and was divided into
two sections, one of which was made up of a representative apiece. of all the local trades councils, or
bourses du travail. This peculiar type of organization dated baek to the early struggle for control
between the Syndicalists and the reactionaries. The
former secured their first stronghold in the local
trades councils and eventually used them as the
means to revolutionize the national industrial unions,

which were more s usce~tible t o autocratic rule.
Hence, the Syndicalists ;eveloped a &eat liking f o r
the trades councils, and when they came into power
in the C. G. T. they insisted that the trades councils
be organized nationally t ogether and accepted as a
distinct wing of t he movement. ~ ~ wingsh were
t
supposedly of equal
A t first the nationally organized local trades
councils, because of their great prestige for having
revolutionized the movement and given birth to
modern Syndicalism, were the dominant wing. But
gradually the national industrial unions, throngh
having greater economic functions, got the upper
hand. Little by little, with the passage of the years,
they took on more and more influence until, finally,
the local trades council section of the C. G. T. became little more than a withered appendix. The
result was that when the recent fight developed
between the "lefts" and the "righs" in the unions
the former, although again capturing the local trades
councils quite easily, had a desperate struggle with
the "rights" intrenched in the national industrial
unions. And now that the split has occurred, and
in consideration of their bitter experiences with the
national unions, it is not strange to see the "lefts"
emasculate these natural seats of autocracy and turn
their functions over to the type of organization
which they have been able t o control and get results
from, in this case the regional unions.
The regional unions are local trades councils.
They are based upon industrial, rather than political
or geographical lines. They include all the local
unions in given industrial districts. Being local in
character they will lend themselves more easily t o
rank and file control. Under the new plan they are
given full autonomy to organize and direct the
battle.of t he workers in their respective jurisdictions. Quite evidently, if they grow and prosper,
their prime weapon will be the local general strike
of all trades. Nationally they are linked together
in the National Confederal Committee, the highest
committee in the C. G. T. U. I n fact, they make
up the whole committee, whereas the national industrial unions, so powerful in the old C. G. T. and
all other labor movements, are denied all representation whatsoever on the committee. The national unions are reduced to little more than technical societies ; henceforth the burden of the struggle
will fall upon the regional unions. The official
statement has this to say about the functions of the
two types of organization, national industrial unions
and regional unions :
"The regional unions fill an evident need;
they arise irresistably out of the'industrial evolution and concentration registered in late
years. They are called to bring about the harmony of the labor movement, by wiping out the
trade barriers which hinder the proletariat from
realizing its true moral unity. The regional
unions are the complete cells of federalism; the
perfect expression of the C. G. T. U. in their
organization, their functioning and their action."
"It i s quite evident that-the birth of the
regional unions leads us to determine the new
role of the national industrial unions, which is

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TH-E L A B 0 R I3ERAL.D

--- materially different*from t 4e .aid one. I# these
' f bodies continue to co-ordinate the national. trade
I
action, it is undeQiable t hat their task has beeb
considerably lightened by the regional unions.
T he perfect liason between the regional unions
and the national industrial unions will make the
role of the latter all the easier. The national
, ' $industrial unions especially shall study the industrial life of the country, each in the specialty
' 9which concerns it. Upon them particularly will
I
fall the duty of studying technical improvements,
assembling statistics, and making investigations
& 6f all sbrts, so as to permit the C. G. T. U., in
' ,$full knowledge, to direct its defensive and offensive action, a nd t o indicate, so far as possible,
. r t he constructive task of trade unionism!'
I

Book Department of THE LA--1. HERALD
Live Wires Wanted to Circulate the Following Books:
THE RAILROADERS' NEXT STEP-AMALGAMATION.
(Second Edition).
By W m. Z F oster. 64 pages. Revised and Enlarged.
Single copies, 25c e ach; 10 to 200 copies, 15c.
STORIES OF THE GREAT BAILROADS.
By C harles E dward Russell. 332 pages. $1.25 per copy.
THE GEEAT STEEL STRIKE.
By Wm. Z. F oster. 265 p ages Cloth, $1.75; p aper, $1.00 per copy.
RESOLUTIONS AND DECISIONS OF THE FIR8T WOBLD CONGRESS OF
REVOLUTIONARY TRADE UNIONS-MOSCOW. 96 pages. 15c p er copy.
THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION. By \\'m. %. F oster. (Sold out.)
THE REVOLUTIONARY CRISIS OF 1918-1921 IN GERMANY, ENGLAND,
ITALY AND FRANCE.
By Wm. Z . F oster 64 pages.
Single copies, 2 % ; 1 0 or more, 15c.

9,

,a

abolish the local and national unions

,.
4

,

j +-;.

8

-

AUSTRALIA
GENERAL a idgarnation of all t he trade unions
in Australia, on the 0. B. U. plan is now taking
place. The union is being constructed upon the
department plan. Three unions, t h e Miners, Laborers, and Transport Woikers, have already come in
on the plan. They number approxiinately 200,000
workers. .Other unions are now balloting and will
unquestionably decide to join. Thus is rapidly coming to fruition many years of work and propa- it prevail. The succe
ganda by Australian rebels. The latter have been worth of 'intelligent
fortunate in their methods. For a long time past
they have concentrated their e££orts upon the @id
unions, seeking t o merge them together and t o
infuse them with revolutionary ideals. Success is
now being achieved. The new organization, built nail.
of the old ones, is distinctly revolutionary in character and promises soon to play a most important
FINLAPTI)
art i n the industrial life of Australia.
Y a vote of 12,881 for and 5,813 against, the Finnish trade union movement has voted to atEiliate
with the Red Trade &ion International. This is
HE Norwegian trade union movement is now an indication of the rapid *growth of radical senticonsidering (and will probably adopt) a funda- ment in the former organization. During the past
mental plan of reorganization , somewhat %kin t o year the Communists have. succeeded in securing a
that being applied in Australia. The aim is to trans- majority of the Executive Board of the Confederaform the present loose national federation of trade tion o f T rade Unjoss, and of several important naunions, controlled by b ureai~crats,into a compact tional unions, including the Sawmill Workers, and
class organization dominated by the rank and file. Laborers.
A t t he 1920 convention of the Norwegian Federation
of Labor the following resolution was adopted :
"The congress recommends that the Federation
of Labor be reorganized on the basis of local
trade union councils. These local councils will
N amalgamation plan is now being carried out
in all essential points take over the rights and
to fuse together the unions in the metal indusduties of the present trade unions. The Federa- try, including the Federation of Metal Workers,
tion w ill be divided into groups corresponding bronze workers, motor engineers, and tin smiths.
This move followed upon the heels of a consolidation
to the great industriese"
A committee of nine was appointed to investigate of the employers forces.
this proposal, and its report is now before the various organizations for consideration. The question
will be definitely settled a t the trade union convenSWEDEN
tion in 1923. T ~ O lans have been submitted by the
p
committee f or the proposed re-organization . One, F OLLOWING t he merging of the Swedish Fedrration of Bakers and Pastry Cooks and the Swedendorsed by the majority, establishes the local trades .
councils as the basis of the labor movement. These ish Federation of Butchers, a new organization has
bodies, each of whjch a re to be made up of the been formed, called the Swedish Federation of Food
local unions in i ts locality, shall have a large degree Industries. Further amalgamations of important
of autonomy in handling trade. disputes. The local groups of unions a re looked for in the near future
trades councils are to be organized nationally in as part of the workers' program to offset the growthe Norwegian Federation of Labor. The latter ' ing power of the employers by strengthening their
.
shall take over complete control of 'the whole labor own ranks.

.,
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THE LABOR HERALD

1922

gy$.

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AMALGAMATION
By W m. 2. Foster
This 64-page pamphlet, written by a practical railroad man of many
years' experience, fills a long-felt want of railroad unionists. Phase by
phase and step by step it scientScally and irrefutably establishes the case
for amalgamation. Place this pamphlet in the hands of the rank and
file and it will not be long until the f usyn of the sixteen railroad unions
into one body is an accomplished fact.

T HE VOICE
. of
LABOR
The Organ of Militant W o r k i n g ~ s
Expression

307

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Here is a model of trade union pamphleteering. In the seven chapters into
which the 64 pages of this booklet are divided are combined deep research,
cool analysis of fact, broad knowledge of the industry and of its history,
unflinching determination to move men and conditions upward and onward.
From the opening sentence, "The supreme need of the railroad men at the
present time is a consolidation of our many railroad organizations into one
.cwlpact body," to 'the closing prophecy that in time the consolidated railroad
il
unions wl "pit their enormous organization against the employing class,
end the wages system farever, a nd set up t he Long-hopect3or e m justice," there is not a drdl sentence i n the-book.

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A feature of the pamphlet is a beautiful cover, designed by the mellknown a rtist, Fred Ellis.

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Vol. I.

July, 1922

.

99

No. 5

Trades Unionism in Canada
B y Jack McDonald

T

H E trade union movement in Canada has
developed under the social and economic
conditions created by its peculiar position.
Canada is dominated by two great powersEngland and the United States. Politically a
part of the British Empire, Canada is becoming
more a nd more dependent in finance and indus.
t ry upon Wall Street. Downing Street and Wall
Street being at times in conflict, Ottawa (capital
of Canada) is bent and torn between them.
Moreover, the farming interest is raising its
voice, and having some peculiar interest at odds
with both Downing Street and Wall Street, complicates still further the situation. Capitalist
Canada is not a unit; it is a house divided against
itself. And the labor movement is just beginning
to make itself heard.
Canadian Labor also is greatly influenced by
two great labor powers, the British Unions and
the United States Unions. Partaking of the
philosophy and traditions of the British, yet it
is organically hooked up with the United States
unions because of the close ecoilomic connection
between the two countries. The great bulk of
Organized Labor in Canada is part and parcel of
the International Unions with headquarters in
the United States-yet
the Canadian, like the
British rather than like the U. S. movement,
stands for the Labor Party in politics and is
affiliated to the Amsterdam International.
Thus the Canadian Labor movement stands
somewhere between the British and United States
movements. ' I t finds it impossible to progress as
far as the British, but neither can it remain as
backward as the U. S. I t stands somewhere in
between, but, while the British influence of ideas
and programs is strong, undoubtedly the U. S.
influence of economic relationship is the most
vital and important.

Indegendeat and National Unions
According to available statistics there are approximately 300,000 t rade unionists in Canada.
The vast majority of these are members of the
"Internationals," of the great unions with headquarters in t he United States, mainly of t he Am-

erican Federation of Labor. In addition to the
Internationals, there are also a few independent
unions, or federations, which are nationalist in
character. Those in the railroad industry are
described in another article. Some of the other
most important ones are as follows:

T he C anadia~z ederation of Labor is a federaF
tion of purely Canadian unions. Its title is more
pretentious than its strength warrants, as very
few unions are affiliated, and these are weak.
The pioneers of this movement were the Pressmen who seceded from the International Typographical Union nearly 15 years ago, at the time
of the struggle for the eight-hour day. A T oronto local of Electrical Workers, formerly of
the International, now the Electrical Workers of
Canada, is the strongest unit in the Federation.
This local seceded from the International about
two years agd. Toronto, Ontario, is the center
of the Federation. Small units come and go, and
its total strength is never more than a few thousands. A s hort time ago an official publication
was launched, Canadian Pederationist, which, according to late reports, is in bad financial straits.
Generally speaking, the secession unions which
make up this federation are imbued with a narrow nationalist spirit, and have a deep prejudice
against being governed "from the other side."
T h e N atio~zal Catholic U nions a re of recent
origin, and are located solely in the French-Canadian Province of Quebec. Born and reared
under the direct control of the Catholic Church,
they are an attempt, ( I ) to prevent the organization of the Quebec workers in the same unions
with fellow workers in the other provinces, and
( 2) a n attempt to b ring t he question of religions
into the economic organizations of the workers.
They are confined solely to members of the
Catholic faith. Their strength has been gradually
increasing, and is now around 35,000. T here is
a strong sentiment among the employers in
Quebec against the International Unions. Quite
recently the Premier made a bitter attack upon
them., he was infuriated at the strong stand take^
by the Typographical Union. The question W&S

THE LABOR HERALD

THE L A B 0

July, 1922

.-

"Mibereas, we have discovered through p&ful exp r i m e s the utter futility of separate aetan on the
pad of t e workers organized merely along craft lines,
h
su~
tending to
the relative p osi~an
of the master-class; therefore be it
L
"Resolved, that this W ~ t e r n abor Copference plaee
itself on record as favonng the reorgWWabon of the
workers along Q dwtrial lines, so that by virtue of their
industtial strength the workers may be better prepare
to edorce any demand they consider essential to thew
m a i o t m c e and well-being.

r a i s a 31t 2 S'egislature, and the hfe@& made
h
wm
the International u --wuebec.
- But q m - ~ e Catholic unions, it. L int&esting
'
to note, have whetted the appetite of '&e workers
hrrorgrmization, a nd bid fair to thwa* the pur.- . -t-heir organizers. The m w r .epncesof - s i ~ n sgiven them, as a f o n d recog&ithn of
:
&eirirorgagked state, have also w e n an inkling
of what a real organization could and would do.
Reselution No. 3, carried, read as follows:
T k Luanber W orkms I n d d c s W , Qwioa of
"Resolved, that t,his Cbnvention recommends to its
Canada. formerly the British C olmGa Loggers, affiliated membership the s evemce of their a p i t i o n
-ih
were at one t&e a strong orgmim*
T he w t the ~ n t e r n a t i dorganizations, and that steps be
an
&kl
f all workers!'
presmt conditions are, however8 v a y adverse, taken to form of .i ~ dpolicyorganization or&@*is also
fie
cornittee
Section
w ith the i Ioiing down of mamy of the lumber interesting:
a nips due to the depression. The lumber
me opLjaa of th
it
be
workers .&came a miated to t he One Big Union to estabbh an indilStrkl form of org-ation.
.
a ,i ts inception, and were its greatest financial
t
I n May of that year came the memorable Winsupport. I n 1920, however, they broke away be- nipeg g e a d strike. While this was ane of the
cause of disagreement over the form of organiza- most g g c
+ &t
displays of working-chss solition, and took their present name. In spite of darity k^HarthAmerica, culminating h the
f i e hard times they are now going through, this ~&SO=&
af the strike leaders, it also gave
virile and r adial organization has blazed tke si mE V t t he formation of the 0. B. U. Which
t fh s o
m
for the Canadian labor movement by decid- csme h'3&e. T he m ovemat, under the s lop'n
ing jn Coovention, some months ago, for af5Xa- d industrial unionism and secession f m &a
t i ~ to the Red Trade Union International. '%"bgp Internationals, virtually swept the Westem ~ r & n
Gavg no rivals 'in ,.he C anidkn lumber g+
vinces. O Sdal figures placed the m mbership
an$ k revival in the industry w ill give these -1a t around 40,000. However, it fail* mtterly in
..
wsrts, th6 .opportunity of making t heir-pxtk felt its c&nt t o invade the %st. W m %%kecall
b
r
k-C ~ . a d a nce again,
o
that the -Eastern P rovines a re the i . ~ t M a and
l
, y kq.Dpe B
ig U~ioigrt.ates from the m f w a c e m anuIx&ring provinces, conitainhg %h$d k of
d
b
fg#& ? c 1, a t &l&y,hL1b1&~.- About the ppdahn of Canada, it I c l a r that '@s fact
. h91%
s
zsn.Aelegates f r m ~ r a d e sC O ~ m d, local h omed the 0. B. U. Sin&then there has been
~E
w&nspf the I ntemtionds, 0f the f our l4$itern progresiiwe decay in that
Pxovince3-British
Columbia, Alberta, h k a t - of memb@&ip are conflict
~ heycpPP Manitoba-met
a nd.
and m a some that it &om not exceed 4,000 and h W%mipeg
ae
a
momentous decis<ons.
alone &ea it have any strength. T&e~e not a
&
The.W estem delegation at tbe An&tl D.Eenin- trace of .ileft in Vancouver, while k h %
&
iiRg Tra* and Labor Congress 'had al1way4a m- Edmonton, Calgary and Saskatoon
h s e d the-ridicab o l eft-we+ Ap&mmkly be- strongholds, nothing but the name
r
c ombg. impatient a t thk slaw pzxyfrw of,&#& day, when & e 0. . U.is denouncing I n d p a l
B
ideas a rnongs~he Eastern workers, and withcat& W nm and the Red Trade Uniota Internationt
oi
goreseeing the distastrous effect that their d e al, we find most of its former spokesmen a rc now
c b i ~ n as to have on the
w
against ehe policy of dual unionis* and a& S or
this! oohference decided to
b M r i a l unionism through amalgamatioiq, ~d
all connections with the I a t m m M the program of the Red International; a o
tb
mw
a~~tions.
these may b mentioned Kavamgh of Vancouver,
e
%hw_Oae-Big Union has e hnged & b Magridge and Lakeman of Edmonton,
of
i ti~shmt e: Today ib most intense' propa&nda Saskatoon, and Fay of C algam
M
he be$ eleis:~gaimt..
industrial unignism T be Bulletin of ments a re thus departed fri!k f old mistake,
M ~ : ; E T . carried a long ediitoriak, since ~ q z h t e d and are now hard a t work in b $ East and West
&~
l
as-aCpmpMet, the burden +f which is that zr&&
(which a re now closer togethen &an ever before), .
a & c !Oa-kam unicrn for one indam is a r a t - endeavoring to consolidate the. labor movement
e b av
tiofiarjz~s+gp?" It map .therefore be-06 j nte~e& a s a whole. All now realize @at the $s
!t
pret a. M r w h a t was -the atti€ude of the f&.lgary requisite for even defensivk s+ggle 9 a unifiC mference;-did- lanrrched the. ( h e B ig U ddn. cat3on and consolidation of the e$&#ng arganizaE k s d j j t i ~ n r N ~ ~ hick w as caljried ~ ~@W&O~ES2,w
tions.
_.LL.~n
-.
ly.,-.qads-k.as d ~ w : - :. . :
B
s
n i - ~ p Lba Mpqp*2.%;d
.. .
~ e ~ ~ ~ m & f- w c !
4r--chigg-&itngs haee' t&m
T he .;art majoritf 4iw orkers in
p%G ---*%8tyear.* - ms r*:gt+wm;
;and
. . .-."

p&e
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MB

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Canada belong to the internationals. The group of
first importance, as they constitute the keystone
in the labor movement of the country, is undoubtedly the railroad unions. The building trades,
metal trades, and miners, follow in order of importance. The Canadian District Council of
Metal Trades Department, A. F. of L., covers
the metal trades outside-the railways; the railroad shopmen constitute District No. 4 of the
Railway Department. The United Mine Workers have a membership of approximately 20,000,
organized in two districts, viz ;No. 18, in Alberta,
in the West, and No. 26 in Nova Scotia, the East.
Canada is a land of vast distances, which militate against frequent conventions in the trade
union r n v e r i ~ ~ the chief work must, of course
T.
be done ia the large cities. From Halifax to
Vancouver & a f ar throw, but the work must
o
be carried a, n that scale. This is the reason
that the miSqant union men and women of Canada have been inspired by the work undertaken
by the Trade Union Educational League, which
is working in the unions from coast to coast,
getting a common program into action in every
town and,citpr throughout the Dominion.
As a whole, the Canadian movement presents
even better opportunity for our work, for irnmediate results, than any other section. The
advanced in its social and
movement is -re
politicd outlook than the movement across the
line. The Dominion Trades and Labor Congress,
the counterpart of & A. F. of L. Convention,
not only has gene e n record for independent
political action, buf has taken the initiative in the
formation of Provincial labor parties, to which
w
trades tu&m w d ~ t h e r orking class organizations can affiliate. At the last Congress the basis
was laid for the linking up of these Provincial
parties into a Dominionwide Labor Party.
The b ckwarhes's of the American labor
movement has been used as an argument by the
advocates of Canadian national unionism; they
have cited the lack of national autonomy, the
absence c power to bring strong pressure on the
%
Dominion Government, as their strong argumen.t
against the Internationals. However true i t may
be that the Canadian unions lack power,.it is certain that. such power cannot be achieved through
the policy of splitting up the movement as has
been done with the nationalist unions and the
0. . U. And just as the confusion of dual unB
ions is imsupportable, so also is the multiplication
of craft divisions that now exist. The only solidbasis of working q ass power industrial as well
as politicalj $ies in t he movement for consolidation and anialgztmticm. T hypresent Councils
of autonomous d o n s , separate headquarters,
separate constitutions, separate sanctions to pro-

<

cure for each projected a c t i ~ n ~ atlhis is-.oblsolete and must be scrapped. From a 'purely
financial point of view it is untenable. Millions
of dollars annually are literally thrown away
upon duplication of offices, editors, organizers,
and officials. Because of our lack of unity, amoqg..
the workers organized, we stand helpless before
the solid phalanx of the master class.
The trade union movement in ~ a n a d a ,a.~. ?n
other countries, is passing through its m o g ,
critical period. The employers @re attacking-.
viciously. The movement is relatively . -w_eak,,
Thousands upon thousands of the workers b gw,;
our weakness, and know that industrial' unionisg;;
is the answer. Nowhere is this message- g veft,
to the rank and file, but what is is received wifh
acclamation. Why then do we not make moTe
~ r o ~ r k?s s he reason is our lack of q rgani+t~n,o
T
among the militant unionists in the past. JV?,;
have relied upon a blast of trumpets. T hat ~ ~ 1 1 1
not do the deed. Steady, hard, plodding w o ~ % '
alone will suffice, and thoroagh org?n:za$on&Instead of being content with damning the _re$$:
tionary machine, we must build our o& machge3
-not for the gratification of p e r s o ~ l - a m ~ t i & s j ~
but for furthering militant unionism. The" Trade
Union Educational League has beexforrged f or
'I
this purpose, and is already taking @ *tlGe.'&sk;;
Let us all take hold, and with this .itls'fi&kp.t.ready to our hands, set to remoldiirg the -t&a;:
union movement along industrial lines, ; ~ f g ~ . @ ~ <
G- *
i t with a new spirit, and thus m ake i t fit f ~ , c p ~ g with the ruthless attacks of the capitiEst class.
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The Labor Herald

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FOR AUGUST
Special Printing Trades Number
also
.,
The C onvdon of the American
F h t i o n of Labor
reported by Wm. 2. Foster
This issue goes to press while the COVG
vention i s still i session, amd the c orn
plete report m1 appear n ext naofsth.
.1
S pecid articles or various p b q s
oz
of the labor movernemnt, Notes .
on th+e Internatio~uzl siduatiom,
ed;torkls, and the regular departments. This will be the h t issue
of THE LABORERALDefore the
H
b
National Conference of the T. U.

A-

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THE LABOR HERALD

THE LABOR HERALD

First National Conference of the Trade
Union Educational League

Dual Unions on Canadian Railroads

d

T

HE First National Conference of the Trade

Union Educational League will meet in
Chicago, August 26th and 27th. Responding to the crying needs of the present situation
in the labor movement, it will bring together all
the organized groups of militant union men within the trade unions. At this gathering will be
worked out the national policies for the radical
unionists, plans for work in each industry, and
$e attitude to be taken toward the various burning questions before the workere
Surely this move is not premature; it cpmes
a time when the labor movement is on its
m t desperate retreat. The Convention of the
s
.A. F. of L. reports a loss of membership for the
year of over 700,000 members. This is an average loss for the year. The exact f i s r e a t this
time is certainly well over ~,ooo,ooo. Never before has the labor movement suffered such a loss
in strength.

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f n the matter of wages and hours, the retreat
is just a s pronounced. Following close upon the
heels of one another have come wage cut after
wage cut. Increase of hours has become the
order of the day. The drastic lowering of standards of the railroad workers, ~,aoo,ooo f whom
o
w now voting on a strike indicates the sitnation
@roughout the field of industry.
P ~liticalenslavemept has increased along with
the decreasing power of Labor. Injunctions of
the type of those issued by Judge Anderson ate
becoming established as "normal." Laws aimed
at Labor particularly are being passed in every
state, and by the national Congress. Within a
few days the Supreme Court knocked out the
Child Labor Law, and decided that union treasgries could be attached for damages to employers
because of strikes. Industrial Court Laws are
b$ng enacted, and Labor is being forbidden to
s w e . Black reaction swings its whip over Labor in the field of Government.
What have the leaders of the Arherican laber
movement to offer the workers in this crisis3
frothing. They are completely bankrupt. Now
@at hard times calls for Labor's reserve power,
h e conservative leadership is shown to have been
doing business on empty paper promises, with
nothing whatever to back them up. The first
moment they are called upon to meet real prob-

lems, to dispIay real leadership, they stand completely helpless aad impotent.
But if the leaders wi!l not act, then the rank
and file must. In every union and in every city
there are men who see our present plight clearly,
and who do have something definite to offer to
Labor to meet the situation. The Trade Union
Educational League is their organization. I t is
carrying a message to the rank and file, proposing
that we put our unions on a modern footing. The
retreat of Labor must be turned into an advance.
e
To accomplish this, W must wipe out the divisions which are the sources of OUP weakness.
We must have not more than one union in any
one industry. Besides this, these industrial kions must act together as regiments in a n army.
And finally, we m,ust give the workers a rnilitant spirit by teaching them that they have absolutely no substantial relief to look for as long
a s the wage system persists.
The First National Conference of the Trade
Union Educational League will be one of the
most important gatherings in the American labor
movement for a long time. It will mark the
birth of a new organization, crystallizing a new
tendency and will be one of those epochal gatherings that occur seldom in the lifetime of an individual. It is highly essential that every union
and every city and town be represented at this
Conference, so that it can give the benefit ~f its
advice and assistance in laying the corner stone
for the new radical movement in the mass unions.
Each Local League will be entitled to six delegates. Every city should try to send as nearly
that number as possible. As a matter of economy-, there will be a district conference for the
Pacific Coast held during July, which will enable
the active. workers there to gather in larger numbers and then send a few delegates to the National Conference in Chicago in August. All
other local Leagues will send their delegates
directly t~ the National Conference. One of the
mogt important items to come before the Conf%rwce ill be the permanent organization of
w
Districts, of which there will probably be fourthe Eastern, the Central, the Pacific and tht:
Canadian. Where there is more than one delegate from any locality, they should be chosen
from different industries. This win help to make
the Conference thoroughly 3epresentative. If
your local League is not yet fully organized, get
busy at once to complete your work, and prepare
to elect your delegates.

1
1
I

I

By P. Morton
',

T

H E railroad labor union situation in Canada
is muddled by dual and s ~essional nions
u
probably more than in any other country.
While the sixteen "Standard" railroad unions of
the United States and Canada, the Internationals,
have the
majority
*ose who
are organized, yet there is a flock of little outside organizations which sap the strength of the
railroad men a d render harder the struggle of
the workers. These dual unions draw away each
a portion of the more active workers from the
mass unim in its particular field; more serious
yet, the r esdthg confusion and factionalism becomes a n e
e
f or large additions to the ranks
of the "~n&&t O rder o;f Dues Dodgers."
8,
Neverth*,
the actual condition of the
railroad up5oms in Canada has not justified
d uali$q.to h e .extent that has been present
i the United States. In the United States
n
there have been a number of great strike movemeats whi* repressed by the International union
o&cials, $ouqd expression in "outlaw" strikes
and caused %he formation of some of the secessionist orgai&ations. T he vicious war carried
on against f ie h f o n s in the United States by
the railroad mecutives, under orders from Wall
Street, has a1.so c o~tributed to ploughing the
ground far dud d o t there. But these conditions did not exist &.nearly the s aqe intensity
i Canada. Our @ @ i supply of dual unions
n
~ @c
must rather be attdbuted to the fact b a t our
more active rank a nd filers have lacked a "balance wbwy' and have been open to every influence a nd ,slngggStion wafted on the season's
breezes, ' '' '"
~t w $ q there a re in Canada (counting
:g'
the stan&$.&im,
all have soae sort of
.
working &$:@gements, a s one) , s ix organizations
b iddkg a&si
each other for the support of the
shop trade^^ dive unions competing for the running crafts, ,&ght unions fighting about the clerks
s, s ix more disputing for the
and shop laborers, six over
, four dividing the telegmthe dining and sleeping
h group, with the excepfreight handlers, the In(the sixteen standarq
railroad orgm&a6ions) have many more of the
a
organized w ~ k than all the others combined
And the s&&td Internationals are also the organizations @at conduct the negotiations with
the companies f ar each group, with a few exceptions mentioned later. But though their member-

ship is small, the dux1 unions create much confusion and seriously weaken the whole mass of
the railroad workers. A few outstanding examples may be cited.
The "Best" Organizations
I n 1919, a man by the name of Best, formerly
of the Locomotive Engineers
a district
on the old Canadian Northern Railroad, started
a new union, called the Canadian Association of
Engine Service Men. ~e endeavored t o get the
,%ineers and firemen to-join, using the slogan
~
~ to~
was
a
of "canada for the ~
extent successful, obtaining a number of
those workers. But in a referendum vote recently taken of the employees of that road, they voted
two to one in favor of the International Unions.
Undoubtedly, however, this dual union will remain for some time yet to further complicate the
situation.
T he same' Mr. Best later started a secession
movement within the secessionist 0 . B. U. shopmen of Winnipeg, calling it the Canadian AS-'
sociation of Railway Shopmen. H e was for a
time able t o get a few shopmen, but it-seems to
be dying out. Another organizatiori fatliered by
this prolific begetter of dual unioris was the Canadian Association of Train Service Men.
The Canadian Railway workersi lnhastriai
Union
This embryo "industrial union" was launched
among the shopmen of Calgary in 1919, about
the time of the 0. B. U. movement. Its members were recruited from the workers on the
Canadian Pacific Railroad, but never got beyond
a few of the shop trades. Largely due to the
divisions caused by their secession and the numerous other dual unions, these S a m men are, for
the most part, l10t now members of any union.
The Unit+&Association of Railway E d o ~ e m
'

of America
There are only a few scattered members of
this organization in Canada, principally among
the running trades. Their propaganda against
the International Unions is, however, quite in;
dustrious. Recently an organizer for this union
in Eastern Canada made the announcement that
they were going to start a Canadian Section of
the United Association. Just how far it has gone
i s hard to tell yet, but it will probably be another
contribution toward division and disunity. .

The Catholic National Union
This organization was started a number of
years ago by some authorities of the Catholic
Church. Some of its organizers are priests, and

a

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i

T .HE L A B O R H E R A L D
in, some cases where It has a f oohMJ t priests
k
act as bwiness agents. The reason @n for its
e
separate existence is that the I n ~ u n a Unl
i are too "radical," and hence bq a tendency
m
t o alienate their followers from the Chxch. They
claim to have 40,000 m embm, iawept&yg all
classes of workers. Their prirYci& sfzmgth is
in the p rovin~eof Quebec. Hqw & g they
n
a re on the railroads is problemti&a[; they have
ST
OE
I
shopmen and elerks, bat in k hp@xee a re
they a considerable factor en the
e ms
so far as wage m o v m a t s o r
a re
concerned.

all d k o a d employees of every craft. From
time to time it has secured a to&hold among the
shop a d ocher trades, only to lose it again a fter
a brief pwiod.
At present the Canadian Brotherhood has the
majority of the organized clerks and freighthandlers in Canada. I t negotiates with the Canadian National W r o a d for that group of workers, and also to same extent for the boiler and
engine room e mployes and shop laborers on that
road. In the last few years, however, the Clerks'
International has organized that group on the
Canqlian Pacific Railroad, and carries' on their
negotiations. For the last four years, b t h unions
The Chadian B r d d ~ 4 'lk@imatd
4
have been making great efforts to seeme comE mplam . \ I . ,
plete control, with the result that the hostility
This organization, like s&ier b. $s field, is
&
hem has become pronomeed. T his
largely "national" in clzaraI %We em- between its deplorable, and keeps many workers
!
%
&
situation
phasizing its peculiar ( h am
Znd
'
out of h t h organizations, continuing dborganizaparadoxically enough, t !m@B.
o
n w t a in order to organize the clerks,OB &e C k- tian. T he sign of progress here is, however, that
there is a move under way to amalgamate these
adian Northern Railm~d)whit&. h
two unions into one organizatioh.
into Virginia and D uluth This i s
Mean Federatiam d Railroad W.
4
h o n s t r a t e d t he fallacy :af "m&eflal"
1n-ti-1
~ m&eh'ho~d sati011
of
the r droads, aU of which cw &e international
r
,.
.
border,
~P~QY-A t 3k.s inception in 1909,
The American Federation of h i h ~ a d orkW
Was
n d a dual union, in the s tria s a g of the w d . ers 'made an attempt to get a foot lmld with the
At W h e theclerks, f r+t-Badlers,
l a b o m , r ailrad m xkers in Canada, and seea?d a few
and engine room eniq~lcryq~, . w e e m ; & sn that portion of the New York Cenetc.,
nr q
a
t&Ify u noEganw. m i fite&M aeijons tral, Wabash, and P ere Marquette lbdroads that
e
w%% jafiscktkn ~ ~ these r
e % hadQmade m tb-owh a section of Canada. H ere their
i
&
any energetic headway in Cam&. It m s only &fluence stopped, m has a a11 t imes been negd
$
a short time, Itowever, until the C km*
Bro- ligible, except for the p reve&m ~f mi@.
therhood tbrew open its membership h k o t o
The International B rotherhod of S ~btian mE

July, 1922

THE LABOR HERALD

9

than shopmen, ever joined it at any time. The
shopmen they did get were all in w estern Canada (west of Port Arthur and Fort W i l l i i s ) ,
and their numbers were not more than 50% of
the shopmen involved. This means that at its
strongest, &e 0. B. U. had no more than 1 t o
0
15% of the Western'railroad workers at the
height of its power. Never did they obtain
enough power to function as an ordinary union
in this field. The organization has now lost most
of its members, and has degenerated into a baseball pool establishment. The pools conducted by
the 0. B. U. Bulletin have done much to keep
that organization in existence. The B ulldin is
The
Big unia
being sold in immense numbers, for the pool
All of @ d ual and secessionist unions men- tickets that are printed therein ;but the influence
bm'-mhave been conservative or reaction- of the organization as such is rapidly dying.
tioned a
of their nationalistic posiAl this complication of unionism has resulted
l
philosophy of the labor from the original mistake of quitting the old orUnion differs from all ganizations. The membership, instead of work. I t has always been a ing to improve these organizations and to make
with a philosophy of the class them function effectively, has run off to all sorts
alist leanings. How- of union tangents, with the confusion we see.
.exmatWi'pa'c.5ical results of its organization ac- The situation will never be corrected until the
t ivi'h b m6een t o continue and extend the de- original mistake is made good by the active spirits
$Ir)ralsb,i%#gdty and division.
going back t o the trade unions again and taking
The m e Big Union, contrary to the opinion the mass of seceders with them. Except this is
of many p e o k never made any large successes done there is no immediate hope for solidarity
on the railre&&% Very few railroaders, other among Canadian railroad workers:
ployees is one of the three unions into which the
clerks and freight handlers are divided on the
Canadian section of the Grand Trunk Railroad,
and during recent negotiations for that g row of
employees all three organizations laid claim to
being the proper one to represent them. The result was that the officials of the railroad proposed
that they appoint a joint committee from the
three unions, which was done. It is certainly
some situa*
when the boss has to advise the
workers t o get together, and it is not hard to
imagine tba s tate of chaos that exists among these
wo&ers 017 the Grand Trullk Railroad.
n

Brothers to the 'Boss
By Jay Fox
me to ask: " m y a trade cators, the preachers, politicians and capitalists
league? Ahit our na- deny the existence of classes and denounce as
6onal s choof+$~kmsufficient f or a ll Prac- enemies of society all who point out the self evitical ubion aeedgtmithout you brothers handing dent fad. usure; they say, "there are capitalus o&
&$
nm-apmgled to torture o ur ists and working people, but they are not enemies.
stuff
about"l
They are the mutually dependent producerstired '
is SO much like two branches of one great industrial familyt W had better brothers,
e
fact, with common interests and
irst, he is a vic- asphtions.~ great mass of us believe
~~d the
e most pernicious that bunk in t he face of all the evidence to the
r known. dccond, h e dis- contrary;
we will continue -to believe
so
plague second Only to long as we refuse to "torture our tired brains"
doing a little thinking of our own.. ("Lazy
to
The kdrockrains," I would say, f a r it is quite evident they
b
t there are two classes don" get tired from use).
work for wages are in
If any worker deubts my statement let him
own the jobs constitute the
demarcation is $0 distinct look at the lineup in the coal strike. On one side
most unnecessary to point a re the coal barons, the fellows who' "own"
it out. BGt &ere is where the capitalist propa- the mines (the jobs), the courts trying strikers
effectively with our mental on the charge of treason, the newspapers and
from learning a basic truth, capitalists in general. On the other side, the
miners, supported only by their worker friends.
is absolutely essential,
See how v&@mently the newspapers and edu- Now I didn't make that lineup. It is there by

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THE LABOR HERALD
reason of the economic law which "the pillars
of society" say does not exist.
Now it will be asked: since classes do really
exist why are the capitalists and their retainers
so persistent in their denial? The answer to that
question is also self eyident. T he capitalists
know that as soon as it becomes generally known
amongst the workers that classes exist there will
be a lineup in this country that will stir things
to their very foundation. The capitalists a re
shrewd men. They don't let their brains tire
for w aat of use. They know that classes exist,
but they don't want us to know it. It is because they know it that .they always put up such
a solid front when opposing us. A nd i t is because we d m J t know it that we. a re so much
divided amongst ourselves.
Here is where the function of our educational
w ork a mong t rade unions comes in, and there i s
nothing "new-fangled" about it eitherer I t is a
simple explanation of things a s &ey e xkt and
have existed for hundreds of yeais. The b unk
that there are no classes in t his c o t m w i s t he
great American lie. And as soon a s we g rasp
it in sufficient numbers we will lay &e foundstion f or a movement that will f ree u s from t he
octopus of capitalism in whose tentacles every
worker knows he is held.
T he reason why so little p rogress h as been
made by the workers of this country is due to
t he fact that so many of us believe we are oneW ith
hundred percent brothers t o t he boss=.
dominant in "our tired brains"
t hat
w e h ave been led without a halter by the henchmen of capitalism ; we believe t he b d s et before us daily by the newspapers ; we support the
politicians and lawyers who, in t he service of
the capitalists, yearly make more m d more laws
to enslave us ; we turn away from those of our
own dass whose untired brains have seen t he
fight of day t hru t he f akery of t he ''friendS of
labor;" a nd in various other ways we help +he
capitalists to keep u s enthralled, while they g o
merriIy on to the conquest of power.
of t he
N OW suppose w e come t o a
every proposal p ut f orward by the
t ruth
henchmen of capital is IW% f or capital a nd
against labor, t hat society a s it is organized today in all its various r am6cations is
a h uge machine designed and operated for one
spec& purpos-the-enrichment
of the rich at
the eqense of t he- p-. a -pitalist sociew by,
oor;
f or and of the capitalists.
T hat is a broad statement, b ut i t can easily
be proven. Look around you. HOW uch of
m
t he c ountry~swealth, all created by labor, does
labor possess? This counhy wag
nothing
when labor landed here. Today it is worth over
500 billion dollars, (richer than the great British

July, 1922

Empire), and labor, to whom all t hat,uncountable wealth really belongs, is stinting along in
the same old way, striving to make both ends
meet and pay the landlord for the privilege of
living in the houses it built.
How else could it be done, since the mass of
us don't want to "torture our tired brains" by
taking any t hought of our own material interests? The capitalists use their brains, while we
use our hands and y r k under their direction.
W e might as well not have any brains at all.
A m an with a horse makes the animal do all
t he work he is capable of doing and does himself
those things the horse cannot do. The capitalists
have a better graft. They train us workers to
do dl t heir work and give us grub only while
we work. The horse has the best job, his grub
is continuous.
I f there is still more proof wanting that this
is a capitalist-owned society, let US pursue the
subject a bit further. The jobs upon which our
living depends are "owned" by the capitalists,
who have the legal right at any time to cut off
o ur food supply and leave us to starve to death;
a nd we have no recourse in law. W e may die
of h unger and the men who cut off o ur f ood
supply are not held f or murder. T he jobs a re
their private property and the government stands
behind them with its courts and jails and hangmen, i ts mssacks, machine g uns a nd poison gasW e a re compelled by t he necessity of food,
clothing a nd shelter to g o to these capitalists and
meekly ask them f or permission to work at the
industries t hat we have created, paying f or t he
privilege all we produce over and above the scant
wages which t he capitalists have agreed to Pay
US. T hat is the condition of labor in "free Ame r b " a nd i t is t he Purpose of o ur present movement t o change it. W e a re determined t hat labor
shall be free in free America. And it is our opinion that t he burden of liberating labor lies in its
own hanqs and no where else. W e a re convinced
t hat t be ,first article of freedom is the right to
work without the permission of any man. This
means t hat in order to be free, labor must control
t he industries. S uch a consumation can only be
attained 'by t he organization of t he workers of
each industry into industrial unions, such unions
t o be formed by t he amalgamation of t he Present
tra@ unions.
T he Trade Union Educational League of Chicago is
cooperating .with the four Russian Famine Relief orp;anIzation8 whieh are puttina on a joint tag-day
throughout the city on June 26, for the benefit of the
Russian children. The organizations are, The Trade
Union committee, the Friends of Soviet Russia, American Committee for Russian Famine Relief, and
American Relief for Russian Women and Children.
5,000. women
be on the streets coflecting funds.
Volunteers should send in their names.

THE LABOR HERALD

July, 1922

Railroad Workers! To Action!

T

HE railroad workers are faced with the supreme decision-struggle
or slavery. We must fight, or we will be fastened with chains
worse than even those of the past. The Railroad Labor Board,
disregarding the solemn warnings of our unions, and the representatives
of Labor on the Board, have cut right into the very lives of all of us.
They have reduced us to a standard which will make it impossible to
live in the slightest approach to decency. They have taken the clothes
off the backs of our wives and children, and the food from off our
tables. There can be but one answer-STRIKE.
While we prepare with all our energy for the struggle, let us
end, once for all, this horrible travesty of having our representatives
sitting upon the same Board which is the instrument for our destruction. Withdraw the representatives of Labor from the Railroad Labor
Board at once ! Tell Wharton, McMenirnen a nd Philips to resign !
O ur unions must be immediately prepared for the strike. W e
have wasted many precious years, months and weeks, which should have
been used organizing our forces. W e should be prepared to throw one
great united army into this struggle. No crime so great has ever been
committed as that which has kept us railroaders divided among ourselves. Now that we are forced into the fight before we have attained
solidarity, we must bend every energy, every ounce of our strength, to
remedying this evil. Solidarity of the railroaders-this must be our
slogan. When the strike is called, let it be a general strike of every
worker on the railroads !
T he miners are already in the battle, fighting the same enemy
who so cynically forces us into the struggle. Their army of 665,000
have been fighting stubbornly for three months before we must strike.
Our cause is the same as theirs. Our forces should be united. W e
should not allow that they could, by any possibility, be beaten just as
we begin our struggle. Let us join our issue, and win or lose together; our fighting power will be thus increased a hundredfold!
The strike before us is at once our test and our opportunity.
If we measure b p to the fight, we can make it the turning point in the
present disasterous period. We can, joining hands with t he miners,
begin fmally t he struggle which will carry us forward instead of backward as we have been going for two years. We can turn our present
retreat into an advance. W e can become the advance-guard of the
entire army of Labor, which, inspired by our example, will make a
general assault upon the forces of capitalistic reaction.
All together-against
the railroad companies, against the Railroad Labor Board, against the capitalist class and their lickspittle Administration.
STRIKE.

July, 1922

THE LABOR HERALD

They M ove an Inch
i

A Story of Four Railroad Conveptians

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By Wm. Z. Fostee

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of Railroad Conductors, the Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen, and to a lesser extent the Brbtherhood of Railway Clerks, failed badly tb
measure up to the needs of the situation. Blit
they did move forward an inch nevertheless, and
in our stagnant labor movement that is not to
be sneezed at.
Facts About the Organizations
The B. of L. F. & E. opened its convention in
Houston, Texas on May Ist. This was the 2gth
There were pressince its foundation in
ent go5 delegates representing 1 20~0~0embers.
m
Debs was Secretary of this
From 1881 to
At its foundation the uoion fundtioned in wage matters, but after the great, idI
The situation on the railroads, f r m a union starred strike of 1877 it repudiated strike actioh
I point of view, is just about desperate. The cam- and confined itself to serving as a sick and d eaq
1 panies have wiped out the national agreements. benefit society. The enormous upheaval in tht
? They have gutted the eight hour day, and are middle '80's woke it up again and at its 188k
reintroducing piece work-that is where they do convention it readopted the strike policy. The
not farm out the work altogether to dummy con- convention of the B. of R. T., with 760 delegates,
' tractors operating without the pale of t
he Trans- opened in Toronto, May 9th. Approximately
' portation Act-and
company unions are being 180,ooo members were represented. The B. of
set up on various roads. All the organizations R. T., originally known as the Brotherhood of
; have taken cuts in wages, and now the Railroad Railroad Brakemen, was orgatlized in 1883. Like
I Board is going over them the second time., clip- the rest of the Brotherhoods, it encountered so
much opposition in its early stages that it had to
I ping their salaries again. Within the past few
weeks the Maintenance of Way workers* many function merely as a fraternal order. I t b e c d
of whom were cut to as low as 23 cents per hour, a genuine labor organization in 1885. It has asI
, have been reduced to a starvation wage; the six sets to the extent of $ 8 , 0 0 0 , ~ . T he 0. R. C.
, shop crafts have also been slashed another 12% opened its 37th convention in Cleveland the first
l o r so, and the latest are the Clerks, while the week in May. The organization consisting of
Telegraphers, the four Brotherhoods, and the rest 60,000 members, was founded in 1868. Until
are standing around waiting the convenience of 18g0 i t devoted itself to beneficial features; but
; the Board to guillotine them The general con- at that time it changed its constitution so that it
became a trade union. The B. of R. C. etc. held
' sequence is demoralization among the rank and
i file, a demoralization which not even the strike its convention in Dallas, Texas, beginning May
'vote can check. Many thousands have left the 1st. This was the 14th since the founding of
the organization in 1899. There were approxiI organizations, and many more will do so in the
' near future unless a way is found to stop the mately 150,000 workers represented. The Clerks'
union lingered along from the beginning? having
rout.
only a small membership. At the outbreak of the
In such a crisis one would think that our war there were only 6,500 members on its rolls.
leaders would do the necessary and logical thing ; Then it underwent a'tremendous grriwth, reportthat is, call a special convention of all railroad ing 175,000 members in 1931.
' organizations and there weld them together into
Warren S. Stone's Program
a compact body able to repel the assaults of the
I n the following recital of the progressive
companies. But of course nothing like that is
done. The movement is too much Gompersized measures considered by the four conventions the
for such action. The best that they do is to name of Warren S. Stone, Grand Chief of the
develop a mild progressivism. In their conven- Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, constanttions during the past month, the Brotherhood of ly occurs, despite the fact that his was not one
Locomotive Firemen & Enginemen, the Order of the four organizations directly-i~mlved. Thk

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T is a basic law of life that all organisms, socia1 as well as animal, when confronted with
a new environment must either change to
meet the new conditions or perish. That is ex, actly the situation the railroad unions are now
1 u p against. Their environment has changed
\mightily in the last few years. The employers
, have become enormously stronger financially and
better organized; likewise they have taken on
a high degree of class consciousness and are out
to destroy all unionism. Unless the .unions can
meet these new conditions by revamping their
,methods, structure, and social conceptions they
must die. For them it is either eyolution o r ex, tinction. '
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THE LABOR HERALD

13

reason for this was his great activity in connec- have been brought about and the fight stopped
tion with the conventions. He has developed a 20 years ago. Although the Switchmen were
definite railroad program, including closer af- long the most militant craft on the railroads
filiation, working class political action, recogni- their position in resisting the merger was wrong
tion of Russia, co-operation in general and co- and their arguments that brakemen and switchoperative banking in particular, building up of men cannot function in the same organization
the railroad paper? Labor, remodelling the con- were ridiculous. The fight .held the whole railvention system, etc., and he went from conven- road union movement back Moreover great
tion to convention to put it across. Three of harm was done to trade unionism at large by the
them, the Firemen, Conductors, and Trainmen, Switchmen who, taking advantage of their A.
he visited in person, and no doubt his influence F, of L. affiliation, systematically poisoned and
was powerfully felt at the other, the Clerks. And estranged the body of trade unionists from the
when a11 was said and done, nearly everything four brotherhoods.
progressive that was accomplished at the conBut an even more important amalgamation proventiong at least that of moment, was the result ject developed at the Firemen's convention. They
of his campa@.
decided to have their general officers sit in with
Stone is not a radical, quite the reverse. He the general officers of the B. of L. E. to map out
has showed time and again (lately at the Ladies a plan to merge the two engine service organizaGarment ~ ~ r k e r convention) his hatred of tions into one. When completed, the plan will
s'
revoIutisnis%s and thGir policies. Likewise, his be submitted by referendum to the membership
conduct in Lolding his organization aloof from of both unions for ratification. It is almost certhe general industrial struggles of the mass of tain $0 carry. This scheme is pretty much the
railroad workers, thereby gravely injuring the work of Stone. H e went to Hjouston and advised
cause af the workers and aiding that of the com- the Firemen to go through with it. Immediately
panies,shows conclusively that he lacks the larger after he stopped talking the resolution was a d o p
vision. Nwertheless in many minor aspects of ted. In explaining the advantages of the plan
the m o~@lent e has quite a streak of progres- Stone touched on the only real obstacle to amh
sivism. B q i t e his serious shortcomings he algarna$on, namely, the fear by the officials that
stands he& and shoulder above the other leaders ' they may lose their jobs. H e said, "It would
in the railmad k dustry, not only because he has materially reduce the number of field officers,
(while they have none), permit of having but one instead of two salaried
some sort of a ~~,
but also became h has the aggressiveness to Chairmen on each road, and all of that. Some of
put it through. Ckhpared with him the static these salaried Chairmen may be out of a job."
Jewell, President & &e &ilway Employees' De- "But," he declared, "don't legislate for your
partmeat is a m y . I t is safe to say that if general officers, legislate for the rank and file of
s
the B m ~ d o o d f Locomotive Engineers were your Brotherhood and then you will get results.
a H i h d b &e A. F. o l L. Stone would soon put Forget y ow officers."
Sam Gai~pg&& watch.
Political Action
,
Amalgamation
All four organizations declared for the political
e af closer affiliation cropped up program inaugurated at the Chicago conference
The q
all am&& I s this respect the Clerks took the recently- 'I'his Puts nearly all of the unions on
u
lead ; ina,.,-&~d real understanding. They record for that movement, which looks like a
adopt& m r wlution, introduced by Wade Labor Party in the making. Quite evidently the
e
ShurdeE,, , e g f or the amalgamation of a11 railroad workers are tired of being kept political
body, and another re- cip'hers simply because Mr. Gompers refuses to
. T. De Hunt, the one think. I t will be only because of timid leadere Chicago Federation of ship i f, before these lines get into-print, they have
the A. F. of L. proceed t o not marched into the A. F. of L. convention and
s in every industry into a successfully demanded the abolition of the absurd
series of M m5rial organizations.
policy of Labor's "rewarding its friends and
The T h m , besides developing a movement punishing its enemies." Stone made a strong dew
for closer i-e&%o~ ith the conductors, adopted fense of the new political policy before the three
a reso1nticsa.L amalgamate with the Switchmen. conventions at which he spoke.
Should
gp~thi-ot~gh,and there is every prosRecognition o Russia
f
pect it w ill s @wthat the Switchmen's Union is
Another point in Stone's program is the esbroke and mfiWt furnish good paying jobs to tablishment of peace with Russia. In .some manits official do^; it will put an end to one of the ner he has developed a sympathetic attitude tomost disa&tronsinter-union wars in the history wards that embattled country. In the March
of Organized Labor. The amalgamation should number of the Locomotive Eagirzeers' J o~rnul

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THE LABORHERALD

THE LABOR HERALD
there appears an editorial, doubtless with Stone's
0. K., in which Gompers is laced as seldom before because of his brutal Russian policy. I n his
scorching article the writer declares that Mr.
Gompers, "Like the gold-braided generals of
France, wants peace, but first he wants his bucket
of Bolshevik blood." He states further that the
well-informed labor leaders, political economists
and statesmen of Europe are agreed that Russia
must be rehabilitated before normal conditions
can be restored in the world. Then he says,
"Opposing them are the bloodthirsty Czarist
generals, the horde of ex-Russian landlords, noaccount counts, ignoble nobles, and other jobless
remnants of autocracy, together with a Russian
propaganda bureau in New York sponsored by
eminent Wall Street bankers and labor haters.
Truly Mr. Gompers has chosen strange bedfellows." Stone made no issue of Russia in his
convention addresses. The Clerks were the only
one of the organizations to take a favorable stand
itl the matter, and they demanded the recognition
of Russia and the establishment of trade relations with her.
Co-operative Banking:
A t the various conventions Stone made propaganda for another one of his measures, namely,
labor banks; but so far as the writer has fearned
at this time, the only organization to respond to
the proposition was the Clerks. They commissioned their officials to go ahead and organize a
bank to be owned and controlled by the union.
Thus added impetus was given the l a h r banking
movement initiated by Stone. Already, in addition to the original B. of L. E. institution, the
following labor banks, are either in speration or
being organized : the Amalgamated Clothing
Workers i Chicago, the Brotherhood Railway
n
Carmen in Kansas City, the Order of Railroad
Telegraphers in St. Louis, and the joint locals
of the four Brotherhood organizations in Minneapolis. The thing is growing too rapidlp. W e
can look for a crash soon, once the well-kuown
genus labor faker begins to take a hand at high
financing.
Building t he Jolurnat "Labor"
One of the striking features of the conventions
was that three of them, the Clerks, Firemen, and
Conductors, subscribed their entire membership
in a body for Labor, the weekly paper owned and
controlled by the 16railroad unions. This meant
an immediate increase in circulation of about
300,000 per week.
Rarely if ever has labor
journalism experienced anything of the like. And
again the hand of Stone is seen at work. The
building up of Labor is one of the planks in his
platform. For a long time the various organizations had backed the paper in a desultory way,

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issuing all sorts of pressing and even frantic
calls through their respective journals urging the
membership to subscribe for it. But the Locomotive Engineers, which is to say Stone, were
the first to really take the matter seriously. At
their last convention they subscribed the whole
organization for Labor. Stone then took up the
propaganda for it in the ~ rganizations, dvocating
a
it in hib recent convention speeches. I t now
looks as though practically all the railroad unions
will take the paper en masse. Within a year or
two it will probably be one of the widest-read
labor journals in the world. L abor represents
one of the get-together tendencies now agitating
the railroad workers. Unless it falls short of its
true mission it will some day supplant the conglomeration of 16 railroad union journals that are
now in the field. Although now cold and official,
it should finally become the one great paper of
the one all-inclusive industrial union of railroad
workers.
Reorganizing the h v e n t i o n s
Particularly demoralizing to the railroad unions is their system of holding conventions. One
bad feature is the custom of having them in different cities each time. This reduces-the gatherings t o mere junketings and picnic parties. The
habit is for the delegates to spend more time and
interest in sightseeing than in considering organization business. Another bad feature is the
system of allowing one delegate from each local
union, with all expenses paid by the general organization. One effect of this is, in the larger
unions, to make the conventions practically into
mobs of 1000 to 1500 delegates apiece. Real
business is out of the question. And the expense is fabulously high. At their last convention the Firemen spent over $ &o,o~o, and the
Carmen, Conductors, Clerks, and others expended about the same. The result is that conventions become fewer and fewer as the delegations grow larger and the junketing spirit develops. And even when held they are practically
worthless.
For some reason Stone has singled out this
abuse, and during the recent conventions he broke
a few lances against it. At the Firemen's gathering he panned them (also the Conductors) for
their antiquated convention system. H e stated
that the Engineers have reduced their delegation
one-half, likewise their expenses. Besides, they
now hold all their conventions in the home city,
Cleveland. He declares that it took a long fight
to put the thing through in the face of the opposition of the cheap delegates, ever present at
conventions, who battled to get as much out of
the organization as possible for their petty graft.
He said, "We tried to get it through three conventions. We finally got it referred to a refer-

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endurn vote of the membership, and by an 80%
vote they decided in favor of a reduetion of
delegates. This meant the end of having conventions for the purpose of having good times
and junketing trips." The Firemen, with their
convention costing them $52.06 a minute and
due to last a month, saw the point and appointed
a committee to work out a plan along the lines
suggested.
I n addition to holding all the Brotherhood conventions in one town, Stone aims to center their
headquarters in one place also. At present three
of them, the Engineers, Firemen, and Trainmen,
are located in Cleveland. Stone invited the Conductors 40 move in from Cedar Rapids, Iowa, so
that all might get together without much d s culty. But in this he was defeated, the old fogy
Order of Railway Conductors refusing; for sentimental rwsoins, to leave their ancient home.
They prorn$ied however to take up this weighty
matter again in their 1925 convention.
The Old Guard Re-elected
Few changes were made in the various administrations. Fitzgerald of the Clerks was reelected unanimously. Sheppard of the Conductors also gat by without difficulty. Carter of the
Firemen refused to run again, a fact which will
help amalgamation of the two engine service organizatims mightily. H e has become a historian
of his Brotherhood at the full salary he got as
President. Hk sirecessor is D. B. Robertson.
Bill Lee had opps&on in the Trainmen, Val
Fitzpakrick running &gainst hirn. But Lee won
out hmdi1y. T b &e spirits an his branchl of
the s mim who h w l d have been there to fight
him a m SSIF0ut d t he organization ; they quit
during & i4l5gfamed "oAutlaw"strike of two years
S
I
ES
ago. h e TS d e t o take much credit from this
affair,
as &e saviour of the Brotherhood.
i
He de
effort to have the "outlaws"
reinstat*
The railroaders of the country will
k a E a i ! t l with hirn f or another three years
unless
mqected happens.
Note
was the absence of the Plumb
Plan from W wnv6ntions. Though some railroaders c m t i a ~ eto do reverence to tlhis guild
system, it it3 near practically a dead issue. Sam
Gompers
a large share in its killing. Carter
said of f t in the firemen's convention, "The
propaganda that has been spread against it by
the r ailf~a$ka.nipulators and the big financial
interests has' rendered it impossible to establish
its principles
the name "Plumb Plan."
Such, in the main, was the work of the conventions. A li+&le as accomplished, but in view of
m
the prevailing crisis it was pitifully inadequate.
In one summary we have mentioned the work
of Stone o f t a , and his influence was undoubted-

ly great. None of the other big leaders had a
thing to offer. It was the old story of the oneeyed man being F i g in the land of the blind.
But some also felt the influence of our League in
the conventions. In discussing the Clerks' convention the I lli~z~isribulze said, "With a vote
T
that left no misunderstandiilg this convention
went on record in favor of the amalgamation plan
which the Trade Union Education League has
been advocating, and by the same kind of a vote
recognition of Soviet Russia and the establishment of trade relations by this Government were
demanded." Such mild advances as were made
will not sufEce. Nor will the oncoming strike
settle matters, though that must of course be
fought through to victory. The only thing that
can fully meet the needs of the railroad workers
is the realization of the program of the Trade
Union Educational League. First, the entire
army of railroad workers must be fused together
into one body, and then this organization must be
inspired with a revolutionary purpose. Only
when this is done will the railroad workers really
be fitted to h ake progress towards their eventual
goal of emancipation.

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July, 1922

THE LABOR HERALD

The Revolution in the Office
By Earl R Browder

H

possible of the typical office of our great-grandfathers will seem quite primitive.
The particular stimulus which caused the
writer to dig up this description of Tellson's
Bar& office came when, recently, he had occasion
to drop into the counting room of a large modern
bank. There, in a large, well lighted room, were
30 or 40 machines, with electric motors, going
at top speed, filling the room with burr, click,
and hum, and the atmosphere of a small factory.
Attending each machine was a young man, model
of sartorial art, engaged with intense concentration in summing up the day's business of
many millions of dollars. Here was a battery of
adding machines, totaling the transactions of the
various departments ;there was an array of bookkeeping machines, swiftly and mechanically
segregating the items and posting them to inThe Office of Yesterday and Today
dividual ledger accounts.
Passing into a private office, one waited while
very dark, very ugly, very
6'1~
was very
the cashier completed a letter which he was
~ c o m m o ~ ~ o u s the partners in the H~~~~
No 'IWde
were proud of its smallness, proud of its dark- registering on a
her present to interfere with the privacy
ness, proud of its smallness, proud of its incowmdiousness. They were even boastful of its of the interview. Yes, there was a
particulars, and were f i r e , by elsewhere in the office, if wanted, as one could
minencein
an express conviction that, if it were less ob- tell from the sight of a Stenotype Machine at
another desk. Just outside the office door, was
jectionable, it would be less respectable . .
a Spruce young lad, feeding letters into a machine,
"Thus it had come to pass, that Tellson's was
and sta*ed
in
the triumphant perfection of inconvenience. After which turned them Out
bursting open a door of idiotic o bsthcy with a a jiffy- The paper which I was carrying needed
w,=& rattle in its throat, you fell into Tellson's the signature of a man in another p art of t he
hwn steps, and came to your senses in a building; but no boy was called to send it. It
two
miserable little shop, with two little counters, , Was dropped into a pneumatic tube, and with a
whirr and click was back in a moment with the
check
where the oldest of men made
necessary endorsement. The people in the office
as if the wind rustled it, while they examined
sipature by
dingiest of
which moved with a jerky, mechanical f recision, and
were always lsnder a show-bath of mud from went through standardized motions as if they
the &pier by were used to doing the same thing over and over
neettreet, and
s
wwe
their own iron bars p r o p r and the heavy shadow again, thousands of times a day. The whole
of Temple Bar. If your business necessitated effect of the place was that of a cross between
a modern machine shop and a sterilized, disinyour seeing "the House," you were put into a
fected hospital or toilet room.
species of Condemned H d d at the Ira&, w bm
Quite
you meditated on a lnisspeflt Pfo, m~ the ~~i~~an extreme contrast with Tellson's Bank!
offices
are not like
just as
came with its b n d s in its pockets, and you could
all offices in 1780 were not like Tellson's. But
hardly blink a t it in the dismal twilight."
An obvious caric&ture,you say. Granted. We both are typical of their times, and the contrast
do not need to insist upan the
of tells the story of a revolution of methods of inDickens. A caricature is an a aggetgtbn5 but dustry .as a
T he Office W o r k s
no one, so far as I know, has accused D i b s of
creating something which did not exist at all.
What of the human stuff whjch lives its life
Recalling that the quill still flourished in those in these contrasted environments? Has it changed
not so far-off days, and that the steel pen was as these outward farms have done?
still to come into use, and the. brightest picture
The office worker of 1780, according to DickUMAN life is a changing thing. Among
the many changes of the past hundred years
or so, none has been more compete than
that of offices, and office work. Machinery, the
great transformer, has been busy in the office,
to a- degree almost, if not quite, than it has been
at work in the shops. Social and political life
has been made over into something quite new,
so far as outward forms are concerned, and the
life of the office workers has kept pace.
How great the change has been is hard to
realize. But we get some small idea of it, if we
go to our bookshelf (or to that of a friend, as
the writer had to do), and dig up one of the old
favorite books, to read again the description of
an office in the year 1780. I have picked up a
book by Charles Dickens, and read of the office
of Tellson's Bank, by Temple Bar, London,

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ae

en's sample at Tellson's, was a miserable being.
"Cramped in all kinds of dim cupboards and
hutches at Tellson's, the oldest of -men carried
on the business gravely. When they took a
young man into Tellson's London house they hid
him somewhere till he was old. They kept him
in a dark place, like a cheese until he had the
full Tellson flavor and blue-mould upon him.
Then only was he permitted to be seen, spectacularly poring over large books, and casting his
breeches rand gaiters into the general weight of
the establishment."
The ripe-cheese aspect of the Tellson book' keeper it+,of course, sufficiently in contrast with
the PZ*~
snappy, flashy, peppy office clerk.
Change, & age, no doubt, has writ heavy on
this sczcdl. But Dickens gave us no light upon
the soul beneath the heavy exterior of Tellson's
creatures. W e have to turn to another bookkeeper ia Pickensland, to see, touch,, and taste
of & &&I
spirit of the office-worker, the
UZI-~
and undying soul of the bookkeeper.
T he na&e of this immortal office clerk, this epitome of the book-keeper through the ages, is
Uriah Heep,
"MG Master Copperfield?" said Uriah. "Oh,
no ! I'm a very umble person."
'It was no fancy of mine about his hands, I
observed; fox he frequently ground the palms
against each ,other, a s if to squeeze them dry and
warm, besides of%= wiping them, in a stealthy
way, on his p ocketbdkerchief.'
"I am well a w e ;&at I am the umblest person
going: said Ud& R eep modestly ; "let the other
be where he m y . My mother is likewise a very
umble per~o6. W e live in an umble abode,
Ma@ G ~~iperfidd, have much to be thankbut
ful fm. U father's former calling was umble.
y
He wqs a m&on.'*
At I ~ w are on solid ground ! @re i s somee
thing ~&&ke, mchanging like the rock of ages.
Uriah Bhzp is not dead; he is immortal. H e
can be mesa in any city, in almost any office, still
urnble, & @- Phankful. Sometimes, indeed, he
takes t b j b m a ~ f the other sex, and is called
o
Pollyam% B e i s ever present and everlasting.
He is & &
' a worker.
Far l &,~&.fsa writer to slander those unthe
f ortunam w h m e condemned to spend their lives
f
in an oi3i&g K m ~ d spetlt many, the best, years
manhood there. H e knew
of you& W yomany .
i n fhe same unholy calling who,
in&
were strangers there, seeking allike hr&ways f w a way Gut tanything. He speaks
not of t h awklmtal o&e worker, the one who,
~
f
from for& J ~ircumstance, inds himself trapped
there for a time- No, l ~ speaks 6f the type, the
e
natural o fke qorker, the one who, from choice
'

I7

THE LABOR HERALD

and fitness, finds a career in this unblest sphere.
.
Such a person is Uriah Heep, immortal.

-

Even Uriah H e w Chansres Todav
Immortal, we said. But such a term is not
strictly true. The revolution in the office has
been working its alchemy. In spite of Uriah,
and in spite of Uriah's boss (who is another
story, deserving separate treatment), the m chine
is marching forward with iron feet: slowly but
surely its transforming power enters, and the
radium of its energy plays upon the soul of Uriah
Hkep, the office clerk. Under this influence,
Uriah is gradually but certainly being remade.
He is b ecomin~ real human beinc. a role tara
"
,
ian. T his is hzw it is beina done:
T he change in the office which has wrought
the greatest transformation in the worker, has
been higher organization and greater numbers.
The old bookkeeper was almost a self-sufficient
working unit. This is no longer so. The modern
worker is a cog in the office machine. The office
cannot run until each man is a t his place, for
one depends from moment to moment upon the
other. The division of labor in a modern office
rivals that in a Ford auto factory. Every hour
of work impresses upon the young man today,
that he amounts to little at all except as part of
the great machine. Together with this, goes the
growth h numbers. The general office man,
handling the entire accounting process and general corresponce, is of little account. His numbers are small, and his influence is smaller. No
one pays any attention to him. T he field is dominated by highly organized, minutely divided,
officesof trustified industry, gathering from tens
to hundreds under the same roof in the same
integral organization.
With this new condition, office workers play
a more and more important e conodc role. The
office has become a nerve center, regulating $he
every action of the industrial machinery from
moment to moment. Always a strategic point,
it now becomes as vital to business as the solar
plexus is to the body. The entire reflex action,
the normal physiological processes of the body
of industry, are stimulated and regulated by the
office. More than any other phase of the industrial process, the office is vital. Cut off the office
and the industry withers and dies. A general
strike of office workers would create more consternation in a day than a strike of the miners
for three months.
Under these modern conditions of the machinemade office, the office worker has became a proletarian, so far as social position and interests are
concerned. But his soul, the soul of Uriah Heep,
has stubbornly resisted the forces of change, and
only in this generation can we see the beginnings
A

w

THE LABOR HERALD-

July, 1923

of a change therein. A working-class understanding and spirit, is gradually being created
by the continuous and steady play of these modern conditions upon the humble office worker of
tradition.

revolutionary in Germany. Throughout Europe
they are joining the vanguard of the workers.
The primeval slime of the Uriah Heeps is beginning to stir with t he spark of life of workingclass consciousness, weak as yet but gaining
s trength with every passing hour. Between the
The Dawn Of Social Revolution
office clerk of the time of Dickens, and the same
If asked to name the most revolutionarv Dor- person today, there is all the difference between
t ent in social life today, the writer would point the a m e b a a nd the pithecanthropous, o r apeto the fact that office workers are beginning to man. And such a marvelous evolution, in such
a short time, gives us the definite assurance that
organize into unions-into labor unions affiliated this spiritual "hairy apeJ' of the modern office
to the hod carriers, the garment workers, the worker is assuredly going to continue his progprinters, and the whole world of labor. The be- ress. H e is going to go onward and upward,
ginning is pitifully small in America, it is true, proceeding firmly up the ladder of evolution,
but progress is surely being made. Out of the until he blossoms forth as a real human being,
couple of million or so of commercial office a proletarian, a union man with a solid organizaworkers, there are at least 5,000 to 8,000 organ- tion of his own.
ized, and tens of thousands of railway clerks
All hail this budding marvel of progress ! Nlaare united in the same union with the freight t ure is grand indeed! O n that fair day when
handlers. Who can overestimate the vast chasm we welcome the class-conscious, revolutionary
bridged, the t rewndous leap in social evolution, International Union of Office Workers, affiliated
that is witnessed in this fact. I n Europe prog- to the R ed'Trade Union International, voting for
ress is even more rapid. Great unions of office a general strike of all capitalist industry and the
workers exist in Germany, Czhecho-Slovakia, setting up of the Workers' Republic, then we
Italy, England, and other countries. The Berlin will say, "The task is done. Old Mother Nature,
office workers organization is one of the most You can do no more."
<

A

THE MACHINIST GRAND LODGE
Lawrence, Mass. . . . . 172
ELECTION
Laconia, N. Hl. .. . . . 1326
HE final vote in the late Machinist Union Haverhill, Mass. . . .. 1208

T

election was :
W M. H. J OKNSON. . . .. 41,837
W M. ROSS KNUDSON..14,598
T his was the first attempt in any A. F. of L.
union to test the real revolutionary strength.
Knudsen solicited and received only the votes
of those standing on the class struggle, unconditional surrender of Capitalism arid Affiliation
with the Red Trades Union International.
K nudsenJs vote was 26% of the total and as
the total vote was about one third of the m a bership it is safe to say that 45,000 members in
the I. A. of M. stand with K nudsen.and his
ideas.
In fact the strength is even greater if one
analyzes the election. The total vote cast in the
progressive lodges was zbout 15% t o zo% of
the local membership while in the conservative
locals (for some well founded reasons) the vote
was from 75% to 100% of the membership. I n
fact 23 lodges voted from 150% t o 260% over
their membership a nd this being too raw their
vote was thrown out. To give an illustration :
Lodge No. members Ballots
Findlay, Ohio . . . . . . I393
4
104
Woburn, Mass . . . . . 1243
3
61
Jamestown, N . Y.. . 566
12
97

I6

64
I53
38
Cincinnati, Ohio. . . . 1042
168
H artford, Conn. . . . . 606
50
Lowell, Mass.. . . . . . 745
81
S tamford, Conn. . .. . I054
81
Philadelphia, P a . . . . 816
55
67
Indianapolis, Ind. . . . gro
140
I55
Schenectady, N. Y . .. 646
215
277
Lowell, Mass.. . . . . . 138
284
454
O thers could be given but they must be saved
for evidence. Knudsen, of course received' no
vote in these lodges and someone's hard work
went for nothing.
In fact, jokingly, after the election many were
bragging about their sore wrists due to an over
exertion in marking ballots. What many are
asking a nd which seems a puzzle, is how did the
lodges with small membership get so many ballots? And furthermore how are those tJxit did
cast their vote in regular form in these thrown
out lodges going to have their votes recorded?
But tomorrow belongs to those that really represent the histhric rising class and with their
rise all these mishaps of today will disappear.
Tomorrow belongs to the real progressives and
such action as took place in the recent Machinist
Union election will only cause real men to work
that much harder for a real Labor Movenient.

.

27
27
29
35
46
69

I

*

July, 1922

T H E LABOR HERALD

19

A Labor Program That Means Something

4

B y Hulet M. Wells
Representative o f the Seattle Central Labor Council to the Red Trade Union International.
O R American trade unionists to correctly ap- less to counteract. The end of the war brought
praise the work of the Red Trade Union unemployment in some countries where there had
International in its first World Congress at been a great destruction of capital goods, but-in
Moscow, it is necessary to remember that the the United States it prevails for quite a different
atmosphere in which we met was quite different reason, labor being so productive that, at the
from here. I n our country we are immersed in scale of living permitted to the working class,
the humdrum details of our daily struggle, until the product of full time labor can not be conthe greater struggles of the whole human family isumed.
T he greatest prosperity that our workers ever
toward a larger, freer life is oftentimes obscured.
In Russia the goal of a great struggle has been enjoyed was during the period of our greatest
reached; the working class has accomplished waste. Unemployment is a disease inherent in
the capitalist system, and it can only be dealt
that which the faint-hearted say is impossiblethey have t k o w n off the chains of class oppres- with by a labor movement that is not afraid to
sion within Russia, and their destiny is in their attack the svstem itself.
There can be no sane consideration of the
own hands.
We found, tempering the exultation of victory, unemployment evil until we lay bare its root and
the agony of the Russian workers, endurind with discover it to be the fact that all production is
fortitude all the sufferings that the hate of the carried on solely for the purpose of &aking profit,
capitalist world could inflict. Many of the dele- and with no responsibfiity on the part of the
gates were from other coutries where the condi- profit takers for the lives of those that create the
tions were ripening for revolution. No one knew wealth. Heckert, of Germany touched this point
what the day might bring. Seeming miracles oc- when he said, "From the moment when the capicurred, like the veiled women of the East, who talist ceases to extract profits and begins to incame bearing International greetings. There were cur losses, he loses all interest in production.
crowds, cheers, and banners, and wreaths laid on W e are witnessing it in France, where a big
graves. And over all there loomed a new terror French statesman a n d manufacturer was asked
why he had put out his blast furnaces and thrown
-the black shadow of famine.
An emotional setting was created by all these thousands of workmen into the streets. H e anthings, which, I realize the reader cannot feel. I t swered: "I produce only while production is
was a memorable experience for those who lived profitable, otherwise I a m unable to produce any
it, but here in America it is hard to realize, be- more.' "
I n its manifesto on world conditions the Concause there is nothing like it in our life. What
can be understood is, that we must look beneath gress drew the following picture of the economic
the colorful environment and revolutionary situation in America :
"A very similar picture we find in the U. S. A.
phraseology to get at the real work of the ConFive million unemployed. War profits have
gress.
ceased. Factory after factory is being shut
Unemployment
Some of the subject matter and considerable down. The workers in large masses now find
06 t he discussion has no application to the pres- themselves thrown out in the street. They may
ent status of the labor movement here, and it go now; they are not wanted any longer. The
would sound startling and confusing to many trunks are packed. 'Democracy' is celebrating
because it concerns only people who are engaged its victory, and is beginning to introduce the
in the actual, revolutionary transition from one "open shop," simply employing unorganized
state of society to another. But the main work labor. What are they doing who were supposed
of the Congress embodies a sound, adequate, to give warning of this misery inflicted on the
coherent, practical program which the trade union working class? The leaders of the trade unions
movement of America must understand and do nothing. They consider it inevitable like the
adopt, if it is going to find itself and continue ocean tide, and, like obedient serfs they kiss the
to serve t 6e working people of this country.
hands of their masters."
Workers' Control
Unemployment is the weakest spot in the capiW hat. then is to be done? This is considered
talist system. I t is a great, growing canker that
the old methods of trades unionism are power- in the tactics outlined under the heading of

F

THE LABOR HERALD

a0

"Workers" Control." But the first thing of all
things to be done-the essential prerequisite to
the success of any tactic-is to begin t o act like
men, like men who have a small degree, at least,
of courage and intelligence. And here I wish
to quote again the apt words of the Congress:
"If the capitalist class dares to be aggressive
at t he present time and throw m b s of workers upon the streets, it is because the working
class feels itself inferior, and imagines t hat the
gigantic capitalistic machinery is simply unconquerable. You continue to look up to the capitalist class. Mariy of you consider the established
division of labor quite natural-the' rule of one
class and the subjection of another. Arise from
your knees, and the capitalist class will not appear so strong to you as before."
The subject of Workers' Control was reported
to the Congress by Tziperovich of Russia, but
the idea ran thru every subject osl t he agenda,
d
and may be said to be the k eyn~te the Congress. Especially is it related &Q &e subject of
unemployment. Heclrert, in his discussion of
factories and workshops said, "Comsade Zipero v i h and myself have put great stress
the
importance of the present unemploymezlt in the
working class movement. I t is important for
us to utilize these forces."
The following are a few extracts fxom the
report of Ziperovich, adopted by the Congress:
"There is no necessity for me to dw&? upon
the details of the crjsis which all c a p i t a v m untries are now living thru. T he crisis b 84f ost
m
characteristic expression of the fact t hzt the
capitalist class is unable to master the chaos in
production, which it itself established as an orThere developed
ganizer of production . .
a crying contrast between the misery and despair
of t he eapiof the working class and t be 1-q
talist class. This gave birth to a new thought
which suggested to the working masses that t he
capitalist regime is a regime of d e s t m i o n and
wholesale ruin, and that it is necessary t o create
some new f c ~ m sof mutual relations between
labor and capital-forms which w odd do away
once and for all with the existing sy.stem of oppression-and the idea of workers' control has
rapidly developed."
Now, it may be that you .Sinkthat these words
have reference to some time in the remote future,
and that it is merely a repetition of the usual
demand for social revolution couched in t he formula of political socialism. Not a t all. I am
proposing and the International is proposing, a
practical plan of action for the trade unions
now, a plan to cope with unemployment, lock-

.

July,

1922

outs, jurisdictional disputes, and t he breakdown
of your or&nization due to the struggle for jobs,
It is not expected t hat in the present time in
America we should mount any barricades or forcibly seize .any factories. The first revolutionary
step must be taken is to.strike f or the right t o
work.
Wlhat i s the situation in which we are placed
in America at the present time? . The richest
natural resources in the world, the most highly
developed machinery for production, and millions
of people in destitution because they are shut off
from the opportunity to work. We have also
the most powerful and arrogant capitaIist class
in the world, and a labor movement weak and
inefficient because it does not know how to meet
the situation. The leaders of the Red Trade
Union International are telling you how to meet
it. I commend you the words of Tom Mann:
" Eveg industry should carry its full complement of workers, and carry them constantly. If,
as is sure to be the case, 'there are fluctuations
in the amount of work to be done, such fluctuations must not be met by discharging a percentage of the workers, thus depriving them of the
means pf sustenance and precipitating their
families into social distress. Such fluctuations
must be met by the adjustment of working hours
over as much of the industry as may be desirable ;
if need be, of course, over the whole industrial
field."
Unemployment insurance, he says, is ' biserably inadequate, the full wage is what m t be
s
demanded, and it will be obtained, or a hlish the
wages system." And here is his primary c4emand
which, in my opinion, ought to be written into
the strike demands of every important industry,
'Accept responsibility for all uaem&!~ymenb
in the i nd~stry, d undertake to
m
'~ke'sg
hours so t b t virtually there shall ba m www
a
ployment; and f or ad1 men to receive @ages for
every-week i n the yew."
That is what the miners, the building t%%desmen,
the printers and all the rest of u s oag& t o agitate, organize and strike for, wages tor the h e
being a secondary matter. The h t .
@EP in
workers' control is contra1 of the pi& & work.
I
The. employing class will, of course, &wort t o
any artifice in order to save their p-.
But
capitalistic profits are not as sacred3 &e right
of men t o work. Industries that c mpot meet
that obligation should be taken over br society
a s bankrupt institutions. The o m e s dhould re- ,
eeive no compensation until the c h h ~f the
o
creditors are adjusted; in other wad no more
than the capitalization of 'whatever h o m e may
remain, at prevailing prices for p rohcts, after

July,

1922

THE LABOR HERALD

A LL the workers are paid union wages for full
time.
Industrial and Dual Unions
T he report on workers' control closed with the
following reference to industrial unionism :
"Workers' Cpntrol may also be made use of as
an argument for the speedier reconstruction of
the unions upon an industrial basis, instead of
by profession or trade. Workers' control can
be systematically carried out only when all the
workmen within a definite concern are united in
one bady."
Indus@ial unionism will also end the absurd
jurisdictimal disputes that disgrace our. movement. . Primarily, of course, such quarrels as
those hetween the carpenters and sheet metal
workers and. between the steam engineers and
electrical workers have their root in unemployment. It is one more evidence of the struggle
for a chance to work.
The importance of building strong industrial
unions to conform t o the powerful combinations
~f capital in modern industry, has long been emphasized by the radical wing of American labor ;
but for twenty-seven years a most peculiar policy
h is been advocated, that we should completely
destrtoy our unions, into which we have with such
effort o rgarbed some .millions of workers, and
start to build again from the beginning.
Nearly all the Russian leaders, Lenin, Buch-

.21

arin, Zinoviev, Radek, and many others have
expressed their amazement at such childish tactics as those advocated by the I: W. W.. Tomsky, the former president of the Russian &ions
has said, "The exit in itself is in its essence
equivalent to flight from the field of battle,
dictated by cowardice in the face of the complexities and difliculties of the struggle."
Secretary Lozovsky, speaking at the Congress,
said, "We want to clean house, not to pour
kerosene over it and set it afire." Writing on
the aims of the International he says: "To leave
the unions and set tip small independent unions
is an evidence of weakness ;i t is a policy of despair and, more than that, it shows lack of faith
in the working class."
T he four points covered here are closely related, and form an immediate trades union program so essentitl that I beg to remind you of
them once more by summarizing them in four
short sentences :
I. T he trade union movement is becoming im. potent under the curse of unemployment.
2 A progressive assumption of Workers' Con.
trol is the only remedy.
3. Successful assertion of Workers' Control requires industrial unions.

4. Those who believe in this program must stay
within the existing unions to accomplish it.

W e Demanded Bread But Got a Stone

T

HE p r o g r q of the Trade Union Educa- ing its substance, which can be achieved only at
tional Leagtlc h ~'been getting a startlingly the expense of craft autonomy, will not solve thq
s

strong hold in the unions, in the last few
months. Gompers and his Crown Prince Woll,
c a n n ~ t e blamed for being worried somewhat.
b
Their m p *
of calumny which was reported
~
c
in the last t m issues of THELABORR A L Dontinues unabztkxl. But even their stupidity is not
so complete that they cannot see its failure.
Gradaally t h w a re being forced to answer the
demands for 'more solidarity. The rank and file
are demanding the bread of amalgamation ;
Gompers, Woll & Co. offer them the stone of
federation.
"Efforts of the A. F. of L. f or the future will
be to strengthen labor alliances and form a closer
co-ordimtion of kindred trade ' groups," says
Woll in a copyrighted article for the Cosmopolitan News Service. He adds; "The sentiment
,of this c onveeiag of the A. F of L. is most em.
phatically 6 pased t o amalgamation and the doctrines pre~elaedby Foster and other groups."
Such l i~-serviceo labor solidarity while denyt

problems of the labor movement. Gompers and
Co. are in the position of answering, not the
questions of THELABOR ERALD, ut the quesH
b
tions which history presents and which are repeated in threatening tones by masses of the
workers. Sophistry will not help them.
How can the unions get more power? That is
the question before the movement. Our troubles
arise from our weakness. We must have strength.
Gompers says we will get it by being good little
boys, and not offending the Chicago Tribune;
THELABOR HEBALD the Trade Union Eduand
cational League say that we will get it by uniting
all our scattered forces into one union for each
industry, and bringing all these industrial unions
together like regiments in an army. The forces
of capitalism are crushing the workers into a
realization of the absolute necessity of this amalgamation. Nothing can take the place of pow-

3J
@,in

P;

22

THE LABOR HERALD

e r, not even the sophistical arguments of Gompers or Woll.
The fire which has been built under the reactionary officials is causing further frantic gymnastics in their propaganda. A few weeks a go,
THE ABOR ERALD said to be in league with
L
H
was
Lenine and the Soviets; then it was solemnly
insinuated that the employers were financing it.
And now, to keep up the entertainment, the
Crown Prince brings in a variation. H e says:
"It is a recognized fact that Foster is a member
of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers' Union
of America and apparently is being financed by
that body in his campaign of "boring from within" for no other reason than the self-aggrandizement of Sidney Hillman."
Aside from the fact that Foster is NOT a
member of that organization, that the League is
NOT being financed by that or any other body,
but by the individual rank and filers, and that the
modest Sidney Hillman, although president of
one of the most progressixe organizations on the
continent, is NOT receiving aggrandizement
from its work-aside from these falsehoods, the
statement may be correct.
I t is the natural instinct of the reactionary to
thus blindly attack all signs of progress. Woll
lumps t he League, the Amalgamamted Clothing
Workers, the Soviet Government, the Federated
Press, and every other achievement of &e milit ant workers, into one general menace te himself
and his kind, the f lunkvs of cagitali*,
A,nd
in t his he is no doubt correct-but he rpakes a
fundamental mistake when he i d e n a s t he interests of reactionary officialdom with t hai of t he
rank and file of labor. The rank and filers know
better, anyway. T his i s illustrated by a letter
written by Local Union No. gg, of the Molders,
to the Editor of their International Tournal:
A Word From the Rmk and File
"Local 59, 1. M . U. of N. A., having read the
article by Matthew Woll, in the J o ~ r d entitled
,
'Foster Scheme for Rulership' etc., desires to enter a protest against such an unwarranted and
scurvy attack on the amalgamati& movement by
resorting to lies and v<lification against its chief
spokesman."
"We have endorsed the movement f or amalgamatio in t his country, because we have learned
by bitter experience that the old craft method of
warfare against the modern industrial capitalist
is antiquated."
"In his entire article, Matthew Woll makes no
attempt to answer the arguments of k l g a m a tion advocates; but instead resorts to personalities, which have nothing to do with the subject.
We might accuse Woll, in like manner, of being

July,

1922

governed by ulterior motives in this matter. Wtf:
might accuse him of belonging to that detestable
sect known as "Swivel Chair Artists" who are
so numerous in the American labor movement
today, and who tremble with rage because they
know their pie-cards will be no more when the
workers amalgamate. W e might accuse him of
being in league with big business to keep the
workers divided. Of course we don't accuse him
of these things personally-but those are the very
tactics he uses against the amalgamation movement adherents."
"Now we are of the rank and file of the labor
movement a nd we know that the workers want
amalgamation : i t is peculiar that the International officers of all the unions, almost without exception, are oposed to it. They have never yet
given any logical reason as to why they are
against it, while the Trade Union Educational
League gives a long array of facts and reasoning
as to why it should be done. THE LABOR
.HEBALD,
of which Woll speaks in such venomous
language, expresses the spirit of the workersthis we know-that is why it is so popular."
This letter is signed by the president and corresponding secretary of Local 59, Chas Blome
and Louis Schneider, respectively. It is a good
example of the spirit .5vhich is raging throughout
the labor movement, and which is responsible for
the rage, fear, and desperation, with which these
powerful officials are throwing their entire resources inta battle with the little baby organization, the Trade Union Educational League, which
has only been able for a little over four months
to even publish its magazine.

Keel,

the Reactionaries

Hopping

I f any assurance were needed that the program
of the T rade Union Educational League offers
hope of t he future, that assurance has been given
in t he strongest possible way by all thme attacks.
When the bankrupt leadership of the American
labor movement, in a period of retreat and demoralization, go before their C o n ~ m t i o nwith
no constructive proposals of any kind whatever,
and consider it necessary to spend their time and
energy in denouncing a little educational organization, it is because they know their o wn bankruptcy and know who is hitting close to home in
attacking them. And we can give assurance to
Messrs Gompers and 'his Crown Princeg t hat the
fire which make's them so uncomfortable will continue to bum. The demand f or amalgamation,
for industrial unionism, for militant policies, and
for the Workers' Republic, will continule to grow
until it overwhelms them and their kind, takes
control of the labor movement, and begins the
workers' forward march to all power.

T H E LABOR HERALD

How I Became a Rebel
A Symposium. Part 2
Editors' note;-A fundamental part o f the Xenera1 revolutionary pro.eram i s to make rebels;
to develop m en and w omen w ho have definite2y
broken w ith capitalism and w ho are looking forw ard t o the establishment of a Workers' S ociety.
But how can such r ebek be w d e ? T o throw
some Iiglzt on t h k a ll-im@rtmt query, T EE
LABOR ERALDa asked prominent figures i n
H
h
d l branches of the. r d i c d m ovement, t o e xpjaia
b riefly just how, why, and under w hat circumstances, they became convinced that capitalism
hod t o be
' way w ~ Thk inrtallnrent
.
completes the S y n p o s i u a

I saw an old man weeping as he was put in the
little town lock-up at Adams, Mass., for vagrancy.
W hat a torment of questions stirred my mind
t hen! Nor will I ever forget my childish horror
when a girl's hair was torn off by the belting in
a mill across the street from our school and the
mill stopped for only a few m,inutes. Imperceptibly my t hought processes began to question
p overty which was obviously the explanatioll of
these tragedies-

My f ather had worked his way througll college, studying civil engineering. B ut he had
been burdened by his mother's large family and
had commenced i ate. a real h andica~i n comDetition with younger'men. The r eskt was that
B y Elizabeth Gurley Flynn
although he is exceptionally talented, it was not
f I S difficult to say how, when or where our easy to secure continuous employment and the
rebellious spirits were born ! Possibly we are actual pinch of poverty was brought home to us
but fortunate inheritors of a rich legacy. more than once. This visualized the problem
Undoubtedly countless generations of wild Irish as no amount of abstract reading could have done.
ancestors who fought and fled into the hills and
So I was in a receptive state of mind for
died for Irish freedom, contributed much to mine. radical thought when I joined a school debating
One great grandfather lay all night in the ditch society. W e grappled with the problem of capinear his little house,
tal and labor, ,woman suffrage, the trusts, etc.
watching for a light in
During the big anthracite strike of 1902 one of
the window which meant
our favorite topics was "Shall the Nation Own
his wife came safely
the Coal Mines?" A strike of the elevated roads
through childbirth. Anin N. Y. brought the questions of municipal
other went to join the
ownership of transit systems before us. I began
French when they landed
to see that message of hope, that comes to all
at Calala Bay and never
of us, "Socialization of industry."
returned. My grandfather came to Maine to
I heard Tom Lewis at a Socialist street meetescape' hanging.
But
ing, and many other excellent speakers at the
life in t he land of the
old Harlem Socialist Club. Sometimes when I
free was not easy in
g et low-spirited about the value of speeches, I
recall how inspired and thrilled I was by them.
They were foreigners to the Yankees and had Finally I thought I too could speak. I was not
to fight their way to economic and political yet sixteen and I chose the ambitious topic
equality. It is strange that the same historical "Woman and Socialism." While I still am inbackground has not produced more rebels of tensely interested in how to reach women, I fear
Irish blood in this country ! Many of the second I know far less today than I did then. I went
a nd third generation are policemen and poli- into the East Side. I m et the garment workers,
ticians, causing a race that should symbolize then in the throes of great struggles and learned
freedom to be hated and feared as tools of tyran- of the idealism and fighting spirit of the Russians
ny. But America seems to have a similar dis- and Jews. I plunged into street speaking and
integrating effect on the second generation of loved it intensely.
I was "converting the
other races, as well.
masses!" H bw t he fresh idealism and enthusSympathy plays a large part in molding the iasm of youth carries us along. But it is a
child mind. I remember little episodes which stream that refreshes and revivifies our moveleft indelible impressions. A woman who had ment. Intolerant and uncompromising, it is relost all the fingers of one hand in an unguarded buffed a nd chilled, by older "practical" people!
machine went by our house daily. I could not The creation of a sympathetic understanding and
understandl why this poor woman must still work. appreciation of those who must tread this stormy

I

24

i

THE LABOR HERALD

fight an evil or defend the under dog.
This may answer the question as to how I became a rebel or perhaps I should say why Mother's four sons turned rebels before any of them
turned twenty-one.
I t was not from what I read, because I was
active in radical circles long before I could read.
I t came from what I lived.
Before I was eighteen years of age, I joined
hands with the "Green-Backers," a t twenty, 1
read, "Progress and Poverty" and, became a
"Single-Taxer."
Later I joined the "Populists
Party" but, through it all remained active in the
Organized Labor Movement ; studying and reading, of course, added fuel to the fire. I n my
search for good pamphlets and books, I came
across the "Communist Manifesto." This, of
course, helped weld still more closely my inherent
rebel spirit. Twenty-four years ago, I joined
the Socialist Labor Party and, four years later,
the Socialist Party where I have remained ever
since;
So, the question as to just how I became a rebel
is still unanswered. I guess dear, little Mother
could have answered the question better than I.
B y Wm. 2 F
. oster
O R me to become a rebel was an easy, natural course. My father was an Irishman and an
ardent patriot. He was driven from Ireland
in the latter '60's, because he was implicated in
a plot to overthrow all the English garrisons in
the country. Upon its exposure he had to flee
post haste to escape jail. In later years, as his
B y James H Marrrer
.
family grew up in the
AM asked to tell how I became a s
&
This,
United States, he fed us
I fear, is not any easy question to answer.
on hatred for the oppressor Eng1md.- Tt was
I am decendant of old, c onsemtive P n en
the intellectud m at and
sylvania stock, was born in a sh.itnty d uring t he
drink of our
lives.
stormiest period of the Civil War, reared a tqng
I was raised ~ $ 4 the
very poor and superstitious people, left fgtherkss
. burning amhiti- of one
a t the age of seven. I became a news boy first and
a factory worker before d y tenth birthday. I
day taking a a ~ ~ po e
art
was a machinists' apprentice a t fifteen a d a
in the liberati@' of Iremember of the Knights of Labor at sixteen. Less
land. As I @eW older
and began to m d @ ? what
than thirteen months of my life were spent in
school. What education I did secwe, I gat, not
was going a W me 1
t
Wr. . FOsT*
'
on acocunt of the State, but in spite of it.
was q u i d to
everything was not as it should bk. Tb? F rongs
Handicapped, of course, on account of being
illiterate, yet a greater handicap was the misfor- of the workers made a ready appeal % me. It
tune of having a step-father who knew less than seemed as natural to hate capitalistic * m y in
&eland.
I did and who never tired of gloating about his' t he United States as English Tyranny i
superior wisdom. The one outstanding asset of From my earliest recollection I w& N t a n t l y
was I
my life was my dear, little mother, to whom not ' partial to striking workers. Parti*$@
impressed by the many strikes in the w r b y anone of her four sons ever spoke an angry or unn
kind word. She was lovable, gentle and yet, thracite coal fields-I was raised i PhEhdelphia.
when roused, knew no fear. She was ever ready T o myi boyish conception the coal opaa'tors were
to share her last crumb with the unfortunate, inhuman monsters, and after all, I was not far

path would save much preeious force for our
movement.
One night I was arrested on 39th St. and
Broadway, by an apolegetic policeman, bailed out
by a saloon keeper and given some fatherly advice
by the Irish magistrate on the futility of preaching Socialism to Broadway. Of course this was
a dreadful shock at high school and eventually
resulted in my enlisting actively in the labor
movement,
It must have been about this time that I heard
Debs and DeLeon speak together on "Industrial
Unionism." It was immediately after the launching of the I. W, W. and it certainly worked a
turning point for me. I really began to place
my feet on the ground and tread a definite path.
Out of the first flush of youthful emotion, I
passed into' a second stage-based on a firm
conviction which I still bold to, that the union
movement is the real and lasting labor movement. I .saw a new society built by the organized workers-not along geographical but industrial lines, Regardless of diiferences of
opinions on forms, methods, and tactics, the fact
remains that it is the movement af power, i t is
at grips with capitalism in the strategic phce, the
point of production. It speaks the worker's
language. I have no faith elsewhere than i t he
n
industrial organization of the workers, and I
have unlimited faith in the promise o.f life and
liberty it holds out for the future and the eventual
ability of the workers to put it across. S o I
remain l i e my Irish, ancestors, a rebel!

F

I

i

THE L A B 0R HERALD

July, 1922

wrong. The free silver agitation in the the '90's
a ttracted me greatly.
But I never got by bearings until one Saturday night in the summer of 1900, when I was
19 years old. Walking along South street I ran
into a Socialist soap boxer at the corner of
Broad street. H e was the first Socialist I had
ever heard speak and I listened amazed. The
whole thing was a revelation. Whatever prejudice I had been taught to have against Socialism
melted away like snow before a summer sun.
The t h i i was clear at last. My rebellious spirit
saw the broad way to its gcial. Though I said
nothing to the men conducting the meeting-I
have o f h a wondered since who they were- I
l eft a cmvinced Socialist. After that the rest
was easy. I plunged head over heels into revolutionary literature, reading everything indiscriminately a nd gradually swinging from right
to left in my conception. I was "m2de7' that
Saturday d g h t in Philadelphia. That's how I
became a rebel.
B y Robert Minor
Y A childhood of poverty I was moulded
for life membership in the working class.
When I left school at fourteen to work
i f1 a sign painter's shop my love of picture making devehped t o a fierce passion. It may seem
incredible that this had a great deal to do with
making me a rebel, but I say seriously that even
the scant, pitiful art possibilities of a sign shop
gave me an impression
of conflict between every
artistic impulse and the
ife.
needs ef c ~ m r c i all
Few aa$si&is know that
sign p n l a t i a g shops
cover m y really talented y g m g workers,
but my W eyw s w and
a
understa& ' &e conflict
b e t w e pqsg w orked
MnrOB
instinct %&r
beauty and
the need &f & I
shop to drive for money.
T he s%i@m$s of the wages of a sign painter's
a p p r e G w S & 0 ~ me from that small Temple of
e
the carpenter's trade. Here
liar pride of the craftsman.
to have a relation to art,
day that it has. My relatives g & @& a t of this and into a "nice clean"
u
ce, with a chance to work
railroad. But I couldn't
branded with a different
f f t o wander on freight
laborer. Fifteen hours a day
on a farm, ,&6fty cents a day, soon gave me my

B

7

25

fill of agriculture; and I drifted into easier jobs
at ten hours a day with pick and shovel. This
was the serious beginning of the opening of my
eyes. One day an old mule-freight teamster
caught up with me on a lonely Texas road and
told me I could ride if I was a working man. On
the wagon he gave me a long tirade on the
wrongs of the working people and the need of
the working class to stick together and make a
revolution. H6s words sunk into my memory
to stay.
At camp fires in railroad construction camps
and on the freight trains and in the "jungles,"
the conversation of wandering laborers from all
quarters of the earth gave me my "cosmopolitan
culture." Here I learned the indescribable beauty
of that spiritual fraternity of cummwlism which
was poured a few years later into the songs and
the deeds of the old-time I. W. W. And I
learned the dreadful curse of God upon a scab.
When I returned to my native town to work
at the carpenter trade and joined the United
Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners, my
rather crude working class loyalty got a slightly
more definite form. Two members of the Union
puzzled me by endlessly talking Socialism; of
t heir hifalutin words I couldn't remember a thing
except the constant repetition, "Carrol D. W right
to the contrary notwithstanding." But I learned
more definitely what a scab is. The order came
for all hands to make a stand for the Union
scale of wages, which was not being paid. I
was the only Union mkmber on my building job,
and I walked out on strike alone. I never got
another job at the carpenter trade.
I wandered about Texas and New Mexico on
freight trains, looking for work living by handouts, learning the peculiarly bitter lesson of the
unemployed man sleeping on the open ground in
Winter.
Unable to get work at .carpentering or sign
painting, I found a job as cartoonist for a small
daily newspaper. This was my entrance to a
trade that has taught many a man what a rotten core is inside of the social system. I didn't
notice i t at first, but was for some time absorbed.
in the rapid ambitions of the newspaper life. I
got a better job on a big St. Louis newspaper.
But about this time the trial of Willim D. Haywood at Boise, Idaho, came to disturb me-to
awaken all of the old-time dreams-the call of
my class. Simultaneously I met a Russian Jew,
the first one that I had ever known. The strange
talk of this man changed my understanding of
what life is for. He filled me full of the fever
to learn and feel. At first this merely stimulated
my work and brought me some of the petty newspaper success that I had thought I wanted. Now
that it c am, I didn't want it. About 1908 I

26

I

I

THE LABORHERALD

went into the Socialist Party. I was elected to
the City Central Committee, but drifted out of
the party as it began to change its character,
about 1912, and began to take an interest in t he
Anarchist movement.

THE LABOR HERALD

July, 1922

stuff. I came home i n t he steerage, amongst
"my kind." I had advanced a long way-I had
learned that s oldiers, a nd not unarmed people,
m ake revolutions. I t opened wide vistas of
thought.

The last underpinning of respect for the "demA t the age of 29 I g ot my first opportunity t o
ocratic" social organizatioll was knocked o ut of
study art, and went to Paris with my saved-up
wages to attend the French national axt school. me by the Mooney case. I happened to be in
To my bewilderment I found that t he ''art California and was drawn into the organization
schools" have not the slightest interest in a rt, b ut of t he Mooney defense. The Chamber of Comconcern themselves solely with teaching men t he m r c e , t he street car corporation, "respectable"
way to make money, which I already knew. T hey labor union officials, strike-breakers, p oliamen,
have exactly the same motives as t he s ign paint- petty criminals, pristitutes and " class-con~cio~s"
ers' shop in Texas. This shook m e off t he t rack petty b usimss men, eonspired t o frame up and
ih
again. I could not associate w t the f oul bour- h ang strike leaders. Helping to untangle this
geois in the art academies. I n the working class amazing conspiracy, opened up to my eyes cataneighborhoods of Paris I learned t he F rench Ian- combs of crime and filth upon which capitalist
g uage mainly by listening to agita-'
speeches, society is built, of the existence of which I
a nd with the language I absorbed a gpicil P aris could otherwise have had only a feeble dream.
I had never before known that e very Labor caw
working-class point of v iew-&&ch~-s~didappetite in a criminal court is a stage play deliberately
ism. I returned to New York wi*
a fixed i n advance by direct bribery of witnesses
for the job I h ad already crmfn&&l fm,
and, usually, of the jury. The staggering com- '
cartoonist on the New York World.
pleteness of it is almost incredible to me even
t he first
ieghpl$
in now, a s i t will be incredible to t he reader. It
my new job were to begin a serkS of @*ens
like standing on a mountain while &e mists
to
f or blow away, revealing in t he valley the terrific
which were to be a
a bomb
( July 4, '9143
battle of t he
; t he thundering sounds of
*aS
ander Berkman and Emma
life a re shown to be artillery, a nd t he dimly swirla ffair with which they had n othing % &, b ut kg s aouettes become men in t he grapple of
which the "World" wanted t o h $ a n E I &em ~death.
~
I
i n one of its well-known cireulaCim d riww F or
That is d l of "How I Became a Rebel."
refusing to participate in this, and petlwps also
for sugge?ting that I &ght pwbBdP gFotest
But &e t h e had already c&e when
8
against it, I was reduced to the rmk of @@~onist rebel" didn't mean anything l
G e m s Washtake ington was a rebel, b ut if brought &g
for the eveningedition of ae
sospace to mention this only because i b 4 ~ .umi- cieN ot
s
he would not fllIICd.l
ss, such.
n ating to show how a man is %twiny beaten Robespierre was a rebel, but he W(I*%
have
along the path to one side or the other o f &e any significance now* Emma
a
class struggle. I was allowed to make anti-my revolutionist in July, 1914, but to
't
cartoons to m y heart's content k the E W ~ Qean
m
And I discavmdt
:
.
refor about a year- Then a st ran^ * g
turned from a trip t o Russia in Igrg
fhXM*
1 of t he @ eat newspapers
''
a r ehlnjust *generally, without t akiner definite
( a c e ~ t he Hears' press) were "&d@3'
place i n the ~
~revolution, ~ g&*t mean
~
lined
'
O the war On the Eng1ishhFpa4 any more than being a Methodist
R
poticed
side. I was ordered t o begin t urning my ear- while I w as in a military prison thait
~Scers
toons to the Allied side. I quit and went over to dispUted very seriously as to whether
an
the New York
where
Anarchist o r a Bolshevik, and upon
make revolutionary cartoon3.
I was only an Anarchist they t r
m uch
L ater, I went to Europe as c arresponcht i qr a s a moderately respectable man. Thh
humiliated me, and set me to w onddib8,
a "liberal" newspaper syndicate, There I saw
a s plain as daylight the beginning of "the transSO, "Hbw I Became a Rebel" da&&'t mean
forming of the Capitalist war into civil war a ud
I
anything, and the story's no good. B ~ wberevolution"-the
event of which Lenin's little
came a s pecified kind of a rebel agajn'& o specific
group in Switzerland was the prophet. This prediction o f' course ran like a red 'thread t hrbugh thing a nd for a specific thing in a S~EE&C wayn
*
that is the only tale that means a.
all of my writings and stuck out in m y drawA nd that's a different story.
ings. The newspaper syndicate quit printing my

Packinghouse Workers' Convention
By Tom Matthews

fswd@t

'

.. .

Z
..rn

"w

Ea
*E1llg

*

1

~

i

.,

HE s truggle of the packinghouse workers
has convinced me that the unions must
be reorganized upon an industrial basis."
This is the statement of a well-known official in
the labor movement of the Middle West, at the
conclusion of the recent strike. An1 there can
be no doubt that the packinghouse strike, and the
events leading up to it, is one of the greatest
object lesons in the history of the American
Federation of Labor. The union which called
that strike, and in which the packinghouse workers were formerly organized, the Amalgamated
Meat Cutters and Butcher Workmen of North
America, is meeting in convention on July zqtb,
a t St. Paul; it will be of interest to review some
of the problenls which that convention must
face and solve, keeping in view the lessons of
our recent struggle.
The initiative i n calling this convention , t o
take stock of ourselves and reshape our organization and policies, was taken by District Council No. 5, of Omaha immediately a fter the strike.
In its open letter, early in April, the Council
stated: "We believe t hat we should take in all
the workers in the packing industry from the
time the car is set with live stock until the finished
product is delivered to the consumer." In theory
the Butcher Workmen's Union is already organized on the plan of one union for the industry.
The charter from the A. F. of L. authorizes the
organization of "all wage earners in any way
connected with slaughtering and packing establishments." But this has not been carried out
in practice. O ne of the big tasks of t he coming
convention is to see that this is done.
Remctimq Officials and Other Evils
T he nature of the present officials of the Union
is shown in the splitting up of the solidarity of
the workers, where the possibility was present
of bringing them all into one organization. They
are reactionary. tThey have shown it in many
~
ways, and consistently try to block every progressive measure proposed by the r ank and file.
Thus in the convention of July 1920, w he~lt he
Omaha delegation tried to establish measures
which would have prev-ented t he forcing across
of the agreemient, 'which came in March, 1921
a nd tied the workers hands when the packers
were comparatively weak, these propositions
were defeated by t he machine. The high-handed
methods used in this a nd similar situations,
created much dissatisfaction and weakened the
in the membership gave a fertile
er crying evil, that of the dual

unions. Disgusted and disappainted with their
organizations' official policies, many of the rank
and file fell victims to the dual union propaganda.
This policy of running away from the fight has
injured the union. Fortunately, this is being
overcome. At the coming convention the progressive elements must fight against the remaining dual union ideas, as well as against the reactionary policies and officers.

International Solidarity
When the packinghouse workers have established a real union, with some kind of power in
the industry, they will immediately have another
problem, that of international solidarity. The
great packing trust has established itself in Australia, Canada, Brazil, Argentine, Uruguay,
Paraguay, Chile, Venezuela, New Zealand, Great
Britain, Germany, France, Italy and Denmark.
The trust is becoming more international every
day. While the undertakings in other countries
are not so extensive as those in the United States,
they are ever more important, and form a constant resource for the employers in the fights
against the union. For this basic economic reason, without considering at this time the other
compelling forces, we must decide the question
of international affiliation. T he Red Trade
Union International offers the only opportunity
for this international unity.
The packinghouse workers have shown by
word and deed that they want a leadership of
broader vision and ideals than that with which
they a re now blest Not only must we struggle
for living wages and human working conditions,
but we must also look forward to the time when a
new system of society can be brought into being;
a system of society that wil1,put an end to this
miserable struggle for bare existence-a time
when we can abolish the exploitation of man by
man, and establish the Workers' Republic.
FRANCE
IERRE D UMAS, once very well known as a n
Anarchist, has become a royalist. H e is now affiliated to the group supporting the notorious journal,
L'Action Francaise.

P

BuEalo, June 8, 1922
"A splendid meeting took place here last Sunday and
reports of actual accomplishments were given. A ll
disaffected local Carpenters Unions w ill be brought
back to the Central Trades and Labor Council, Local
374 reporting as the first to have taken this step. Will
have lots more to report when all our members get
busy."
Fraternally, F. H. S.

THE LABOR HERALD

THE LABOR HERALD
had to be suddenly c ut off because there were n o funds
t o pay railroad fare and wages of investigators. T he
Sacco-Veflzetti Defense Committee, Box 3 , Hanover
7
St. Station, Boston, Mass., is in need of maney. Readers of THE LABOR ERALD a re urged t o r e p a s t their
H
unions to donate to this fund.
T he Mooney-Billings Case is facing a d iEermt s ort
of crisis, but one requiring action by the m i a n s also.
A s stated in this column last month, Gewemor Stephens
i s refusing to act on the question of a p wdon on t he
grounds that "Labor is not i n t e r e s t e d . ' X e Chicago
Federation of Labor, and many other b&es of t he
labor movement, have sent t eleaams d e m d w
action
f r o m Stephens. But the respor& has a& J
&
been
g reat enough. Telegram and letters
be poured
in to Governor Stephens, State &pt&$, Sxcramento,
California, demanding an imme&ste ah$ w d i t i o n a l

meat.

of the members of the f.

against militant union men.
a fter it came Sacco-Vanze

W.

possible t o say as we go to press whether t he Progressive or conservative candidate is elected, although the
Progressive, Trotter, is a couple of hundred votes in
the lead. The vote for President was
McParland, progressive . .............. 28,640
Barrett, conservative ................. 24,908

I

POLAND
N t he International Press Correspondence A. Macie-

jewski gives facts and figures about the Polish trade
union movement. The organizations are badly split
along national, racial, a nd religious lines. The principal o n e , with the amount of their a mberships, a re
a s follows: C eIltrd Commission m chss Unions
f
(Socialist) 4 2 0 0 Jewish Trade Unions go,oaa, P olish
0,0,
National Trade Unions (Patriotic) 6m,mo, @d Christion Unions (Catholic) SQ,W. T he indtds*J
f orm
of organiz.atioq quite generally prevails among the variCorn- ous groups. The Sqcialist unions are a miated t o the
future Amsterdam trade union International.
The C oqrmup~is~re very active in khe t rade union
a
moveae'r& g&tul&i-ly & e Socialist sectiari o i it. They
h
a
*
have s&at&fl ' hdjprity in a number o organizations,
i ncltlag &6 bidl&g T rades, Leather Workers, Wood
Wo~&er&I&
@
%per Workers. They also have large
o r@&~d m borities in the Metal Workers, Factory
Wbpl&a,' Food W orkers, Railroad Workers, Tobacco
W&rkps, e c I n addition t h e j have won control of
t.
&e G eriMl Labor Councils in the important industrial
cenfers rrf Warsaw, Bialystok, Posen, Kalisz, etc. A
bitter sittvggle ,for control is g o i n a on between then?
a nd k g n dormist Socialists. The latter have expelled
h?
hundreds of Communists from the asks. This
b rought t h e Communists t o .the p oint wherk &ey h a d
ta d ecide iI t hey should u ndertyke to o w n h e a n e w
' labof m ovmmt.
T hey voted to stay and w e within
and t he oId unions, no matter how di%eu& &e %&. T hey
t o a r e e r g a n i d n g t h e expelled tm:~bms &to weparate
tamions, pending the time w b &
ay will a a ble t o
h
&
o
force their readmittance by t w%@ r m k h h

THE INTERNATIONAL
GERMANY

T

H E C b h t t e e of Nine, consisting of three members
each from t he Second "Two and a half" and Third
1 nternat;imds a nd commissioned to lay the foundations
for a united f ront of the world's ~ roletariat,has broken
up a nd & ~ b m d e d . Inability t o unite upon a common
program
"the cause. It proved impossible, even
- me
pressure of the bitter reaction, t o
under
u nite &B &&&~~tionary Communists with the reformist
Socia&&,
b i s now apparently a struggle to the finish
between l!&p f or mastery of Labor's forces.

i

zo%, a re women. The unions with the largest percentage of women workers are as follows:
T extile Workers . .................. 430.350
Factory Workers . .................. 187,412
Metal Workers . .................... 173,914
F arm Workers . .................... 170,043
Tobacco W orkers . ................. 101,292
Clothing Trades . ...................
75,143
Book Binders . ......................
62,379
T ransport Workers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
58,490
Municipal & State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
53,383
In many of the organizations the women' members
are in the majority. In the Textile Workers they
number 430,350 a s against 226,499 men, in the Clothing
Workers 75.143 to 49,233 men, in the Book Binders
62,379 to 25,016, etc. The General Federation of German Trade Unions will hold its 11th convention in
Leipsig, beginning June 19th.

w

RUSSIA

[ THIN the past two months three important new
affiliations have joined the Red Trade Union International. The first was the Norwegian Trade Union
Federation, with 223,588 members. At the Congress
of the International Federation of Trade Unions (Amsterdam) held in Rome recently, Ole Lian, General
Secretary of the Norwegian movement announced his
organization's withdra'wal from that body. The Workers' Federation of Chili has also joined the Red Trade
Union International. This movement is, next to that
of Argentine, the strongest organization in S outh
America. The third new affiliation was the Sailors'
Union of Germany. This organization is independent
of the German Transport Workers' Union and it contains the bulk of German seamen. Formerly it had a
strong Syndicalist tendency, but this has now about
disappeared. I n Great Britain sentiment develops
rapidly in favor of the Red Trade Union International.
At a conference organized by the British Bureau early
in April, 270 delegates were present from all over the
country.

B OqK NOTES

f

ITALY
HE International Federation of Trade Unions, Am-

T

"9 &m n early 83 y ears of age.
blac%dked
by t he .oorporations, a nd
has k i m a r i s o x n e and a agir Yo
t e q r i s e d brave battle exposing the
of ~ u & & + c o m ~ n a ~ & y supreme a d m i ~ t & d .I
m
i
am d pou. I
&
sigaing arder. f 6r q: e
m
*
Em
LAFa

E.
-"

This

&om a I&$< & st rs&ved s h m v ~ he
t
spleadid sg@it i l c h i m d h g '& eriC.6ess'og TEB bip~
i
H_=n
and t-he Leame. You young EQ* b aveiybti
a s much e nkhushsm w thiri comrade of 83 pars? ='

.....................
Bars and Shadows,'by R dph

1,977,090

., ................

677,465

h hoduetion by Scott Nearing.

...................

..................

477,262
450,032

..................

104,750

7 members, 1,618,296, o r over

F

s terdam) held its third convention in Rome, April
20-26. Over IOO delegates from 20 countries, representing approximately 22,ooo,ooo workers, were in attendance. The principle subjects dealt with and the
action taken thereon are as follows: ( I ) Genoa conference-this ,was condemned as a capitalistic scheme
and demands were made upon it to unconditionally
admit Russia to the comity of nations and to grant
credits to all exhausted countries from an international
loan to be floated. The only proposition submitted to
the conference that was endorsed was the Russian demand for disarmament. (2) Means of combating future
wars- a referendum was ordered among the 3,500,000
metal workers of the world to declare a strike in case
of war. (3) How to *withstand the worldwide capithis an intensified campaign of
talistic reaction-for
organization was ordered. (4) Relations with the Red
Trade Union International-recognition
was given to
the previously stated figure of 16,ooo,ooo members for
this organization, but hostility was shown towards
recognizing or working with it. Its policy of building
nuclei within the old unions was condemned. ( 5)
Absence of American and Russian trade unionistsefforts are to be made to win the affiliation of these
bodies. Much scoffing was heard because the A. F.

T H E LABOR HERALD
of L. had withdrawn its affiliation with the plea that
the Amsterdam International was too radical. The
old officials, including J. H. Thomas, President, Leon
Jouhaux, Vice President, and Edo F i m e n , Secretary,
were all reelected. The next convention will be held
in Vienna

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D ENMARK

/\N A ~ r i l24th. the meat lockout, which had lasted
"

w a l m ~ & ttwb month; came to an end. The settlement carried with it a reduction in wages of 15%. or
12% among the poorer paid workers, semi-annual readjustment of wages in acordance with the varying
cost of living, reduction of overtime rates to z 5%-fG
the first hour and 33%% for the second hour, and
maintenance of the eight hour day with minor modifications. There is considerable discontent among the
rank and file of the unions, they feeling; that their conservative leaders have sacrificed their interests.

July, 1922

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a class basis. As the T a b Vale decision, at first a great
defeat. finally resulted in a victory by producing the
Labor Party, so the present disaster will probably
change eventually into a great success by uniting the
scattered trade unions into one mighty, undefeatable
organization. British Labor is now at a turning point
in its history.

Book Department of

THE LABOR HERALD

Live Wires Wanted to Circulate the Following book^:
THE RAILROADERS' NEXT STEP-AMALGANATION.

(Seoond Edition).
By Wm. Z Foster. 64 pages. Revised and Enlarged.
Single copies, 25e each ; 10 to 200 copies, 150.
STORIES OF THE GREAT RAILROADS.
By Charles Edward Russell. 332 pages. $1.25 p er copy.
THE GREAT STEEL STRIKE.
By Wm. Z. Foster. 865 pages Cloth, $1.75; paper, $1.00 per copy.
RESOLUTIONS AND DECISIONS OF TPTE FIRRT WORLD CONC3RESB OF
REVOLUTIONARY TRADE UNIONS-MQSCOW. 96 pages. 15c per copy.
THE RUSSLAN REVOLUTION. By \Vm. Z. Foster. (Sold out.)
THE REVOLUTIONARY CRISIS OF 1Q18-1921I N GEBMANY, EBTOLABlD,
ITALY AND FRANCE. '
By V m , Z . Foster 64 pages.
a n g l e oopies, 25c; 10 or more, l 5c.

A British Laborillustration of than American further
CURIOUS
how much
is advanced
Labor

is furnished by the current issue of "All Power," British official organ of the Red Trade Union International,
which contains an article by George Hicks, President
of the National Federation of Building Trades Operatives. To get an idea of what this means try t o imagine
John Donlin, President of the A. F. of L. Building
Trades Department writing enthusizsticallg- 'for the
Liberator o r THE.LABOR ERALD. would seem
H
That
a miracle.
The Federation of Building Trades Operatives made
ENGLAND
~
i long fought lockout in the British metal trades UD of 16 organizations with s o o , members and headed
E
has come to an end with a d'efeat for the men. b Hicks,
one of the new types of industrial unions
;
The latter have been forved to accept the employers' in the making. Though technically still a federation, it
terms, which carry with them very heavy wage cuts is rapidly digesting its many unions heading straight
and much less control for the unions in the shops. for an industrial union that will include the entire
The struggle lasted I4 weeks and at one time there were building trades. I t was formed as a result of the great
almost r,ooo,ooo men involved. The depleted s b t e of amalgamation movement launched by Tom Mafin and
the unionsl.funds, coupled with a terrible u neiaplopent, his comrades in 1911. In the current issue of T he
made the struggle one of the worst in British indus- Operative Builder, Mr. Hicks, outlining the history and
purpose of the organization, says :
trial history. I t is a big defeat for War.
I am sure that the great campaign of 1911 to 1914
T he great lockout is the aftermath of the c@lapse of
for full and complete a malgaqtion of all building
the Triple Alliance a year ago. At that h e &e highly
trade unions into one industrial organization had
organized British emiployers took the measure of the
a most marked effect in developing the mind of :he
trade union movement. They saw that its leaders, bred
worker for bigger and better forms of unity. I t
in the old Lib-Lab school of unionism are incapable
helped him to realize that it was not s a c i e n t
of making a fight on cIass lines so they passed the word
merely to desire better things, but that if he wanted
along for a general assault against the whole movet~ realize them he had to work for them, and the
ment. The attack on the metal trades organizations
scope necessary for such work did not lie in being
was headed by Sir Allan M. Smith, President qf the
separated from his fellow man, but in' co-operation
Engineering and National Employers' Federation. H e
with h im Complete amalgamation has not yet been
demanded that the Amalgamated Engineering Unim acrealized, but again let-me say I feel as confident of
cept conditions calculated to break the power of the- orit coming into being as of daylight following darkganization. The leaders agreed, but the m
e k feated
ness. We ought to have it now. We will have it
the proposition on a referendum, Result a lackqut of
as soon as the workers demand it, W e must
350,000 machinists on March 11th. Then the employers
broaden the outlook of the rank amj a e . One
moved against the rest of the trades, whose leaders
union with one aim-that is to sieze each opporh ey h e w were only too willing to capitulate. For a
tunity for improvement of status, to work in cot h e the 47 other metal trades unions made a show
operation with other unions for mutual aid and
csf a united front, but they finally turned tail on the
ink up and fraternize d the
protection, to l
E. U. and entered into separate negotiations with
workers of the world' to assist in the d l i s h m e n t
the employers on the basis of terms rejected by the
of the Co-operative Commonwealth.
A. E. U But this treason did them no good, i t only
.
T i k of an American building trades e n chier
hn
encouraged the employers, with the outcome that the
47 found themselves locked out also on May 3rd, adding talking like that! The "old guard" w d h v e him
arrested and examined for his sanity.
600,000 more men to the fray. After endless negotiaThe London Daily Herald, the big daily paper of
tions, in which the e mloyers displayed unshaking determination to cripple the unions and the union leaders Organized Labor in Great Britain, has been SWBLT he
gross timidity and lack of solidarity, the settlement Joint Committee, representing the General, Ckeund of
Comwas finally arrived at, first by the 47 unions on June the Trade Union Congress and the Ex+w
znd, and the Amal@;amated Engineering Union on June mittee of the National Labor Party, has O ~ t oB its
rescue by agreeing to take care of its d a t =ti1 their
12th.
The British labor movement is stirred to its depths brganizations hold their national conuentim& in June
over this latest defeat. Something drastic will be done and September respectively, when definite a m g s e n t s
about it. Unlike Americans, the British trade union- will be made to put the paper on its f@ t kancidy.
i
ists are accustomed to learn by their defeats. M y y For a long time the Daily Herald has &&%n dire
are now declaring that old-fashioned trade unionm~~financial straits, ascribable chiefly to the iadastrial dejust about
has reached the limit of its usefulness and cannot stand pression. At the time this relief came it.*
before such powerful employers' organization as the to expire. The recent anti-union twist 09 the British
Federation of British Industries. An insistent demai~d press (hitherto comparatively fair to Wsk] has no
l
is being made for the amalgamation of the entire labor doubt moved the conservative trade m10~eaders to
movement into one organization which shall fight on save the Daily Herald.

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TH

SPECIAL RATES TO AGENTS

ORDERS PAYABLE IN ADVANCE

The Trade Union Educational League
118 North La SalIlls l trert

Chicago, Illinoi%

II
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Do S ou Want to Know About the Progress of the Fight

II

SOVIET RUSSIA

11

as t hey appear twice a month (on t he 1st and 16th of each month)

I

PICTURES, POSTERS, MAPS, PORTBAITB, ORIGINAL AETI€lZES, EGBNONIC
STUDIES BY LENIN, TROTSKY, RADEK, a;INOVIBV AND OTHERS
f

A t A "Newsstands, Fifteen Cents p er Copy
l
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lI

i

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I f So, You Must Read t he Issuea of

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63UBSCB.IPTIBN PBICE: $2.50 PER YEAR, $1.25 FOR S IX MONTB23
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Address.

" SOVIET RUSSIA"
-

Room 304-1 10 West 40th S t m ~ i
-I

New York,
'

N. Y. I
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1
.

It

B e a Partner o f Soviet Russia

I

F or $10 y ou can buy a share in a company which has formed a partnership
w ith t he Russian Soviet Government. It will manufacture cloth, clothing, etc., in
Moscow and Petrograd. Russia furnishes the plants, the workmen, the raw rnat erials and the market ; A merican working people are now furnishing the moneyc apital and the technical aid. Your money invested in this company will pay for
better food for t he w orkers, for additional machinery, and for outside materials.
I t is hoped t hat dividends will be paid from t he b eginning, and the Russian G OVe rnment guarantees your investment. Any profits over ten per cent. will go t o
enlarging these factories and running others, so t hat t he possibilities of the
project are without limit.
R ussia has plants,
This is not a charworkers and r a w maLENIN'S MESSAGE TO YOU
i t y ; it is better than
terial in g r e a t abundM o s c o w , J une 7 , 1 922.
charity. If a n unemance. She needs w orkployed man came t o S IDNEY H ILLMAN
R USSIAN-AMERICAN
INDUSTRIAL' CORPORATION:
~ n gc apital and techyou in the street and
R EFERYOUR
COMMUNICATION
IN
nical aid.
asked you for a handE KCE
R A I. C. C AMPAIGN R E Russia has gone t o
out to prevent him from CEIVEDT O SOVIET GOVERNMENT S ATISforeign
governments
starving. you might give F A C T I O ~ . ASSURING ALL POSSIBLE SUBP ORT S OVIET G OVERNMENT URGES EXand bankers t o get t pe
it to him. R ut y ou would
ERCISE ALL EFFORTS SPEEDY REALIm oney a nd t h e a:d.
say t o yourself t h a t ZATION Y OVR P LANS.
T hese bankers a r e eager
charity does not solve
(Signed)
RYKOFF.
P C TING CHAIRMAN COUNCIL LABOR
for the profits waiting
the problem c:f u nemAND DEFENSE (Substitute for L enin).
t o be made. But they
ployment. W h a t is n eedw ill make bargains oniy
ed is a new deal t h a t
will set the wheels o f
o n conditions that R ussia does not wish to accept.
i ndustry g oiug a nd give the came hack f r o m Russia with
a contract signed by r epreT hey want Russia t o abatsm an a job.
s entatives c f t he Soviet Govdon all communistic ideals.
T h a t is just a s true of R usThey want the debts of the
a s i t is o f t he m an
t he
er?:"t'contract
a grees t o
T sar t o b e paid. They w ant
s treet. Russians a r e starvt urn o ver t o t he R ussianc ontrol over R tr~sian c ourts
i ng; we h ave g iven
t o A merican Industrial Corpor- a nd o ther impossible t hings.
l Juy t hem f o o d ; w e
k eep
a tlon six factories in PetroC annot A merican w orking
O n g iving i t' B ut t hat m oney
g rad a nd t hree in Moscow
people f urnish the necessary
is eaten up. Here is a chance m aking c loth a nd clothing.
capital without depending on
t o help R ussian iR ussia will T hey a r e worth between $2,s tarted so t h a t ndustry get
t he bankers t o d o it for
500,000 and $5,000,000.
t h e m ? Instead of putting
be
M oney
S idney H illman i nspected y our m oney i n t he h ank, inv ested i n
' Ompany
t hesefactoriesand found that
vest i t i n t he R ussian-Amern ot be eaten u p ; it will keep
t hey a r e in good condition, ican i ndustrial Corporation.
going t h e w heels o f t extile
turn out good clothing, and
mi'1s a nd ' lething
- - - - - - - - -n ow employ about 7,000 peoi t will give a ddjtional jobs t o
I
ple.
R ussian w orkmen.
T h e R ussian-American I nR USSIAN-AMERICAN INDUSH ere is your chance t o ind ustrial C orporation has been
TRIAL CORPORATION
I
vest money in the Russian
i ncorporated under the laws '
32 Union Square, New York City
Revolution. Do you believe
of Delaware. Its authorized
I
in t he Soviet Government? capital is $1,000,000.
.
I ~clalzt. . . . . . . sl~nresof Y O U I - stoclt
Do you wan1 t o give it an
A ny o ne may subscribe a t
o pportunity t o make good?
$10 a share. Careful p rovi- I n t $10 n slznrc, for .iwlziclz I e uclose
Here is a chance to s ay s o
:ion is made that control of
. . . . . . . . . I w ant f urtlze~, i nformaw ith hard cash.
the c o r ~ o r a t i o nwill not fall
$.
P resideut S idney H illman
i nto t he- h ands of a few large
ti011 a bout the pln~z. I z cmrzt.. . .....
?f t ile A malgamated Clothowners, T his is a people's
topics o f ,,our ,iicmiure
d istnbutr
111g W orkers of America
enterprise.
t o I : I Vf riends.

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The Russian-American
Industrial Corporation
Sidney Hillman, President.

31 Union Square, New York Citv

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A ddress

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September, 1922

The Railroaders' Next Step:

T he Road to p ower
a nd Teacher ,of Nation41

By W m. 2. Foster
This 6 4page pamphlet, written by a practical railroad man of many
years' experience, Ells a long-felt want of railroad unionists. Phase by
phase and step by step it scientifically and irrefutably establishes the case
for amalgamation. Place this pamphlet in the hands of the rank and
file and it will not be long until the fusion of the sixteen railroad unions
i nto one body is an accomplished fact.

T a e Unionism
rd
All the above.studies' a re organized in
such m anner that each can be mastered
in a few weeks. We teach the teachers of the working-class.

Here is a model of trade union pamphleteering. I n the seven chapters into
which the 64 pages of this booklet are divided are combined deep research,
cool analysis of fact, broad knowledge of the industry and of its history,
unflinching determination to move men and conditions upward and onward.
From the opening ~ entence,"The supreme need of the railroad men at the
present time is a consolidation of our many railroad organizations into one
compact body," to the closing prophecy that in time the cozpolidated railroad
unions w ill "pit their enormous organization against the employing class,
end the wages system forever, and set up the long-hoped-for era of social
justice," there is not a dull sentence in the book.

Central School of Practical

A feature of the pamphlet is a beautiful cover, designed by the wellknown artist, F red Ellis.

II

All railroad groups of militazlts should make the distribution of this
pamphlet a special order of business, and see to it t hat all railroad
unions in their respective localities are plentifully supplied with it. Let
us have your orders immediately.

RATES :
Single copies, 25c per copy. We pay postage.
In lots of 10 to 200, 15c per copy. We pay postage
Over 200 copies, special rates.
To avoid delay, order quickly, as the present supply is limited

ALL ORDERS PAYABLE I N ADVANCE

II

Send remittances to the

T rade Union Educational League
118 N. La Salle St., Chicago, Ill.

III

A Six p age weekly. Will fill your need
for a live, clear cut workers' newspaper. News, special articles, editor- n
ials. Cartoons by Bob Minor.
Always abreast of the labor struggle.
Special price to new subscribers

20 weeks for 50 cents.

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( Regular price $2.00 per year)

Writing in "Advance, " Solon De Leon says:

I

I

Working Class Education

AMALGAMATION

I

T H E LABOR HERALD

II

Books and Pamphlets
"Dictatorship vs. Democracy"
By Leon Trotzky
Just published. Cloth $1.00, paper 50 cents.

A book of tremendous value to workers
who realize - t he necessity of right tactics
in the labor struggle. Write for price list
of Workers Party publications.

THE WORKERS PARTY
799 Broadway; Room 405
New~o&City .

LITERATURE AGENTS, SPECIAL NOTICE
Because of the seizure of o ur.books by t he police in an
attempt to frame-up against me in connection with the Gary
train wreck, it is impossible for us to send regular statement$
t o those having accounts with THE LABOR HERALD. We are
therefore compelled to appeal to you to figure out your o wnpccount, on the basis of t he bills sent you last month, deducting any
payments made, and adding for copies received, and to promptly'
send us the amount due. . Remeinber t he September Herald costs
only nine cents par copy. We appeal to your. solidarity t o act
immediately in this matter axid t o remit the full amount due us.
When the authorities are making desperate efforts to destroy
our League and THE LABOR HERALD, the militants should
-. make reply by at least paying - their accounts promptly. W e know
you won't fail us in this matter.
Wm. Z. Foster

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NATIONAL CONFERENCE NUMBER

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THE ABOR HERALD
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Published monthly at 118 N. La Salle St. Subscriotion price $1.50 per year. The Trads Union Educational W e . Publiaherf
"Entered a s semnd-class matter March 21, 1922, a t the postoffice a t C hica~o,Illinois, under the Act of March 0, 1879."

Vol. I.

.

No. 7

September, I 922

First National Conference of t~ z & t
he
7-8
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Trade Union Educational League
Chicago, Aug. 26-27.
First Day's Proceedings. Morning Session
'The Conference was opened at 9 :30 a. m.,

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August 26th, in the Labor Lyceum, 2733 Hirsch
Blvd., by Sec'y-Treas. Foster.
johnstone of chicago was unanimously
elected chairman.
-Upon motion the chair was instructed to appoint the following committees of three members each : Credentials, Resolutions, Organization, Finance, Defense.

Report of Credentials Committee

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~ G r otf Organization Committee
~ h Organization Committee submitted the
&
following rules and regulations for the national
and local leagues :

T he Credentials Committee reported credentials of 45 delegates from the following 26 cities:
Milwaukee, Boston, Buffalo, Winnipeg, Montreal,
. RULES FOR T H E TRADE UNION EDUCAToronto, Guelph, New York, Cleveland, MinneTIONAL LEAGUE
1. This body shall be known as the Trade Union
apolis, San Francisco, Seattle, Los Angeles, St.
Louis, O'Fallon, Chicago, Grand Rapids, Pitts- Educational League.
2. I ts
shall . be o carry on
burgh, Cisco, Moline, Omaha, Kansas City, AS- campaign aimeducational t work within an intensified
of
the trade untoria, St. Paul, Youngstown. The delegation ions to the end that the natural development of
included many of the most active and influential these bodies to ever more clear-sighted, cohesive,
militants in the American trade union move- militant, and powerful organizations may be faciliated, and thus the labor movement hastened on to
ment. A do~ted.
the accomplishment of its great task of working
T he followinu communication^ were read :class emancipation.
AMALGAMATED UNION O F BUILDING
TRADES WORKERS O F GREAT
BRITAIN AND IREL-AND
London, England, August l oth, 1922.

4

W ESTERN UNION TELEGRAM
Aug. 25, P M 6 13
P hiladel~hia.Pa.
Trade &ioi Convention,
Educational League,
Regret our inability t o send delegates to convention but can't refrain from sending you our
heartiest congratulations and wishing you success
in the work YOU a re undertaking.
Shop ~ e l e g a t e sLeague, Waist &
Dress Industry,
B. Baroky, Secretary."

Mr. Wm. 2. Foster,
Trade Union Educational League,
Chicago, Ill.
Dear Sir and Brother:
Many thanks for the copy of T H E LABOR HERALD you were good enough to send me together
with an invitation to contribute an article to this
fine publication. I enclose a n a rticle on the l i e s
you suggest and also a photograph which may be
useful. Best wishes for the success of your National Conference. Your movement is in line with
the most keen expression of working class educational life here. Please convey my fraternal greetings to the Conference.
Yours Fraternally,
(Signed)
George Hicks,
General President."

3. Only good-standing members of recognized
trade unions can hold office in t he League and participate actively in its business meetings.
4. Nationally the League shall consist of the following industrial sections : Amusement Trades,
Building Trades, Clothing Trades, Food Trades, General Transport Trades, Lumber Trades, Metal
Trades, Mining Trades, Miscellaneous Trades, Printing Trades, Public Service Trades, Railroad Trades,
Textile Trades, and Local General Groups. Each
of these national industrial educational sections
shall consist of militant workers from all the recognized trade unions in their respective spheres. Each
of them shall have a national secretary. Locally
the League shall follow the same general scheme
of organization, the various local groups choosing
secretaries and'specializing themselves according to
t he above named industrial sections. The national
league shall consist of four territorial districts,
(1) E astern States, (2) Central States, (3) W estern
States, (4) Canada. The boundaries of the districts
shall be determined by the National Committee.

4

THE LABOR HERALD

5. T he League is purely an educational body, not
a t rade union. I t is strictly prohibited for any of _
its national or local branches to affiliate to o r 'accept the affiliation of trade unions. No dues shall
be collected from individual workers nor per capita
tax from organizatiops of any kind. . The revenues
of the League, national, district and local, shall be
provided through voluntary donations, meetings, entertainments, sale of literature, etc. No membership'
cards shall be issuea t o individuals co-operating in
the Leagne.
6. T he League shall hold National Conferences
yearly, a t such times and places as may be determined-on by the National Committee. The system
af r epresentation shall be based upon the local general groups, which shall be entitled to one delegate
for and from each local industrial section organized
in th& respective localiti6s, a nd one for the local
general group. Delegates shall have one vote each.
D uring t he nktional conferences, meetings shall be
held of the various national industrial sections to
map out their respective programs.
7. T he national officers of t he League, s hall consist of a Sec'y-Treas., and a National. Committee
composed of the 14 secretaries of the national industrial sections specified in Sec. 4. T he Sedy-Treas,
shall be the secretary of the National Committee.
He shall be elected by the National Conference. The
industrial s ecietaries shall be elected by t+eir r espective sections during the National Conference.
A sub-committee of seven, including the Sec'yTreas., shall be selected from among the membership of the National Committee, to act as an Adm histrative Council, selection to be based upon proximity to the national headquarters. All goodstanding members of recognized trade unions shall
b e eligible for the office a Sec'y-Treas.; the memf
bers of the National Committee shall be good-standing members of recognized unions in their respective sections.
8. Between ~ a t i o n a lConferences ;he National
Committee shall execute the national policies of the
League. I t shall control the work of the Sec'yTreas.; select the editor of the national o Ecial
organ, T H E LABOR HERALD, and supervise the
latter's policy. I t shall 'meet quarterly, or oftener
when necessary. When such meetings cannot be
held, the National Committee ,shall conduct its business by referendum.
9. T he Sec'y-Treas. shall be duly bonded with a
reliable surety company. H e shall issue annual and
quarterly financial statements in T H E LABOR
HERALD. His b d s s hall be audited quarterly
by a Finance Committe of three chosen by the
local general group in thg headquarters aity. Other
natipnal and local officials of the League handling
t h e funds, shall also be bonded.
10. These rules may be changed only by National
Conferences.
Rules for Local C e n s d Groups
Recommended a s basis for t he work s f local general groups.
1. T he name of this organization shall be the
Trade Union Educational Ldgue, local general group
of
2. I ts aim shall b e to car& o n a n intensified
campaign of educational work within the trade unions to the end that the natural development of
these bodies to ever more clear-sightcd, cohesive,

S eptember,

1922

militant and powerful organizations may be facilitated, and thus the labor movement hastened on to
the accomplishment of its g reat t ask of working
class emancipation. To organize all militant trade
unionists into local general educational g roups;-to
c arry on the work of amalgamation between the
various crafts with the aim of eventually bringing
each craft injo i ts natural- basic trade industrially.
3. No membership dues or cards will be used,only a special receiet f or subscription t o T H E
LABOR HERALD. (a) AIl subscribers to THE
LABOR HERALD who are also members in good
standing in some recognized trade union, and have
passed a local examining board, shall be considered
members in good standing. (b) The local generpl
group shall consist of members from all local industrial groups.
4. T he local general group shall elect o:i t he
first regular meeting in January of each year, a
chairman and a vice-chairman, a secretary-treasu rer (who shall also be the literature agent for tlie
local general group), and a sergeant at arms. On
the first regular meeting in January, the following
committees shall be elected: (a) -Educational and
Entertainment, Auditing, Rules and Grievance and
Finance Committees. (b) The Organization and
Membership Committe shall consist of the secretaries of all the affilisted industrial groups who
shall be elected by the members of each industrial.
group on the last meeting in December of each
year. In sections where oplly g eneral groups &st, .
these committees shall be elected by the general
group.
5. T he duties of all officers shall be those g enrrally devolving on said officer. The Educational a nd
Entertainment Committee shall have charge of all
entertainments a n d g eneral meetings of an educational character. The Auditing Committee s hall
audit the books of the sec'y-treas, and literature
agent of the local general group every three months.
And a t any ether time they may be ordered to do
so by the local general group. The Rules and
Grievance Committee shall handle a11 grievances and
assist when requested by a written call from the
officers in any lacal indui'trial group, to handle any ,
grievances of said group. This committee shall pass
on all rules governing the local general group. The
Finance Committee shall devise ways and means of
securing finances for the local general group.
Process of bringing charges against officers or members :-No charges will be entertained by the chairman of the local general group that is not 'presented in writing and signed by a member in good
standing in some industrial group where g roup is
formed. (a) Said charges must first be presented
in the local industrial group of the member *presenting same, or if of a general group nature, then
presented to the group through its local s ecretary
i n writing. (b) If the local industrial secretary or
the general group secretary is directly interested in
charges being presented, then charges must be
brought through some member of the local industrial group delegated by said group.
6. T hese rules may be amended by a majority
.
vote of the delegates to the local general group at
any regular meeting. A11 changes in rules must
first be referred t o the Rules Committee, who shall
make a report a t the next general meeting, which
shall be a called meeting.

S eptember, 1922

T H E LABOR HERALD

Another Frame-up Started
-

T h e arrest of more than a score of m e n well-known for their
progressive views and activities in t he labor movement, o n t he
charge of violating the so-called " Criminal S yndicalist Lams"
of M ichigan, creates a crisis that cannot be ignored by anyone
c omerned e ither i n the maintenance of civil rights, or iqt t he
struggle of the workers for a decent standard of life.
T h e forces which engineered the spectacular raids, headed by
a notorious l abor-baiti~zg private detective agency, singularly
cloaked w ith t he mantle of Federal authority, are of the very
same charracter a s those employed by railroad o wners a nd coat
o pmators t o stamp o ut call labor unionism i n these industries.
T h e men u ~zder rrest are w ell k nown fop t heir efforts to strengtha
en the unions t h o u g h a malgamation of the craft organizations
and t heir g reater coordination i n the struggle.
Some of the men w ere arrested hundreds of miles away from
the scerze of the alleged illegal meeting. That the Chicago arrests b zvolve o nly m en active in. t he Trade Union Educational
League, and that its offices and convention were mode the scene
of spectacular police raids, shows clearly t hat i t w w a police
frame-up to h amper t he work.
Those arrested i n M ichigafi are charged m ith n othing f urther
than parliamentary d iscussio~land d ecisio~z. N o overt act of any
kiwd i s held a gainst them. Their opinion is their crime. Y e t
unless Labor becomes a ctive i n their behalf, l ong s entences await
them.
W e consider the M ichigan alleged S y~zdicalist case a grave
violation of American civil rights arzd declare that it bears all
the e ar-marks of a police c o~zspiracy t o suppress the work of
able and honest labor organizers. Everyone who opposes such
action on the p w t of the authorities should give all possible help,
financial and o thsm-se, t o the defense of those arrested.
a
All c o~ztributio~zsnd com.municatio~zs r egarding the defense
of this case should be addressed to
Emergency Labor , Defense C ommittee
R o o m 307, 166 W . W ashington st.
Chicago, Ill.

.5

1

6

,

.

7 Q r d s .of bilainaas. batislg o &uteo; of d elewtes in each l&al
.
f

s

0

THE L A B 0R HERALD

prevbw meet*
hl call af ~ f f i c e r ~ BePQTt af
l
.
sfficera. (a) &port of szefr-tmis., literatwe wWL
(b) Beports af swr&atics sf irtdwtrial g ~ t l p s . Cc)
Reports of st;mt&p c a d - ,
Restding of bills
and cmmunisatiatl~. dtti&ed business, New busU
iacss. Good r d the ~ sder,
1ndwW &:
a(
The O rpnizlhx1. Gomaaittse geeomen& tbat the

g a e ~ a l raqpr
g
o&cial camttiittee >or
tbeaselves for this p
number to set as
10-1

Report of Organization Gammittee adopted -

Report ofi the Na
T he report of the National C d & c ? was
submitted By the S&y-Treas. Before gaHg int o rr. d e t d d statement of the stmiding of &e
Sec"y Foster stated &t the m g d a t i o n
now has SO g reat an influence in the labur m v c
m a t that the powers t bat b e are determined t o
wu& itt. h e effort in ehis direction was the
departation of himself from Colorado and Wyoming by the authmities. V is has been lately
f obwed by a raid on the national &ice, supposedly ig t cmection with ta train wreck in
G y and W y by the arrest of several memr,
hem of the League relative to
~ u p ~ he d
olding-of a radical c a4~entionin Michigan. Inssmu& w tbere bas begn a defmse Committee
appainted to l w k into this "legdl' attack an_
the League, d W t e action o n ti matter wjI1
hs
no doubt be taken before the G nference adjaunts. He s t;lt~dthat a l&et h&d been aceived from the Civil Liberties Union, ~ siped y
b
N ew- Thomas, Roger Baldwin, Robert 1VTorss
L ovett and S ~ o t Nearing, pledged the mortal
t
and material suppmt of that organimtiog in this
crisis,
T he Sec'y-Treas. g am a brief hi&gry af the
dev-elopnennt of the geaeral idea a f tSfe League.
In the a rty days of the b e r i a a n hbar movement the r nilimt elements quite generally fuac.
t imed within the aaas a r p i z a t b n s . But along
abput 1 89 a dualistic teddency b e p ~o det
velop. Chi&y under the intellectual guidance
of Daniel D a w n , the idea began to spread t hat
the way t~ biuild a real revo1utionar)r labof' m ove
ment was & forsake t he conservative mass organI
izations rand ba s t a t a tlew I L O m dveaent T his
SB r
program acquired almost mmplete dondmtioa
among radieah ~ ~ landyo r&ati~n a fter
,
ion w~ b u p r a t e d t o put it in00 effect.
It is not too much t o say that v i ~ a l l yhe whole
t
revolutionary movement subscribed to this plan:
But i l h t 19x1a am developpent took place.
h r g d y influenced by went8 in Fmncle, an d ement Began t advowte that the rebels stay witho
in Ule old trade uflions. A t first this agitation,
furthered by T am M a n among others, manifested itself in the I. W. W., and there segmed a

change of sentiment. The general. consequence is running like wildfire. The whole mass of the
was that the Trade Union Educational League rank and file are stirred up over the proposition.
immediately took on great life and importance. All sorts of railroad groups, such as system federations, Plumb Plan Leagues, etc., have enWork o the Leagae
f
Active work in thk organization of the T. U. E. dorsed consolidation and are circularizing the
L. practically began in February, 1922. Live country about it. Particularly effective work
spirits were located in all the principal cities in is being done by the Minnesota Shop Crafts
. the country and then encouraged to form local Legislative Committee, which has mapped out
groups. These were the "r,ooo secret agents," a definite plan of amalgamation, published it it1
made famous by Mr. Gompers7 erratic state- leaflet fomz, and circulated it by scores of thouments in the capitalist press. At the present sands of copies, with the result that hundreds of
time, the League has groups and col;nections in local unions in the whole 16 railroad crafts have
practically all the important industrial centers gone on record for amalgamation. All the power
of the United States and Canada. It is carrying of a reactionary bureaucracy will never be able
on a militant campaign everywhere for the re- to stop the wonderfill at~lalr:amation movement
vamping of the present lacklustre trade union started by t he T. U. B. L. in the railroad industry.
movement into a genuine fighting organization.
Among the clothing workers the League is
Already it is wielding a decisive force in shaping also a power. It has its groups in all the unions
the policies of Labor.
in the needle trades. They exercise a profound
. One of the first movements in which the influence in the course of these organizations.
League played a part took place in the mining They are particularly driving at the wnsolidaindustry. During the big agitation over the ex- tion of all the unions into one body aad the espulsion of Alexander Kowat a strong sentiment tablishment of the shop delegate system.
existed among radical elements to split away
NaturaIly, carrying on this militant work, the
from the U M. W. of A. The League, with League is meeting with great opposition from
.
hundreds of connections in the miners7 union, the old guard. But this will 'be unavailing to
turned all its efforts to averting such a calamity. stop its progress. The conservative bureaucracy
I t is safe to say that had it not been for the is intellectually bankrupt. It has absolutely noLeague very serious division would have oc- thing to offer the rank and file to help them out
curred, which would have greatly jeopardized of their difficulties. With the labor movement
the success of the then impending strike. In the confronted by the greatest crisis in its history,
metal industry the League has been particularly the Cincinnati Convention of the A. F. of L.
active in the MachinistsL Union. It got behind could do nothing more than reaffirm its old
the candidacy of Wm. Ross Knudsen for presi- antiquated I ~ dI
eclaration against industrial
dent of the organization. Although Brother unionism, With the League proposing living
Knudsen advocated a very radical program, policies which the rank and file stand in burning
standing for all the T. U. E. L. principles, he need of, i t should not fear the opposition of the
polled approximately 15,000 votes.. Had the reactionaries. By stirring up the mass, it will
election been conducted fairly, he would un- compel the leadership to act whether it wants
doubtedly have defeated his opponent. I n the to or not.
,
:
printing industry, the League is also actively.
Organization of the League
pushing the movement for a consolidation of all
the crafts into one body. This movement is
I n founding the league considerable difficulty
going forward from one victory to the other, and was experienced because it was impossible to
will soon result in giving the printing trades assemble a national conference and properly
workers one of the most up-to-date organizations iaunch the movement there. Hence it was necesto be found anywhere. In various other in- sary, up to the opening of this Conference, to
dustries and localities the League is also very allow the Chicago local general group to funcactive. Its amalgamation resolutions have been tion as the national organization. It mapped out
endorsed by central labor councils and local the Rules, elected the National Committee, orHERALD,
audited the Sec'yunions a11 over the country. The latest im- ganized THELABOR
portant instance-was in the case of the Minne- Treas.' books, worked out the general policies
sota State Federation of Labor, which went on to be applied in organizing, and generally funcrecord for amalgamation despite the most vigor- tioned as the directing body of the whole League.
The National Conference will now take over this
ous opposition of the old Gompers' machine.
But, the greatest showing of the League has direction from the Chicago group and proceed
been in the railroad industry. There the amal- formally to establish the organization, giving it
gamation movement started by the T. U. E. L. a constitution, officers, etc.
A

w r k within tber Wade &om took place in qx6,
when the I nternatiad T rade Union Educational
h g u e was organized. This body set up a few
groups here m d h ere, but did not acquire the
vigor of the earlier Syndicalist League of No*
America. . It died shortly.
Sil another effort was made in Nouember
tl
1920,when the present T rade Union Educational
League: was organized in Chicago. For over a
year this body lingered along more dead than
h
alive, due as u s d to t e dlaalSe&ic attitude of
the rebel element. But then a tremendous
change took place ia this respect. Almost over
might the g e t body of revolutismry elements
ra
arrived a t the opinion t hat the old method of
setting up dual unions was wrong and that the:
proper place for t he militants i s among ,the
masses. The! e xperienm sf the f tbsi519 Revolution cmt;ributedg reatly t o this unparallelled

'

T H E L A B 0l H E R A L D
R
through an unsuccessful strike, marked by treachery on the part of the building trades leaders, a
split developed and an organization h o w n a s
the Rank and File Federation was created. Many,
animated by t he customary dual union ideas, put
great hopes ia this organization. But it has
disappointed the& almost completely. At present
the organization has approximately only 3 500
members, of which but rgoo a re paid up. Efforts
are now beiag made to bring these seceeding
workers back into the old buiiding trades unions.
In the metal, needle and provision trades, good
work is being done. Councils of the affiliated
organizations are being set up, strengthened, and
used towards educating and awakening the morkem generally.
On July 25th a nd 26th, the Pacific Coast District held its first conference. Delegates were
on band from San Francisco, Los h g e l e s and
Seattle. The entire situation was canvassed and
action outlined to bring about solidarity between
the workers in the various industries. It was
particularly pointed out that just at present there

9

was a splendid opportunity to organize the metal
miners all through the Rocky Mountain states.
The District Conference elected officers, who will
proceed to coordinate the work of the groups
all along the coast.
Del. Rogers called attention to the split that
bas taken place recently among the longshoremen. This grew out of dissensions in the old
organization and could have been avoided. Del.
~ i u d s e noutlined the recent struggles of the
metal trades workers and pointed otrt the efforts
now Ixing made to reorganize the scattered
ranks. EZle was of the opinion that if the League
had been established on the coast a year or two
ago, the splits in the building trades industry and
among the transport workers would not have
occurred. All told, the situation in the district
for the League is now good. The railroad men
particularly are taking to the League program
like ducks to water. It is safe to say that before
long the Pacific Coast District of the T. U. E. L.
will be a living factor in the western labor movement.

First Day's Proceedin.gs, fternoon Session
A

.

Report of Canadian District
,
Del. Buck stated that to get a f iir idea of the
Trade Union Educational League and its Canadi
. ian development, one must first realize what an
utter hash the whole trade union movement of
Canada is. Imagine -a vast country with comparatively small cities separa'ted by enormous
distances, with a total population of oilly 8,0ao,0 0 and only ho,soo actual industrial workers.
0,
Sectarian tendencies have been carried to a point
absolutely unprecedented. Only 313,000workers
are organized, of which 4 ,500 a re in the National Catholic Syndicate, 24,000 in the so-called
Canadian Federation of Labor, and the rernaining 244,500 a re split between 98 international
unions and 27 independent organizations of all
degrees of militancy, reaction and apathy. Split
by secession and rumors of secession, demoralized and weakened by distrust, the trade unions
during the past year and a half have been going
down t he toboggan & an alarming pace. Wage
cuts have become the order of the day and now
attract little or no attention. Outside of the railroad shops, trade union conditions have become
for the metal trades merely a legend.
Jobless &id disheartened, the rank and file have
been quitting the unions in droves.. During the
past year no less than 300 local unions, 10% of
all the local* ia Canada, have passed completely
out sf existence, and in metal mining scarcely a
trace of the former organization new exists. The

railroad shopmen, who until 1919 y ere the hundred percenters of the Canadian trade union
movement, were so hopelessly split until recently
as to almost coinpletely demoralize them. I t was
no uncommon thing in western Canada to find
four organizations .competing with each other for
the men of one craft in one shop, with resultant
utter conftasion and weakness. From being the
stronghold of t he militants and the vanguard of
orgmized labor in Canada, the west became .a
region torn with dissension and ;educed to a confused babel of freak organizations, and in many
localities the stronghold of, reaction. To some
extent the miners of Nova Scotia and Crows
Nest Pass I?ave escaped &is wave of demoralization, E Eorts were made by the 0. B. U. to
establish secession movements among them, but
these d id not take root. The miners succeeded
in maintaining their solidarity.
The League Comes to Canada
Del. Back stated t kat because of the enormous
expedse of carrying on a new movement in Canada, the T. U, E! L. started slowly, the first several groups perishing of inanimation. Finally a
few groups were started in Ontario and one in
Montreal, also one in Edmonton. Then, at a
meeting of the Toronto general group early in
June, 1922 the matter was gone into very carefully and it was decided that if the League was to
progress the message had to be carried to the
shops and locals, Enough rnsnsy was raised to

T H E L A B O R EXERALEI-

J

5
.
v

September, 1922

T H E L ABC R H E R A L D

This is a crying outrage a d a hbfot upofi American
civilizatbn. I t 1s a b itter crime not only against
the k e n imprhaned, but t he whole w srkiag ckss.
The Trade Union Educational L q u e h e r d h goel
sn record in definite protest a@imE t he matragm
perpetrated upon Mooney a nd Bflfhm and &mmds
their release forthwith. To this end, $ propuses r h
following action :
1. That we make the BIoan%y.-Bifli~acase a
burning i sam in all the trade miam with w k i ~ h
we are a m a d d , a nd that we lancdagfg strive to
'.
stir up tfie rank and file t a pgotast
2 m a t w e ~ g rall organizations mw &cb we
.
e
have any m ntrol s r influence t o send l (tfera @ the
Governor of California d mandiag t he nncuaaQtional
release of our imprisoned brothers. We madmlrx
in unmeasured terms the irndigerence a nd n e g l e ~ t
being shown by the trade union leaders generally
in respect of this case so vital t t he interests o f
a
organized labor.

II

w orkc~sin the country mast go further and make
the case a live and Burning issue throughaut t he
entire labar msaemenk.
We appeal t o the d e l w t e s of r h ~ irst Xatiansl
F
Canfsrencc of the T. ZJ, El. L, t o go back t o ttbeir
respective sr%;a&atians and s tir a p interest ita the
Maoney-Billin@ case. We also mrge that the delegates strive to increase the c kulatiozi of Tom
Mmner"s Moathfy, Mormver, they shaufd see to
i t t hat a Boo$ o f r e&o~utions re poured i nto &va
ernor %,teghend' &ice, demanding: t hat be release
t he prissngrs* W e appeal to you, the advance guard
of thc milttant labor mayeaLent of the future, for
a
concerted, i ntendied a edon in behalf of M o~ney nd
B iihgs.

Adopted.
Sa~~o-Viverre*N m
G

Whereas, Saceo and Vanzetti a re livina w d e r the
shadow of t he gallows, having been m justly canvicted on perjured evidence, aqd
Adopted.
Whereas, their only crime was in being M Md
Brother Craig rqreseating the & onq D
e- t o the working class by orgnnizring the claw-trodfense Committee sp&e briefly an the. M m q - den and oppressed workerr af t he New & g k d
Billings case. He bmn@ g reetings fmm the states, therefore be it
t
t he F irst atEonal G nfemnre goes
im'prismed brothers aad urged that tl?R Confer- ,onRresoked,asbatenouncing Nhe frame-up canviction
ecord
d
t
ence give them its undivided support.
of S ama a nd Vaazetti and p!cdga its e atire and
whole-heart& suppart in t he task of securing their
St9te~l~nt M ~ ~ ~ d q - B B i n g s
OD
6release.
By

7% X ikt Madonat G@$ereals;e sf the T rade n%k%
vswke*
E dtzblbtb~~c1
n
& its& ma
The F h t Na~jlal e r ~ t 3 w f &fra Trade WnW
o
mo%phered
artatert b+ sc
ion Edtpeatiozral Lama 8 m k m && 5% yil! n m t
B a t W s , - h ~ ~ad & w a d rdds, db&smea and gdkiw 5Qelf t a be esrrre8 fm its p q s m ~g an^
gt
b
9 d x , iinc-g
a
s w k s t a s . The bdle
g l B ~ m E B t b $mi
sna &a &W€d srt*emI
&wf&ItzmbrTaq s a w far t h s mk sad omairannwms p $otmdW iaauet
am burea,uct~qep&ed-by a n d
&x& ac*g a m r e s t & iii G W S * ~
&a&-'&-is b t & g t w a e n t , baclhffd;rds, The m f k e ~ s
h
cMd- d ~rfther$*tw a d .fka X. 8. D q a c m @ t &
I
j uaisa, BU d whi& h ( bur
*b
hfW@&am~l~,
n
to psemma tka a awly a d h i t f a 1 d el%wafiws d

-

.r;Lsio e rnwma~,

Wnd

Pr-dSta

ta q p r w s

h eiaea-mnwha

w"em

bka,Y-

rJam are m elw snd thee
a w & sw ke Frtslllt t r d s Wen mcrwmq*,
l ! % id
t t ae go
e

Adopted.

.

k w l w dcOafQrap by ;fhe r

J & E b w ed qszsiv

eomprittme.

The p raent situatfon qf the: Mooney-Billings case
F drtid Prioon+a
is unparalleled in American c aurt history, Alf h e
Whereas, there a re ovez 90 political p rismers
principal witnesses for the prosecution have either
f
confessed th having committed perjury, 61- have been con&ed in the various penitanthries s America, in
Gfiaitely exposed. Legally the ease has collapsed, violation af every principle of freedom and hutnanbut Moohey azid Billings a re still in jail. Under the ity, therefore be it
Resolved, th8t we emphatically protest against
laws of California a criminal case cannot be reopened once the record is closed, no matter b w this deplorable state of affairs, and call upon all
muck evidence of perjurg sad conspiracy is discov- militant workers to do their utmost to create such
a body of sentimtat t b t t he government will be
ered after the d efadant is sentenced.
The judge who sentenced Y aeney has asked that campe€ltd t~ release t he victims now so ttnjustIy
,
he be $ranted a new trial. Hi?l request has never kept b dttrwr.
Adopted.
been acted upon, t he courts C O ~ ~ B tSh J m ~ l v e s
e~ ~
powerless t o act. On April 18th* 1922, District AtI t w b EPnaiw RcIfeS
tarney Brady, sn6eie~mrt o the 90&3d0U$ Fickert,
Whereas, the warking i mssea of Russia have had
who railroaded these men t o prison, rcguestcd t h t added t a their already o vrrwhefdtig burdens the
Governor Stephens pardan both g risoa~rson the addidanal task of meeting a. most terrible famine,
grounds of proven perjury a nd f m d in t h d r trials. a nd
More than four months have elapsed since the &tjtrbtlretxs; the worker$ sf the en&e w ~ r l dhave
trict attorney made this request, yet ~ o o n e y na a vital interest Ip asaisGl;ing;their Russian brothers,
a
Billings remain in prison. h r e s ef labor e rgaska- W$B have Borne t h b ~ m of the: world fight against
~
t
tions have seque'stad t hat the govexnor t ake this crpStaliam, aed
actioa, but he refuged to stir.
Wherean, all relief from capitalist o rmnkat-iws
The s itupti~nis farther c om~ticatedby ttPa wttes i s a potential menace t~ t he rule of t he warkers
absence gf assistance on t hc p a t of the majority and 8 practical interference in t hdr a fkirs, thereof Califor&a~labor leaders. Had they r abed their fane ebie htd , that we call upon the trade u nbns af
R so i
voices in pretest in the beginning; t he frame-up
never would have beea succestzful, a ad today, more America to contribute ll'berally t o the various workthan six years later, we find them still i ~~di$erent, e r ~ 'famine relief o rgnizatiqns, and that we parif not actually worEng a minat tfie d tfmse forces ticularfy. commend to them t he work of the Friends
by endorsing Stephens for governor and m l & p
of S v i e t Bussia and the Trade Union Natioml
f ar his re-election, notwithstanding his: Lttitude in Cgmnsittee f or Rusriian Relief.
ehe M oaneyEiillin~case. The indiEcreaee of the
Adopted,
leaders is naturally comrnkm3.cated f a t he r ank and
Russian Waiksrs* RepuhIie
f ife with t he result that the defenrie fiflds itself haadiThe industrial workers of Russia, allled with the
czpped by a general lack of co-operation. The def esse is keeping up interest in the a s s t hrowh t he t oilh~g,peasants,have overtlxrown their oppressors
m e d i m of its general pu6Iicitp work and ifs o 5cial and established the first Workers' Republic, the Sm-. organ, Tam M ooney"~Mosthly. But t he militant i et Government of Russk. In spite of the 'backward-

o*

W& ept; Iri f w h
b

THE LAB(
The productive forces of capitalism are inter-

means s propaganda for drawing the trade unions
f
together.

Adopted.

. unemployment

must be attacked by all the workers,
There must be soli-

burden of continuously sustaining the workers usu-

e movements inance of the un-

Adopted.
Natianal Amalgamatiom C ohrencs

Polidcol Actioa
I n the daily struggle of the working class it is
found that the powers of t he government are tegularly used against the workers and in favor of the
capitalists. Hence, universally, trade unions naturaily t ry to exert pressure upon the goyernments of
their countries in erder to win them over or a t least
neutralize t h e a I n the United Sfates this natural
ipolitic~lmovement, ordinarily productive of highly
educational values,. has been thwarted and nzisdirected by the Gornpers' policy of "Rewarding
friends and purzishing enemies." This policy, which
hooks the labor movement as a tail onto the capitalist political kites, literally gobons the trade nnions. I t introduces directly into their ranks all the
corrupt influences of capitalist politics, besides keeping the organizations cemmitted to t he promulgation of capitalist economics. So long as it persists
the workers cannot acquire a clear understanding
of their class pbsition in society. A nd without this
militant labor o ~ganizationis impossible. Therefore,
be it
R esol~ed, T hat t he Trade Union Educational
League, in its first National Conference, uuequivocally condemns t he Gompers"olitica1 policy a s fatal
to the success of the trade union movement and calls
upon t he workers of America t o take the necessary
steps for engaging in a militant campaign of independent working class political action.
.
Adapted.
Shop Commitaer
Whereas, The prevailing system of local union
organization of all workers of a given category,
without regard to shop or factory units, leaves untouched one of the sources of latent solidarity which
should be brought?nto play in the life of the unions;
namely the natural cohesion of the workers on the
same job, and
Whereas, I t has be%n found by experience that 'a
system of organization by c ~mmitteesfrom each
shop, or each chief division itf each shop, combined
together to form the local anions for each locality,
has the eBect of reinvigorating the o rgantation,
handling the workers' affairs incomparably rxiore
efficiently, and of bri$ng
n ewer and wider elements into active pilrticipation in t he life of the
arganization, Therefoie be it
Resolved, T hat we support the principle of organization on the basis af shop committees, or shop delegates in all industries where such a plab ean be
worked out effectively, and we recommend to our
members: that such practical plans be developed and
the united support of them by all progressive elements be secured through the T U, E L
.
.

Adopted.

-

-

ment the necessity of amalgamation, and to lay plans

IndurtriPl Unionism
T he Firat National Conference of the Trade Union
Educational League declares whole-heartedlp for the
principle of industrial unionism. The prevailing type
of organization by crzifts no longer. can fulfill the
needs of the working class in its struggle for o
higher standard of living and more freedom. Cansolidation of t he workers along t he lines of industry
is one of the most imperative needs sf the present
situation in the ela,ss struggl?
..
,

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16

, T H E L A B 0 1L H E R A L D

September, 1922

September, 1922

modern methods of production and sci'entific distribution of the goods thus pto&uced, t here would be
T he Trade Union Educational League m r e s s e s 1 9 excuse today for oae human being to be in want.
1
it5 complete sympathy and solidarity w ith t he strik- Yet we find in this, the richest country in the world,
ing railroad shopmen. T he railroad companie% t yp- hunger and want rampant, and t ke m ost apalBng
ical capitalistic . kploiters, have no regard whatever ignorance and degradation, unparallelled unemployfor the human needs of the workers. They are ani- ment, and a general social demoralization. Millions
mated only by their own greed. They want profits of workers on the street, millions of women and
and more profits, regardless of the fact that their children reduced to bitter need. Poverty and humilinsatiable lust for wealth means t he enslavement of iation for the workers, while the ~ a r a s i t i cdIe rich
i
the great mass of t he people. In self-protection the revel in luxury such as human history has never
workers m ast resist the encroachment of the para- known before.
sitical owning elements. W e note with satisfaction
Production for private profit, which, by its insenthat the shopmen a re developing a true nnderstandsate greed, its anarchic tendencies and its ruthless
i ng of the real situation and are defending them- disregard for the most elemental rights of its slaves,
selves accordingly.
causes these fatal contradictions, must go. I t must
But -we m ust also point out one great lesson in be replaced by a scientific system of production for
the present struggle. While the seven shop unions use and distribution according to need. The accomare valiantly battling the united exploiters, nine plishment of this task presupposes the creation in
other organizations, numbering some 1,000,000. mem- the minds of the workers of an ideal of emancipabers, have remained at work and a r e helping the tion and the development of working class organizacompanies in t heir fight against the s triking shop- tions to t he point where they can win from the
men. This is an inexcusable situation. Nothing b ut master class control of i ndustry and all which that
profound stupidity, or worse, on the part .of the implies.
I
I
trade union leadership, ie responsible. W e call upon
W orkers' control of industry must inevitably dethe nine c rafts still a t work to rally t o the support
Here is the revoluof their ,striking brothers, and we nrge the railroad velop into a workers' republic.
tionary ideal for the working class: W orkcrs' conworkers as a whole to prevent such a sad state of
a ffairs developing again, with part of their number trol of industry; production for use i nstead of profit;
working and the rest striking. This can only be ac- abolition of the capitalist system; and the institucon~plishedby merging all the railroad unions into . tion of a workers' commonwealth.
.
Adopted.
one body. The very life of railroad unionism de- '
mands that this be done.
Adopted.
Report o Defense Committed
f

T he R ailrod S trib

The Coal Strike
3

T he First National Conference of the Trade Union
Educational League congratulates the coal miners
on the. splendid spirit manifested by them in their
recent great strike. Never have the workers of this
country risen to greater heights .of solidarity, never
has the country been made to understand mare
clearly the debt that it owes to the toilers. Although
the struggle has not resulted in a complete victory,
a t least the violent drive of the "open shoppers" has
been checked. This in itself is no mean accomplishment in these days of black reaction. But this truce,
now coming t o pass, is only temporary. Soon the
employers will be on the offensive again. And when
the next great struggle develops the miners must be
ready to fight even more 'valiantly than they have
this time. By their gallant struggle the coal miners
have undoubtedly preserved the whole trade union
movement from destruction. Had t hey been fainthearted and had they yielded in the battle, the employers, tremendausly encouraged thereby, would
have raged against all other trade unions until the
movement generally was crushed. W e hail the battling miners.

Adopted.
The Workers' Republic
Capitalism must go. The system of production
for private profit, whatever justification it m ay once
have had, has outlived its usefulness, and today is the
direct cause of su'ch misery, crirne and social injustice, as history has never before recorded. With

R eporting on a letter received from the American Civil Liberties Union, signedl by Norman Thamas, Robert Morss h v e t t , Roger Baldwin, a nd Scott
Nearing, offering the services of that organization
to the League t o contest the action of the federal
and state authorities in arresting Foster for alleged
participation in a secret convention in PBichi@n, t he
committee reports that the offer be accepted and
thanks extended for the same.
T he Committee further r ecol~mendst hat the T.
U. E. L. t ake a n active part in defending all its
members who may be arrested it1 this deliberate
attempt af t he authorities to destroy our movement,
and t o this end it proposes that the Seck-Treas. b e
auhorized to raise a defense fund a nd t o k eeb a separate account of same, and that he take the necessary steps to engage counsel and to make all other
provisions t b asist in t he d efmse of any members
of the League who may be persecuted on account
of t heir activity in the movement. In addition, the
delegates to the Conference a r e urged to work for
p rotest meetings a nd o ther expressions by central
labor bodies in their respective vicinities.

Adopted.
The time of adjournment having arrived,
and as t he Chairman of the Conference was
about to close the session, several detectives
representing t he s tates' attorneys' office a nd
the Department of Justice, e aterqd t he hall
and took charge of the meeting, aiinouncing
t hat they intended t o arrest certain parties
present.

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THE LABOR HERALD

The Raid on the Conference
(By M. M.)

T o get the full significance of the raid on the
Conference, one must review recent past events,
Since its inception but a short time ago, the T rade
Union Educational League has secured a grip upon
t he minds and vision of n ot only the radicals but
.
also the mild progressives in the A. F of L. I n all
t he principal industrial centers o f t he United States
and Canada the workers are reaching out for the
plan of the League and thousands of copies have
been sold of its official organ, T H E LABOR HERALD, not to speak of the great mass of other l iterat ure circulated. The whole movement has become
.
affected by its dynamic propaganda.
A larmed by the progress of the League, t he powers-that-be are d eterwined t o crush it. One of t he
first moves made in this direction was during the
recent western tour of Sec'y-Treas. Foster. The
latter was billed to speak in Denver on August 6th
f or t he local branch of t he T. U. E. L. About a n
hour b efore t he meting began, a nd a s h e w as r esting
in his room in the Oxford Hotel, three State Rangers,
a cting under t he direct o rders of Adjt. Gen. H am'rock, arrested hinl without warrant and spirited him
a way by automobile t o Brighton, some 29 miles
north. There he was kept all night, being denied
t he right t o c ommunicate with either lawyers or
friends. I n t he morning t he t hree Rangers again
t ook
in charge, a nd t he P arty w ent by a utomobile t o Greeley, where, in s pite of F oster's P rotests, h e w as photographed, weighed, a nd measuredAfter this outrage the Rangers then took him north
again b y automobile t o Cheyenne- I n Cheyenne
t he Colorado police, who w ere i llegdll~holding him
., o n W yoming t erritory w ithout a w arrant, l earned
t hat the Wyoming sheriff was waiting back on the
road 12 miles at the state line. The Rangers then
drove F oster back to t he s tate line w here t hey t urned
him over to t he s heriff- T he l atter, a typical CorPoration r at, instead of putting Foster on an eastbound
t rain as he was supposed t o do, drove him 100 miles
by automobile t o t he state line of Nebraska, to a
place called Torrington, where he dropped him on
t he road six
town. Foster,
his luggage
t he
t here took a train f or Omaha* w here he
in
time for his scheduled meeting.
T he general public was treated to lurid headlines
over this incident. H amrock boasted of his illegal
actions, s tating t hat "no law had been consulted."
But public opinion did not side with him. F rom all
o ver the c ountry came protests. F riends of f ree
speech and commion decency publicly o ffered their
services i n a legal fight against Hamrock. T he incident became a political issue in Colorado. And at
this writing there is a strong demand for Foster to
come back t o Denver t o speak a t a gigantic P rotest
meeting.
am rock declares that if he does he will
be a rrested t he moment h e Puts
o n Colorado
.. soil. There the matter rests for the time being.
This Colorado-Wyoming incident was clearly a
blow aimed a t the League. And it was not long
until it was followed by another. On August 20t11,
there was a train wrecked a t Gary, Ind. So anxious
were the authorities to disrupt the League that they,

without any justification whatsoever, made a raid
on its headquarters that very night, seeking evidence to connect i t up with the wreck. This raid
was staged in true Palmeresque movie style. Conlillg
like burglars in the night, an assistant states' attorney and a dozen police broke into the League offices
and ransacked the files and desks. So that none of
the effect might be lost, they came equipped with
flashlight and took pictures of themselves searching
t he office. The next d ay t he newspapers carried the
plot further by announcing in eight column headlines the connection they declared they had established between the League a nd the Gary train wreck.
They informed the trusting world that tons of radical
l iterature had been seized, pictures of Lenin a nd
Trotsky, confiscated, etc.
B ut t his a ttack f ared no better than the one in
Colorado and Wyoming. A fter examining the correspondence and other documents found in the
League office, t he states' attorney was compelled to
come out a nd admit t hat he could show n o conneetion between the League and the wreck. He had to
s tate t hat t he so-called tons of l iterature w ere no
m ore than a few letter files and the League's books.
T ~ U St his a ttempt a t a f rame-up cbllapsed.
Undeterred, however, t hose seeking t o "get" t he
League were quick t o m ake another attack. On
August 22nd, t he newspapers carried a lurid story
f rom Michigan that a group of alleged communists
had been arrested there a t a supposed convention,
a nd t hat a nother larger body had succeeded in escaping, Foster among them, and were then fleeing
t hrough the woods and sand dunes pursued by the
army. Meanwhile Foster, supposedly making a desperate getaway in t he wilds of Michigan a nd Indiana, worked daily i n t he o ffice of t he League. F inally, when swfficient of a sensation had been created,
t he police arrested F oster and held h m under $5,000
m
bond f or extradition t o Michigan, a s o ne of t he
participants in the alleged convention which was
supposedly in violation o f t he Michigan anti-sylldicalism act.
All t hese e vents created a n atmosphere o f t errorism, a nd n o d oubt t he a uthorities, a cting purely a s
a gents of the industrial interests, thought that the
T. U. E. L. Conference, scheduled for August 26-27,
be postponed. ~~t t he m eeting p ent ahead
exactly a s proposed. suite evidently even m ore
p ressure had to be brought t o b ear upon it, a nd this
was done by raiding t he hall w here t he Conference
was being held. Just a t the moment of adjournment,
t hree men entered the hall from the rear. A t all,
very t hin one, a short, s tubby one, and a burly,
heavy jowled one, quickly recognized as detective
sergeant M
~
D known f~ his under-cover ~
~
or ~
~
~
activities in t he I. W. W . a nd subsequent pari in the
t rial a nd conviction of members of that organization.
T he three detectives then combed the audience one
by one, examining each person present. The net
result mas t hat eleven delegates and visitors were
arrested and taken t o jail. There all were made to
run the gauntlet, during which they were severely
beaten. Later all but two, Earl Browder and Phil
Ahrenberg, were released. The latter were held f o r .

,

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4

F

r

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,ST*:

r-

r.

.

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a m&&

TRE L A ~ . O R

T H E LABOR BEBALD

.

c lznfroatd with a

a d rehm
MCB S m nr eorrttstly: if t h e
Gta
i
o
D aIbw the ~lEfieiials t s%nmgctrfeW
I
o
ah- &to &srwtiag f i e q r s ~ k a~ d d
b
it i
s
p-filc;
t wig a&@% flta d l saeao-im
a
c
At
&O v a a g $
we have
G Q~~PQIthe
@f
k t m a d a It6frpemphIdl~t &aI sEolfa we de not
V
vdli br en.tip1alp dmmaji~l; %d ~ !
9
T h i s 38 beczaass rsf t ! aantiqftrb&
esenMtian p
h e a pd
b m &a aeiirr$CE t~
few d
d&t ar b :B ~ ~ ~ . & P B e eaei;tied
r' I
w
laifh
s m a t 8 m s tk~c ill
w
t w o ddwtra a p i w ~ .
be fmr men - eZ~m mll ~BWSI&trists segxe~eil*e
s
23 members with junk 8 5 mu& o I
3
f
and vake
aa the: faur men r q r e s e s t l q 10bW m Yark BBM
b w ~ . Watumlb the old maWae seeks the p q e t m a£ m& a con&tkia.

H ms B a~iqg2
t
a

hgw&g
mathex gaeseiora w ta whether
o arbt it
r
t degmtaeatalke
a
the, incfumsu
trader workms, B maer Wi&s sM:
We w&
hare a$e --%:a&
&as depart-

f i i ss LlZP:
~
aflaa~he
t
ifldwis or*&&
a m , a d e~rmtlftfer t'b9
p r e n a a , the eamxim$ the b a~kbiadws~k ut
eE
-

- matrtataliaed gs&l$g mu&
e& B
s
emfive

~
& o ac
~ar&

~ m~ld,ea r @raa*& W E b
~b
t
I
he
w Em m nld act f ox %hew h e t m-

&a
a
.
g R c amedoa with, the printing trades sit-do&, Dd. %per& Poagted out the rieral fiecmsit2 a& orgrrnlzhg the aewmriters. These
m a o aupy a a e q strategic pasition 111 s ~ c i a l
l ife a d grmt efXa+ta ghBdd be eqeastg;d tom ~&&
B&&g t hem witfiin the pale a the
f
b&~.lt ararreakt. Up &'&Gs.l;iniae very tittle
m

has Been dam in thi
grspkrw Utxiaa, *he
i s d i e s QVBE the &em ~ W I .
W

L ease* submitted the program af t he migtan0 dement in the cfothi~lgadustry. After
i
caagidedle diaasrioa, it wars adopied by the
Gcsnferaace 31e i gxlinted elsewhere i thinis
s
n

h dasw m . hra~a a ta the b ndereace,
gS
q
I wm g ~iakedgat t hat
k
the p ~ at
rb
p a r a ilg.Haw m v e r n e ~ ~ t s Cmeasian h we
03
sg -the l~a@sharctn&d and
detpc'l~pa
ElOtht& Atlantic and Pacific ma&
s aile~g _
folb*g
%helsnaucrczz@isfds bike movcmen-lf
in t he% tr°ades. A a, r ~ ~ ds t , e ~ s i o n ~
s
e~
have
develope$ & apmts o-f the dincantented
workers l.la~rlebetin a bsarhd b the 1 W: W.,
y
.
bore_iand there and v ari~w ther d ad uaiam.
o
But as 'kt as %he =in- bady of the tranWar4:
w ~ t " & e w e wncerned, namely, t Street car
f~
h
men$ team$tes$, Ctc., they mars 6@abolled bp

THE L A B 0R HERALD

,,
t he t r a n ~ p ~ &
work-

g enetd

American M QmQ*mc
~
p et a.$.waficed t o the p
their learnman i nterest

This mast nat be m mTp a weak affilistba tikg t he
s r r a n m m t , waicb p r o d n e e d mirely an ab k n d b tsleprgmr dwiog timu sf knrublg
hut a well-kdt o r p n i e i ~ a hfeh d q pzwicfr &pew
ciftcaur far jvbk skrika anion of t h tro bodieh
wh3t cauld a
dc~Iomc
slg9cPoe1* t h n a t
to be acen,sll tbrrough the -1
ritrih when t he milW C J T ~ ~ Z -d e d d l % ftrtr mile a care sf e-6
bS
s
3
uul. 03 t hdr mwn dehiment u nefl rr trt that af the
miners S P P ~ & = ~ l rtioo b the n ilrrud mon
~E
r
m"ld ha,pe
the -l @@ice in a
miSrre and the r&ilsaidt~wkera Y& be snited i.rr
M
one ermni-n.
2 R a t i ~ n ~ Agr~murta;"ESo dj&tzht a p ~ e - .
.
l
men;ntae musk be the s l ~ m naE the m ines. Coal
-mining i s EI, Isaaic nathn-al i a 8 u s e I and I t must be
ru@sd

-

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&etioae&ring nlachioe go
tlte
in
tpmd
of
runningl
wwer,
ar*and the dinrigti plyins
rind seeldng to
dBveb
in kwgan o$: the adrrri&trath*
And
the
mtmble3 *q. in
fiack
&e
~w "$be DItlptemab
,hr
&& BtatG @$
k e_artremg*y
tg the
br
a;ta8
fils in
b4ilridu91
=painem
b
.
di.(rktr m dircctll elea
nrosaav
for their twritorp, Thr "p9-roll Fate.a
m t be a b B m e d i & uni&d
n
workegsf
o
America,

q
.

Seuc-rril dele
n the 8itmtim
ae-me%.t;zl 2aiag & strict
m
t;he ~ esrr. n
is
hmdJfd W
qo*iWtwGd@ 111 i ndugfn
a ndergone a stormy d;eVt~QPmcnt
B E - ~ Q ~ S ' armmats about c~mpafdfiaft r(aeen
b
cars# Orwfially highthe ~ ariau%fields. Their
Qr diistriot a g ~ l e ~ a i t m hdaring the past
~ J T~ r@niz*d, f r b~T Z kist 2me.tif:oUy ;&If
~
is f s m d d u3)on the de~ir-et a &id@ O w&rs.
&
They know Ekat if t hey can rees,2%bWt he system i ts wiL?ei@m. H ere sfid there i s a ~emmnt
af a!% &st& ~ tfjIr'~~lg the FW* are morkiig, of the 1ntl.tern;iPkgaI
whjIa
of Mine,
rSz;
the m e r of
Zfhiwd k f h g W ~ r b r i
bp.
farme-Jy
We&am Fedb a x d m-le lmiw 08Beall
aha' a tte+aand
.
of Mi
a pawesfa~ rmieatioa
o
@f the h s r w f a s &iFtriet q&rt!eopenta*ao m n &b
ay
There & aLo same sentimeat in the i g s p ~ t r ~
loluring &e big s ~rike,are agBats pf
emplwers
f or t he 1 W.W d thowh this body ha%ittle
.
.,
l
and traitor&$a a ~lr uma In t he early h 8.s
m
rnents weft! w d i : Betwetln Zadhidrsal ngemtwk a ad or .no .real o r ~ i = a t i a n ,ne a& H g Unirsn
- Q ;h
heal uniens, thea b~ stlb-bi&tr.riets, lrt by disMeks,. ~ k e w j s e ;rB a small gollqwmga .e
n
h
ipl

aoren

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workers,

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weatusllr hp I n@r-dfstri~ts~d 61salIr a n a h i ~ ~ a l
m
settlemaat aras arbvet3 at. 81 t b t w as prag~raemsin a11 agreed tIwt t he indazstrq. is now f s ~ s o l i n ~
1
t~ ~
the riBt d ireetia TB r etrmt naw $ram the gdn- a d f b t a s pledid o p ~ ~ ~ form r ip n i ~ ; a p.
c f ~ l ef national ogrttements ~ m j be a steg back- lion a s ~ t g - w n F- F"-,nnne, of Butte9 twas
o
d
ward and a disastrtracrs &stakeg tllerglly agreed rxpan as t he one man best
3. ~
~ O ~ a n g r a dm
~
am@&i$a: f t & iwILa11~~ CBpHe Of canducting OuL3hl .wlmpaiv, TIle
~
~
~
~
n=sxafy t b t pbns be laid to b rbg iatm t e mineDmiag ~ $ . ~ i ~ ~ &Bs linstmakd
~
@;anip8~tionhe great; am^ -.E)T_lrO-lt-unitw miners.
t
t c ~ o w h t 6 i e r it csrrild t o i n;awrate: a camd
D1xri-n~ e big # bike t hac taxverickt, w r a m w n ~
b
n*l o
tb one-tMrd a all d t l ~ r ~ hrwf~ned the c ~ u s P p ~ i f or a r ~ a ~ ~ i ~ aOi o n d brgachcs af
b
t,
p
t wn& l
with destrmtbn. Mort a thh u norpnimho has tlze metal miners,
f
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3

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.:
h'

Boot and S h a Trades

Del. Canter gave a partial report on the
oot and shoe industry of
e s tated that the propaganda
ion EducationaI League is
nd effect on the independent
u stry. B ut a short time tiewas for them to split and
different factions developed.
Now, however, due largely to the League's
work, a new spirit of solidarity is showing itself. The independents are getting together
t o f0r.m a n ew organization, t o be known as
the AmaIgamated Shoe Workers of America.
This body will start out with a fair-sized and
militant membership. Likewise, considerable
of the former bitterness against the A. F. of L.
union, a feeling bred from many unfortunate
experiences in the past, is now disappearing.
Instead of wanting to destroy the old organization, the sentiment is now developing for
an amalgamation with it. Sec'y-Treas. Foster
stated that he had received a very complete
report on the unions and recent struggles of
the workers in this industry, but unfortunately could not present it t o the .Conference because it had b ees seized by the police during
t he raid on the League headquarters. By a
motion, t he conference instructed the incomi ng National Executive Committee to get in
touch with the militant elements in the boot
and shoe industry, in order that a practical
plan of operation might be worked out to
produce the necessary solidarity among t he
demoralized workers i n t his i mportant indust rial branch.
Textile 1 d u ~ W
Sec'y-Treas. Foster reported that some t wo
weeks before the opening of t he Conference,
he had 'received a complete and authoritative
w rite-up of the complicated situation i n t he
t extile industry, but that report, like the
one on the boot and shoe industry, bad fallen
i nto the hands of the police, hence it could n ot
be presented to the Conference. Del. Canter
w as then called upon t o give a g eneral view
of the situation in the New England section
o f'the industry. He stated that the textile ind ustry i s one of the t wa m ast i mportant in
New England. There are a number of indea s well as the static a rganizapendent
tion affiliated t o the American Federation of
Labor.
same g et-together spirit manif esting itself in t he boot and shoe industry is
also a t w ork a mong the textile workers. The
need for a consolidation of the scattered forces
was strikingly illustrated in the great textile
s trikes. These were conducted pr.incipally by
the United Textile W orkere (A. F?
L.!,

of

21

One Big Union, and Amalgamated Textile
Workers. The One Big Union s ~ c u r e dquite
a grip in Lawrence, Mass. This is a radical
center, and has had a stormy experience w ith
unionism. In the early days the old United
Textile Workers had big strikes there. Then,
in 1912, came the historic walk-out of t he
I. W. W. A fter that, in 1919, t he Amalgamated Textile Workers succeeded in winning t he
support of the workers and leading them into
a big s truggle. And i n 1922, i t w as the One
Big Union to which they principally a ttached
their hopes in Lawrence. During the recent
strikes much jangling took place between the
rival organizations. This bitterness reached
the point w here the organizations picketed
each other's headquarters. Now due largely,
to League influence, a better spirit is developing a mong t hem. A b ig wave of amalgamation sentiment is spreading over the indhstry.
T he workers are tired of the old program of
s plitting away and forming new groups. They
now want t o affiliate together. So far this
amalgamation sentiment has not made the
best headway in t he United Textile Workers,
but the determination it3 t o see to it that tthe
militant workers penetrate this organization
a s well a s the independents, so t hat i t can be
infused with the new s pirit, On motion, the
National Committee was instructed t o t ake
the necessary steps to work out a definite plan
of consolidation in this industry.
Food Sndustry
T here being no delegates from this industry
present a t t he 'Conference, the discussion of
it was of a general character and inconclusive.
It w as recognized that t he broken-up condition of the unions, with several independent
organiza'tions o perating in competition with
the A. F. o f L, body, that the question of developing a united front is a real problem, one
that can a nly be worked out after a careful
consideration of the situation. Accordingly,
the National Committee was commissioned to
survey the industry and to get into t ouch
w ith ail the militant elements possible preparatory to enlisting them in a definite work
of bringing about solidarity and organization
of all branches of the food werkars.
Amusement Trades
No delegates being present from this indus- .
t ry, the same course was taken as in other industries where no definite survey was before
the conference. The matter was referred t o
the incoming National Committee to work out
a program. Del. W alker urged that the moving picture industry be given consideration
when such a p rogram was b d n g considered,

I

THE L A B 0
and to attract the still outektndinp crafts, i t departmentalized itself along t he Haea 65 t he British
un-ions ment4oned above. The fallowing are the
departments
established: (1) Architects, engstineers, technicians, f ~ r e m m tsrvegers ; ( 3Zxcauas~
Z)
t i p workers, tunnel. workers, e t ~ (3). Building ma;
kari%l werkers, cement workers, brick makers, lime
M n workers, quarry m en; (4) Stone cutters, stone
setters, rammers and pavers, asphalt workers ; ( 5)
Elricklayers, masons, plasterers, t ite layers, concrete
workers, m m i c workers ; (6) Trades eugagged in t he
instiillation for betit, O h t and w ater; (7) Carpent e n and other wood workers; (8) Rocifera and C h i ney s weqers; ( 9) Paintem a& ddccorstora.
The German Bnilding Trades F ederadm is now
carrying QB a a~goa~orrs
campaign far contgIete amalgamatioe s t he several w arts still otrts&nding
f
Some of tbaq notably t he painters1 have voted to
go along m*th t k proposition. B at tBa carpgnfers,
a re the brg strunbling block. T h& a f c k % a re fighting t he prapasitian t w t h and nail, But t he heads
Worrsrr' union , '<
of t he a m ~ I p t s a t e dqrm-tiam
s t r ~ c arrying on
the campaign for solidarity r e w d f e s s of them. AIready they have succeeded i witmizag tke swppart
n
trf many of the local orpniZa*ns
of carpentars,
Recently thieir official psper declared: ""The cause
of delay toward amalgamation h a generaUy beea
t he permnal a ppodtioa af u ~imn fgEia1~. Amalga0
m a t h m o t e q e , i f not with t h m tkm 38 spftc
s f .f&mpn
A a s h OF
Pion
As gar% as W3 t he
greater sofjdatity
amang the. bullding t rades werkms prras e ~itlcnfand
Drl. 0 Sl Tolemoe s ameedd in b v i n g the lie8ttlc
.
f
Convention 00 t he B 1 i Trades
d dw
*
t he A, F, of L m dorsc the pzineipl
.
tion in a r e s o l u l i ~calling f a t he fusion of t he
many building trades unions hto s;k g ~oupr,uiz,
B das~ngsaup, Iron p u p , P ipe F itting and Power
group, Building FMshirsg group, and Woad WorWng
proup. Nad this tmolutioa beea put into e E~et, he
t
whole history of t he building tr8des 8trug.gle would
have been differeat, But a s it was not, we have suff m d it~cording1y. W hat w e m est do now is t o
proceed aabstamtk11y a hng t h e lines indicsted .by.
t he Seattle r eaalwha, hy jdjoiaing all t he buiirl'mg
&ad@ anions i nto one body cansiatine: a ef anumber
f
of S P C C ~ dm&ptmmts, besed upon t he same
J~~~
prinezples as tkose crf tfsc Eump.erm unioas abave
noted. W peoposs the PallwIreg graapTng of the
e
trades ia these d qrPtments, n ss s blue prigt prop&
osition to Be followed maetb* but as an hdieation
o the general w ursc t o be r % k a Wbt?atmr two
f
srpnizzrtioas have w t e d f ar ~ml@mt;m,
these
two ahauld irnmediatelp jpin togsthw and s et the
example f or the others, TIIS pramad depvtrnents
am:
I
I
I;\
(1) Enifding M ~ t e r h I gpt., b rhlanakw, qngrry
D
ments in colamon would be simplified an& conducted wurkers, m o e l it workt;rs,
mea; (23 B ddinjg
Finisheke aad M a i n t e a a o ~frepr, painters, paper
hangers, demzators, g hzlers, art glass wrctrkers, eomp ositbn tiaafers, asphalt, slate a ~ l d le m.aofers, janid
tors, Clkaatw m ratars, frank d esner$, d ~ i ~ l d o ~
6 Through smglgamation a solid basis could be - h e r s ;
.
0 r l\tr&wI UYiLsg a nd General La1
established f ar t he sociatiartion of the building inBept:* ggehert~ll ah~mrhwreckers, sewer and
t urn& minftrs, tmmstm#;
Wmd 'Working Dept.,
carpent ws, cabinet ma&=, lathers* pile drivers
(5) Pipe Fitting. and P awer Depk, asbestos workers
electrical workera, f ixtam hangers, kclisting ensin-

-

e r ~ i b n vements, the organization of the h i l w a y
w

bows and arrows.

EmpbyeesP Department, the agreements behveen
the f oar Brothsthoods, a d now the consolidation
af t he $ of li. 3 . with t he B. of L3.& & W e must
o
3
fall i nline with t h 9 process and reco&niZc its inessa$&&lle onCtWn, which is one union f ar all tailc
Po+$ wmkgr9, : O w task is to work ce;rsclessly for
;ta eer%''st$tg?~ i ndst upon the amalgamation
ofs'fhi: se&Wm ~ ilpoad otims into one mighty, allu
.*
helusixe 'orga&zation.
Swme B d 5 of A dzamation
&fan$ advantages would c s m ~ o t he workers
t
itlirewh a generot merger of t he sixteen w iona
Chief of .these, of course, would be f ar g pwtsr in&strial power. Amalgamated ~rganizationsa re alwaps infinitely- stronger than federated bodies. The
p e a t war furdished a striking illastratian of this ~ ~ ~ c i p A e first tbc Allied a rmia operated praclt .
ticallp' a s otltanamous' wits, Rut there was too
much confusiaa and too tittle ~ w e r ,l h m ~ressp
ure won forced thsm t o f ederate' But even fhi-s
did not give the smaoth working m e c h ~ m ecn
essary €0 concerted action and t n h a P O W .
So finally, when it seemed as if the qar was almost
lost, they all had to amalgamate into one body o lder
one general staff, This brought results. Thereby ,
the streqgth of t he combined armies was treoled or
quadrupled, and the fate of the h t r d Empires
was sealed. Bnd s o it would be were t he railmad
unions amalgamated; their present strength is hard- .
b an indication of what their s e a t might &en
would be. It would be the: old r tory over again of
the strxnds of hemp, which, while separatk, art
easilp broken, but which, bound together i nto a
-rope, a n n o t be tofu asunder. Comple'te s a@ &l m
tion would give the railroad workers many times
the power of the przsrrnt m ift unions. Anoth.er irapbrtant benefit of amalgkmation would
be the elimination of jurisdictional disgqte3 betweea th* failsoad trades, For years these internecine q wrels, a cancer of the labor mavm@,
have sucked the life-blood of railroad Labor, while
the companies have chuckled i glee. But amalma
mation, the broad highway t a solidarity, WDuld p at
a speedy end to them. Once the railroad workers
w e all in one argxmimtion, there would never again
be s e w t he sad spectacle of oae group of trades
working while the rest are striking. That disgrace
would be gone forever.

! US& Ehe SopP
f
d
i
We must look the situation squirely in the face
and act accordingjy. There ia one way, and one
w ar only, in which we can defeat the offsndte of
the companies, and that is to develop our full power
by thoroughly uniting o w own forces. We must
bring about unity d action a m n g t he entire army
of railroad workers, from the mgineer to the section
hand. Like the employers, we will have to act as
a solid body all over the country. To do this requires iplperatively t hat we draw together our s mttered a ~ divided forces into one .enormous organization of all c Ias~esof railroad workers. Such, a
gigaalotic combination w odd Pot only st09 the "open
shop" drive of the compaaies, but it would also nnable the y orkers t o forge ahead to new Conquests,
I t would 'be invincible. With t he I M railroad'
m)
,O
wprkers standing unikrd and making common came
tagether, there would be no industrial power 14 the
-try
a b h to w iWtan4 them. The creation of
t h b powerful organizatioq would begin a new era
of accomplishment8 not only for r d r o a d workers
but for the whole k bor movement.
Such a great railroad union would B sti'ictb
e
feasible. Tbe employers have been able t o combine the financial and technical sides of the industry.
Surely, thea, the workers have the iatel&ence t
o
S wItdUi~, E,
&
*
lZacme~sap
unite the human side of it. Indeed, the best proof
A f urther advanwge of sxna&asmtion would be
t hat i t can he done, is the f act that in many coun- the practical %il*
of dual u nio~ism. The longtries the railroad workers a re already organized in rtanding tendency of s e c h s of workers splitting
single grwt unions covering. every eategofg of the o g from the unions a nd starting l m b odie~i a
a
s
service. All that is needed is the will, and a little serious menace, It ha* weakened the n nbns m atk rse sense. Yet the thing must be gone at intelli- l by withdrawing tliowands s g o d w o r k s E
y
f
r
m
gently. To simply desert t he old uaions and to tr;r them. So seriocls is this menace that same day, un. to or@tl$e o e n d a perfect o ~mnization,s a fatal less it is ch%cked,i t may burst forth int0.a devastati
mistake. That way lies dualism, &ruption, and ing confizgration t hat will destroy railroad uniondemoralhatioa W e mqst act ia accordance plrith ism altegetbex. D u d unionism is peculiarly a distrade m ion evolution, We must stay in our crld ease of craft unionism. E\gy t he most p art i t is a
unions and work d iligedy t c~merge them together striving, however ill-advised, for greater solidarity.
through amalgamation. For almost forty pears the Amalgamatian, by achieving this solidarity, would
railroad organkatians, in a hundred d i e r e n t ways, d edroy the vwtry foundations of dualism. The launchhave been gradually uniting their forces and ex- ing of a general a malgamath would be the signal
panding their fight*
front. Their ultimate, in- for most, if not all, s f the independent organizaevitable goal is a solid organization of all workers tions to j oin forces wt it.
ih
'in the railroad industry. That is the real m n i n g
Still another advantage of a ~ l g a m a t i o nwgutd
of the developmwit of the system and &vision fed- be great financial economies in t he operation of the

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THE LABOR HERALD

P R O C ~ S SOF A M A L G A M A T I O N

FIGURE 1-PRESXNT

FIGURE 2-FIRST

STATUS QF UNfONS

STAGE O F AWALGAMATIQN

FIGUaE S-mNfi STAGE OF AMALGAMATION

_,a

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28

THE LABOR

t he companies, and which would have cgotrol of
their strike activities. The greater part of their dues
they would pay into t he
union, a s-it
be the most active in their behalf, but they .wuuld
also continue to pay a portion of them into t he old
c raft unions, to help fi;qaqce t he l atter ih t heis battle
t o m aintab good conditions for these trades in other
industries. T hat is to say, they w oild - have a
double affiliation, belodging t o both t he rafioad industrial union and to thail: respective c raft worn,
t o correspond to their double interests a s &&bad
workers and of
who a re likely a t a ny
time t o be workiqg in other industries. This F'inciple i s in harmony with the best practice a ll over
' the world in working o ut this problem Insfead of
injuring the type of unions of which only one p q t
of t he membership work on t he railroads, t he mal@mation proposed would actually s trength= them.
There a re
a@@;ainstmalgamaa
tion, but there are a hundred reasons in favor of ii.
the
On the
even the
have
gain by =rering
their S~~~~~ Organizations. F urther Progress of railroad workers
a s a whole depends upon t he realization of a penera1 a malgamadon,

*"

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HOWto Bring About Amalgamation
,

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-.

H ERALD

Septqbber, 192%
I

h p l t t i n g the & y l g m S o n

-.

F3gur.e ~ 'indicatnst he s itwtion
* ~ u l d py;t?el
a&er t he sixteen executives had been combhe* i nte
0°C body*
d one thi: r est d & .:iekB
fi2-j t he m s i ~ of +he amaL;;r=,@xn
n
$ff%&
4
~ ~ O U aItlifi6ations <af t he organizationsZ,&&@& p rorS
ceed in a slow a nd oal'id$d faSb30n.
bmissio~
m ight b e ap@~tt?d t o c o n d ~ ~ t " i &~ .
b r%duall~t he
d aboxate organizing . f ~ c t swo&%%e joined .tog e & ~nto-.oa.e m e c h h s a a nd-the many journals
i
c~mb@t?d"into one ,powetful publication. Likewise
t he system- and division 'federations would be
c h n g e d a nd expanded in ~ ccordancewith the new
refatib4ships. B 'u~m ost f mportant of all, t he bar';en between the various cdosely related t rades
woi.'ld be gradually dissolyed, mtionally and locally,
a nd t he number o f d e ~ a r ~ a reduced. A t first,
ts
a s we have pointed out,
sixteen organizations
could a ct a s so many &partments o f t he genera1
organizatioe B~~ as the amblgamation became perfected a nd t he t rades came t o know a nd understand
each other better, maay of these departments could
be merged to good advantage. l-he ~~~i~~~~~and
F iremSqndght be combined into one department;
t he Goadnctors, Trainmen and Switchmen into a no ther; and as fast as the metal trades unions amal' gamated nationally their respective departments in
t he railroad unions would be consolidated accordingly. Eventually the number of departments could
be reduced probably t o a s low a s s k , viz-: En&=men; Train Service; Train Control; Office, Station,
F reight and Express; Mechanical Trades ; a nd Maintenance of Way.

29

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LnD:

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That we f avor the amalgamation
covering

the entire railroad

+

.
to

I

p ut this amalgamation into efFect.

411 Dakota Building,
St. Paul, Minnesota.

ac
r:

T he actual amalgamation of t he sixteen railroad
unions will involve a great amount of preliminary
educational w ork T he membership generally must
be made to clearly understand w hat the project
means. W hen t his is done, they will be f or i t wholeh eartedy. T he tactical goal of this educational camp aim should be the calling of a general convention
FkYure 3 illustrates t he completed amalgamation,
of the railroad unions, a t which all of them should
W e make no claim that it is absolutely exact in
be merged i nto one
body. ~h~ diagrams
a ttached herewith will help us t o understand some detail. Experience may demand its modification i n
of the moves t hat t he convention w ouldpobably . certain minor respects, s uch a s. changes in t he fineup of the groups in the varfous departments, o r in
have to makc
t he manner of election or the number of members
F igure 1 shows t he Present unorganized s tate of on t he executive council. But t he general principles
our unions. Even a glance a t it demonstrates clearly of t he plan will stand. T he system of one union of
how i l l - ~ r e ~ a r e d e railroaders a re to make a several departments, each ,containing two or more
w
united fight. T hink of t rying t o map out a unified related trades, and with one executive council covpolicy agilinst t he solidly organized companies ering t he whole organization, is the only possible
t hrough t he tnedium of sixteen d ifferent executive means for t he railroad workers t o develop the soliboards, a utonomou~and independent of each other,
a nd unity of action necessary t o cope suesave for faint "understandings" among the Brother- cessfuIly with the mighty a m b i n a t b n of railroad
hoods a nd the unsatisfactory alliance of the shopmen in the Railway Employees' Department. This
thing is impossible on the f ace of it. So long as
If all the sixteen unions cannot be induced to go
such an unscientific condition exists, the railroad into t his project simultaneously, a s many as posworkers will never be able to pat up a united front sible ahould b e brought in. The plan fits partial
against the companies. The first task of t he amalga- amalgamations as well as a complete merger. If
mation convention would be to end ahis deplorable only a few of the t rades a gree at first to amalgas tate of affairs by literally breaking down the walls mate, they can go right ahead organizing themselves
between the executive officers of the various ulions. on t he departmental plan and awaiting the time
I t,would have to provide for the election of an when the rest see the light and come in to comexecutive csuncil t o represent all the trades, and plete t he organization. In fact, we should do m eryt o consist of two or three members from each or- thing possible to further all movements to close up
ganization participating. This would bring about the ranks of the railroad unions. Movements to conunity in the administration and enable the workers solidate t he Brotherhoods and t o bring them into
to stand together as one body. Merging the execn- the A. F. of L t o amalgamate the metal trades, to
,
tives would in itself constitute half of a malgam- s trengthen t he Railway Employees' Department by
tion. W ith that accomplished, the sixteen organ- giving it more money and authority, etc., should be
izations temporarily could be left practically intaCt, b e heartily encouraged as s teps i n the right dircceach to function as a department in the gcneral tion. But in doing such detail work we should never
railroad union, and each maintaining its own stand- forget our ultimate goal of eventually bringing all
ard of dues, benefits, e t a
t he existing railroad unions into a joint convention

YOU

were secession movements
organizations which had no

. ;The
m ass

O N TNIS PROP-

regoing amalgamation
n1a.n a t the earliest possible dzte, and to this end
it advocates the following practical measures :
I . T hat amalgamation committees shall be
on an intensive work

1

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C
'

the present craft unions
Likewise you must discount & arguments Of
those who say that federation is the highest t ype
of organization. Now, federation is all right so far
i goes. ~t has done much to acquaint t he trad=a
!
with each other and to teach them that they have
a common fight to make. But it is only a n intermediate stape between t he primitive staft. of c raft
isolation and that of the final amalgamation of all
trades. W e must go on beyond federation and actually join all our unions together. That is the inevitable course of labor development. This is corning t o be better and better recognized. Within the
last couple of months the Chicago Federation of
L abor together with scores of other central bodies
and hundreds of local unions, have endorsed the
~t their recent couvetlof
tions, t he International Typographical Union and
the Brotherhood of Railway Clerks did the same.
Likewise the B. of L. F. & E. have just decided t o
fuse with the B. of L. E. M any other organizations
will soon take the same course. Amalgamation is
now t he greatest issue before Railroad Labor.
Amalgamation is the only effective answer Railroad Labor can make to the "open shop" drive. Indeed, t he issue is clear and sharp. F or us i t is either
amalgamation or annihilation. Which shall i t b e?
It is up to you to determine. W e are confident of
your decision.
Discuss this matter in your meetings; take it UP
through your international journals; instruct Your
officers and delegates to work for amalgamation
wherever they may be; have your local unions, local
federations, system federations, division o rganka-

'

T hat the thousands of local unions,
system federations, etc. that have endorsed the
plan insist
the
of all the c raft
union journals to a discussion of amalgamation.
3. T hat a special weekly publication be
established to &rry on and systematize the
propaganda f or amalemation of the railroad
unions.
4. T hat vigorous efforts be put forth looki ng to the taldng of referendum votes in
the respective railroad unions for the calling
of a general railroad a m a l v t i o n convention.
1f these meanrres are
intelligently
and aggressively i t will be only a short while
until the great body of sentiment for a3nakgV-mtion now existing among the railroad workers is
amplified and organized so that it will lead direedy to the achievaent of the inevitable and
indispensibie goal of the merging of all the railroad unions.
2
.

-

T he ~ ppearance o f T E ~ . B O RH'RAL~ ww
~
deloYed by €he police r aas, in addition t o the
delay c awed by amaa'ting the results of the Not iond Conference. Readers w ill pardon the %aaz~oidableinconvenience,
yest
that
fiothirzg but f i y t h ~fitef'ferefzceo f the same kind
i
w ~ Z Z c ame delay i% the ficture.

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a-

THE L A B O R H E R A L B

Jj

#&I

P attern
r$* W
t
Workerr. E k r l r i d G o r h q
E bvator %stewtor&
pundry Ekaplweest S tatimam &
I
gineers, S ationary Fireman; ;FdetaJ PolisheseI Stov: Mounter%
Auto and Atr Craft ~ b & e r s . M ecbnicd Eusrgmeers and
Draftsmem* Jewelt~l W wkds, W ~ t e k aik~lrftd many other
M
organi-aatbnsunions, nw r ais a hundred and 'me W erent ways
All t aese of s i o i mgortsncc.
s imu~taneousi~, reate Cbafusion worse amfcru4dc.d. C h c
tlgde* f or a moment a g mup of atusieisna, 4 t h v b l b q drums;
horns, chrionets, harps, belle. etc.. and, soeb perfarmer
- f+
p e m usk, orihilut ~wi h e r r o 8 d
E it, q
t t i m hmevw he

-.
I teel Workm.
S
E k s&inery a n& z n&e

BuW&~

Under such circnmsltonces
insane asvlum.
'ktd ane union **kin&
t hs o thers stay
a pj~gli, and n evw r imperatlag on
when & q_saqe
ia a fi&t amthpsrelvcu.
'
t m l v f o r %a

waft d a a i s m

b would be able tp
far more

Ts 'jq a s f&h,

at& craiifts

E Y~w.

L.

helisvable.
The '~"arbua ewer waft @~a# whtch a*mdmmgted i nto
$
the Germ& Metal Workma' T m %a& r muitiwde of inM,
t o s uch a m ibn: s urancr and f r a t 4 f wiku~er. Te mcnlttserate a ll t ke &@'~cwute
.*
+ercnS $cheers8 r rS due% prern%uraa, mm~$wd unemploymwrt
f
Wwrights
beaefits, a& a f W a mule makk 8nr+ dirrsy- Y t t hem w r m
e
~ c w p.Lc0i. P w a h R Dluinf..~
l
all hatsdlc4 wfthaut the l u s t W m b , 4
lees t han halY
Bgolskrs, l r a s g h ZCC.
,
I z8,Wl
the atigiaal d
a a wanrte fmteraat bmmfit deP attern X akers
%'f,EtO
p&xbment, B m
uggest that A mdcon brains are
BIackglshi.~ht, For* -B&mnpzr, ddern
W
E Zla4ZI
g r Of inkl&ent m g m h a e w ?
~~
B oil~1wIrws
T&WS
T
tb
EItr:tr%aaa
~ , ~ 6 4 he objkstiara fh& o ~ ~ a l g a x n a 05 the metal taa&r a d
w d d spLiP t he craha a d brwk asunder
M etd BlI$hErs, B e e f $ , Grindera
#@,'1135 raQroad t r&g
of 1 8 . k ~ . i s rWculotis. T gp
Wet% Tmdm &.preakjees
,
. BII.691 variDus a aturd -binst-Lons
wortld
J twelrx Workera ail w ades
R T M metal workers, oa tPLE railigsdw fm O ~ ~ U ~ O E ,s till be
members of the m e 4 wbrkezrr' d o n . B ut t h y weald also
S trtionsry .E d n e e r s
=,DM
l
S tafianrm F&?men
t191191SIG b e afL%ia+ed with ~ m f h d wwdwxr' d m , pisyhg mrt
Crammen
gT,@m sf tseit dues into b ath o r ~ 4 a t h n s . %e acwuple: mae&ini sts and blacksmiths laiaghg 8 m ntract s heg and gaing on
A r r t d a l e Faciory, s hi-skilled
&bkg,%l$
Oa a railread t a w k , would merely t wmsf~t. nto a local Qf
i
G unsmitb
4W
,
t he r a S d department, ond t hrre~ftei; instead of d tbei
l
Semi-Sidled ecSechan:es
% Tk,I69
Urccbbery Oilers
M,UB dues &ng to t$e m eial.wurkrr, p art wrmtrI be pakt t o the
f allwad workers. Tkey wotild becow* p art pf the r a i a d
&signers, Drrr.ftm& & Inventof-s
76,081
h dustry, and whii t here would be subject t o tfi8 jurFadf&m
Y ~ c h a n i c d& Efectrical Ragineers
&$'fa4
bdcrcltnral k alcmeea Emgloyeep
IQJM a+ t he railmad workms* u d m s a hr as s trikes a re canf
Car *,
semi-skixed and k lpew
161.6Zb7 ccpned. Bat they w d d b e primaaily t gembvs o thk metal
arerkem' m ian. B ath wtd w urkerd anion and railroad
Ship Buil4ing. semi-sMUd a d helpers
f182
6.&
w a r f r ~ vpawld be hbentfitted b~ ssab a n arrangeBnEnt
s~~
IW dt Steel Pactorp, s e ~ - W e d8r b elper~..
4,6
%87
-SC
.U&
sat spccifi~~
s a,nz
Jl Pbra Ot Ae'$b.r
!31,6@3
ElesW SuppIy FaoOorh, asmi-sk&d
AmnIgraraariaa shaUld bkeomt a b urning qseation in t he
Ofher Itletol factory, a tnt-rlrilled
14518
order of bueinesa st
hal
Tinware factories, s m i - s w e d
86.981
Lead a 3 Z n factofits, s erai-eMW
m ic
W.891 trades. BI QFK&~.~SDI[WI ha*
ana on recoxd.
B tass Idill help
16.961
AII delegates wrr t e d e m lrsve tand
should be L s t c t & fdr+ he
b
P a t e r s in metal. Bwtorics
K0.866
c ~svegEionsgo an record
Cbpprsr Fact6sy Help, all l&f#r
18.879
far a mzilgamatia A ll c a~tdkktteg a r i a t t m a t i o d officers
Shaal_Wcwkers, Fuenaee men, B rneWs men, H ~aters,
should be forcod to vaicc
posit'ion on t he age&aa
L&s.
P ourerr Puddlem Blaat Furmaw L adlua,
When two or mare unions
on r e c o d favorably, LmPacdmte
&a faurmce semi-skilled &b, Eolkta, Roll
a ctim s hodd bb takm to a t hat t hep m ndgomat~ 'EMS
m
&nde, &meaIs:rs and T empmz&
421.88P
w i l l help mave t he more backward organfsatiaos lata getion.
b
d
GMnd m a 1
&4?@,182 Let amaIg~~laXfDne the qcrestion t t he lime.
Metal tradesmen! P rog~esss ells you k3 actiea CUE-These-bi!&w df w wkers a re not a r g a W btca%tss we
me 8o blind th&t qei have not ye% ematmehad w r m t
g
d
t rstian o capital, i nduatrhl develogmcnt, a re mopfag b r f
i pmelmt rader tlll&c se khat as9: mn be; argraPacd O w UIlitedi w a d w ith kerriffe speed. - S tep an the
m d mter
thia t rwi tiies ~ ~ u have ruEh m u r s tssngth matiog. W o@ tfle bu&y road of w f t
ld
t b t t hey mala sooh p u.
end forever to i he damaabZr oon- t g?n *he bra& beulevard of departmentalked fadu$tt.id
d i t h s wn&w $%ti& M d *t racks workers as a Etas& a a live. U U W ~ S l n .
nn

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-

Program of the Needle Trades *
h t ' o period when t he workiag dams is bbiag dealt heavy,
m s h i n g bloffs by the a rmgant exploiters; %he&'t he upions
M bs partly gowupt end gsasrally cok%t=dh o=ciaIs %re
s u-~nbhig a n& oRcr motbey to the o$.illau@ts of tBe eapit e s t class, the Trade Union Edueotional h a m I? the only
Bepe far a r f g c a ~ t a t fsf tlte h n i e x m tr$de unto0 m we@
m eltThe League is unitiag in i ts raafts thc d l i t l m t m rkers
r o d a11 t trdes; t host edeqwts wbo alone ase wil%g ond
i

-

--

+

:
2

e qdale of reor&anizinq:' t h ~ ~ ~ ~ b m
p w r of resistance.
t d pro@am d
crying need of t he movement. fb is a bsolnhb rt&t whea
i t M a r e s &at t he labor meverp.Cnt ia E O I I ~ pi-hhM
O~
t he
alternative af a m a l p m a t h #r annihik*
In the r rrnsgle a gahst t he reaction'ary ICBdemw. Of t he
Wnnaricazi t rade union raovement, t31E mrima af the needle
trades c m play a n Emgortani rob. m m p a s d rn they w e
af a more c l a s s - c ~ i o ~ ad militant &msnt, they s &wd
ps
set an inspiring uEampk tcr m rkcrs l &her iadustriea.
a
Before t bis cag be accomplishad, hawuvcb. t b troir)ar themm-

TAE

L ABOR

NERQLD

TLz L ~ h Herald
r

realize that they
labor movement
trades section o

I s necessary for those who seek

Facts About the American Labor
Movemen

a re for amalgamakian becaus1:
eigde of "one shop, one union" tB
The probl&nrr and .interests oE

F or example:
An enemy, B absonJs S tatistical C orporatio~z,finds it advantageous to subscribe to T HE LABOR
HERALD.
These expert advisers of the capitalist class want
to knqvy&e facts-and they know where to g&
them. k . a

w h e r our interests.

A friend, The L abor Bureau, keeps T H ELAB
file for reference on questions of
industrial unionism, and the trade union leftwing movement These expert advisers to the
labor movement also know where to get the fact

Federation-as proposed by =me of the m ion offio-ials, F a g
o r -may n ot be a atel, foiward I n the case Bf t he t yp~cal
Arrjerican c raft union. Sn t he case of t h e peedle workers,
4 0tever; i t is n et a
forward. What 3s necessary, and
w b t the s ituatba demands, is a closeiy k nit m%icatiw of
all. t h e ,needle trades.
h algamaii+n of the needle trades will increase t he s,trew&x
T
of t.eneral o rgabatiatl e r~~ilpouslp. n times of kndus
kg
st&e in a ny departgneot, t he emplpyets will bl f&eP
a n a r r w of power m determinat'iw ts win W E& t he
a
q n&as now, a eting e epa~atdy- o mot ~ Owess. m &tire
d
e
mmal and h anaial e remgth
n dons wovId be thrown
on t&c s& of t he vfozkers, a %svng/ t8%1 &toryIofeove& a?~al$lr~lati.onsf all *hei n e e wades in'to one s did
strw@€@n the l iedla %*ades themselves
. mipn nqif!I net
b h e @e pa&way $or the axnaI&amtZon gf aU the
bar
Wt@r cm#t Uni.aas in othiw i ndll6es.
.m
? & eramized- oq tbe
(59e a m ~ 3 l e 3 4 d ne,We
.
b aas of t he pl"e-setit kea of ,f1~191en, s uch a s ia&esY gartrrents d epartmwt, me-'@ eiothing workers, f wries, capmakars, etc.* with o ne ' s a ~ afsuld ared m e c entral s taft in
~'
t h e s atimal a b e , m andistrict s o m & of d t rades in &vh
l
distisi~t-would cIhiin&$e asti% d~P&atdO? of eBort, over@
l amiag,of dinin?f:t$ation, an5.d k & e t he wp generally more
tp
e %ettve.
T e W g about i&ts a m d c w a & a ithe ~ @ t ~ f t s~ every
i
m
t s agxtate for the
=
bcM union in t he ia&w&w ast $&
calling of a special convpnt%pac 8 € %a
&
&
&s in t he needle
tra6es. wGeh shall brmpMe w t e p k s f or amalgamatia?.
Replrsttntation qt suc& a t%tv6nt.m% s h d d be on the basts
of at least one delegate b r s veq. &OW ?-bet?.
,
saolp r JeIw s:*
Tke preisent fbsm bf lorn1 ox&ati00
i t he needle h a d e s
n
hair outlived its u d t h w a a@d tea n o langer )serve &e
h
purposes of t ailitaet uni-n!.im. The urrPnernirs ?awl d ivlei~ns
tens t o cause dbse-nsion in,+& ~wkpof the workers and
a .&evelop in thaal, a sgi* ~f 10caI patiie%ism which i s
m
detrimental to the worker4
w l d ~The local d o n a s
t he &it of o rgsnhation @@.bt.j$ave served a useful p.ntpose
when t& unions were $t
@
- g o a d aod i he m%mbrship
small Bgt now the loa2 unions are f argab x pliical clubs
and m srly. Beless. Us~d.Uy a T WW api%%. a membership of
10,000 FWI boast of no better atteadance at- *stjngs
then

2

die

.
.

'

i s our s l o w .
~ onso~idadon ~ ~cals;-~h+rq: re entirely ~o many loqal
of
a
uaions & t he needle t zada. We stand for the utu"ficatilm I
04 aU t he l a d s of one craft, such a s operators, p~ess~r&Dc.,
e
a d a a11 t he lucala of w e trade, 4 wh a s wt makers, dress
f
maEers, etc.
Employment B~fca=a:-We a dvwate t he estahlishamnt d
v w~1oymaet b m&as in t he enicms of t he n m e t ra&s to
e@~h&e t he p r t r s u a cute competition of t he w&ers when
they a q 1 ?~ the shops f or j obs advertised in the newsgapera.
f
"f'Iaie W @ve .tha unions cmtPoI over the jabs In the &&usD
I
t3i, a s already has heen d amnatrated ky the &nakam.&t-ed
iClothhg* Workers.
Shop Chairmtn i.n an A d t i i ~ r yCapaeit7:-Realhiag
t bat
o d y t h e u g h t he ~s@bIishlllent Elf t he shvp delegate spsteqx
can the present evils j . our unions be tlimisatfed, ahd a s a
n
step in that d irectin, we adveeate {be cstabli&ment of a
shop chairman b ~ d yto meet W guIarb md t o a ct io a n advisory capacity in t he unions. We will a b support all pror
gressive measures in the uniona, such as =pall of oEiccrg.
rcferwdums, .proportions9 ~ ~ r e s e n t a t i o o t&e h j g h r u nits
ts
of the orgamxgtion, elc.
Injunctions:-The
h e x i c a n labor m o ~ e m w t since 'Its

These illustrate t he growing interest in the
offered by THELABOR ERALDmeet t he burning questions
H
to
before the trade unions. A little light is showing in the dark
ness of the American movement, and all sides now realize that

'

THELABOR ERALD
H
is

T he One Indispensable Magazine
if they wish t o keep a finger on the pulse of events. It is the
only journal of its kind on the continent. You will h e plzd
that you sent i yoar subscription.
n

.

;

"

*'

d

r

HERALD
118 No. La Salle St., CMmgo, Ills,
I HE

LABOB

Enclosed f ind money order for

$2.50
7‘25

for

W I I ~11
-

Citation

“Labor Herald.” John Mihelic Collection, MS015. WCSU Archives, 16 Oct. 2015. Accessed on the Web: 20 June 2019.

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