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https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Walter_Gordon_Merritt_MS014/1534/merritInterviewCorrected.mp3
eb5cbce5c64878c1084fd5b23d41cc29
https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Walter_Gordon_Merritt_MS014/1534/ms014_merritt_interview_transcript.pdf
cbedf96f1037ccb54c4150d7bd9b9dae
PDF Text
Text
Walter Gordon Merritt Interview.
Abstract: A pro-management perspective on the Danbury Hatters Case (Loewe v. Lawlor, 208 U.S. 274 (1908), 235 U.S.
522 (1915)) and Danbury of early 20th century.
J. Sikora and Tom Miller (interviewers) ca. 1964
Reaction of the jurors to case. Religious aspect?
Hatter Dietrich Loewe – physical description – blondish – bald – heavy accent.
Loewe - respected in the community.
No labor grievance against Loewe.
Loewe – founding father of the Lutheran church and Danbury Hospital.
1890s union relations. Danbury Hat manufacturers’ reaction to union movement. “Can’t generalize.”
The whole aim was “monopoly” among the hat unions. It was a case of getting every manufacturer into line.
Resistance to unionization resulted in boycotts - not aimed at rectifying abuses.
“Never happened” – union members were never thrown from their homes. The union stepped in to purchase
homes.
Loewe’s personal reaction to his factory boycott. He never showed emotion or desperation about the situation.
Merritt was oblivious to Loewe’s personal demeanor at the time.
Loewe lived on Deer Hill in a Victorian home – nothing distinctive about home.
When the strike was called, all union and non-union workers walked out.
National union leaders were leading the strike.
The local newspapers were generally were cautious to say anything much about the strike.
Danbury was a “union” town? “I think so.” Didn’t know whether they were pro union or just afraid of the
unions.
Towns that had hatting industries without unions took the business away from Danbury. “My father wasn’t able
to make any money…”
Feared violence against Merritt, his father and brother. After receiving judgment in the case in 1910, a man
came onto Merritt’s lawn (“obviously Irish”) who had been a witness in the trial. At first Merritt was frightened
but the man only wanted $5 of legal advice.
The violence during the Loewe strike was minimal.
Life in Danbury
People went sledding and ice skating and went to dances in Merritt’s childhood. Older people played cards
(bridge). There wasn’t much entertaining back and forth in Danbury. There wasn’t much formal entertainment
with the exception of the opera house.
Danbury Hospital had a big fight in 1952 with its doctors. Danbury News didn’t want to report on it. Merritt saw
to the publication of pamphlet that laid out the doctor’s grievances. Hospital was chartered by Merritt’s father.
�
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Walter Gordon Merritt, MS014
Description
An account of the resource
0.5 linear feet
Abstract
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In 1902 Walter Gordon Merritt entered the national labor scene in the Danbury hatters strike as counsel for the hat companies. This collection contains many of Walter Gordon Merritt's published articles and pamphlets regarding labor and management relations.
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<a href="https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/findingaids/ctdbn_ms014_merritt.xml">Link to finding aid.</a>
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2634efdf-db31-49c8-a2d6-fe95b41ad7e3
Oral History
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Walter Gordon Merritt (interview)
Subject
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Labor--United States--History
Danbury (Conn.)--History
Loewe, Dietrich
Description
An account of the resource
~42 mins
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
In 1902 Walter Gordon Merritt entered the national labor scene as counsel for the hat companies in reaction to the hatters' union membership's boycott of non-union hats. The recording contains a pro-management perspective on the Danbury Hatters Case (Loewe v. Lawlor, 208 U.S. 274 (1908), 235 U.S. 522 (1915)) and Danbury of early 20th century. Tape contains interview and appears to have previously contained a recording of Sikora reading aloud.
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Merritt, Walter Gordon
Sikora, John -- interviewer
Miller, Tom -- interviewer
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Walter Gordon Merritt Papers (WCSU), MS014
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A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1964
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34800588-0f27-46f5-8963-84149c22a12a
Audio
Danbury Hatters Case
Oral History
Unions
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https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/omeka/files/original/Walter_Gordon_Merritt_MS014/1311/Merritt_TradeUnionism_1902_001.pdf
e2cf3c0678e76ca4e0dc8caa4a72cbd3
PDF Text
Text
The Neglected Side
OF
Trade-Uiiiomsm.
THe Boycott.
BY
WALTER GORDON MERRITT.
a
�The Neglected Side
OF
Trade-Umonism.
The Boycott.
BY
WALTER GORDON MERRITT.
�rf-
THE NEGLECTED SIDE OF TRADE-UNIONISM
BY WALTER GORDON MERRITT.
At the T wenty-first Annual Convention of the A merican Federation of Labor, held at Scranton last December, the b oycott was
specifically b rought forward a s the most e ffective w eapon available
for t he p urpose o f coercing independent manufacturers a nd i ndependent employees. President Gompers in his address insisted that
not o nly was the s trike the exercise of a l awful and moral right, but
that t he b oycott w as e qually a l awful a nd moral right. A t t his
convention c ommittees o f v arious trades reported t he n ames o f
numerous f irms b oycotted.
The b oycott policy of the t rade unions as asserted in this report
has been negligently ignored by n ewspapers, and other periodicals.
It is o nly actual physical violence against the r ights of l iberty and
property t hat h as r eceived a ny c onsiderable attention. T he more
peaceable methods of e ncroaching on t hese same rights h ave been
left u ncriticised. While t he o pen a nd f orcible i nfliction o f i njury
will n ever succeed i n w inning p ublic approbation o r the c onsent o f
the c ourts, t he m ore peaceable methods a re the m ore alarming b ecause so s ubtle in t heir operation. Though they are f ully as great
an e ncroachment o n i ndividual a nd p ublic rights a nd cause a s m uch
substantial damage they are more easily disguised and concealed and
to s uperficial o bservation are not-so flagrant. It is t his permanently
established system o f r uining others t hat d emands public opposition
•— t he ceaseless gnawing of the s ilent boycott.
Recognizing t he reason a nd the need f or l abor organizations
when c onfined to a j ust and legal purpose, the p ublic must not be
blind t o s uch u njust a nd i llegal methods a s are a dopted b y the Scranton c onvention. T he e xtent a nd e fficiency o f these illegitimate
schemes, w hich are now to be c onsidered, are p artly due to the a pathy
and i gnorance of the p ublic at large.
L
�engine o f t yranny h as b een created. Resolutions a re o ffered b y
local unions asking t he A merican Federation o f L abor t o b oycott
certain concerns. These r esolutions are r eferred to a B oycott Committee f or c onsideration. I f the decision i s f avorable President
Gompers sends o ut l etters t o the v arious a ffiliated u nions promulgating it. Here is a r eport by the B oycott Committee on a r esolution
introduced a t the S cranton Convention.
''The C ommittee recommends t hat t he i ncoming Executive
Council endeavor to b ring about a s atisfactory settlement of the
controversy between t he N ational Cash Register Company, Dayton,
Ohio, and the M etal Polishers by F ebruary i st, 1902. In case of a
failure t o c ome t o an a greement t he E xecutive Council will declare
a b oycott against t he N ational Cash Register Co., Dayton, Ohio,
and p lace t he p roduct o f the said Company o n the u nfair list o f the
A. F. of L."
The l etter r esulting f rom these p roceedings n ow f ollows, a nd it
would s eem f rom i ts d ate t hat t hey d id not w ait until February i st,
to d eclare this boycott.
BOYCOTT OF THE PRODUCT.
First, as to the Means by which the Boycott of the Product is
Accomplished. The i ndispensable p art of all b oycotts is a d istinguishing mark. I n the case o f labor organizations, t he e fficient
weapon is the U nion L abel; or in some cases the s pecific t rademark
of t he boycotted Manufacturer. T he f ormer i s the p re-eminently
important part of t heir machine of conspiracy. Registered in most
of t he States, n o u nlicensed person c an use it w ithout incurring
severe penalty according to our laws, thus making a complete monopoly. It is now a well recognized t rade m ark, by w hich the d ealer
and w alking delegate d istinguish a ll goods o f u nion manufacture,
from those of n on-union make. As s oon as this practical method of
discrimination w as a dopted t he e stablishment o f the b oycott w as
assured. All articles without the label are severely proscribed.
This label does n ot necessarily represent quality, earning capacity, sanitary conditions, or s hort h ours, but is a c lub to coerce
emoloyers a nd i njure i ndependent workmen b y m aking possible t he
boycott. It is so t otally void of the u sual significance of t rademarks t hat in the absence of special s tatutes m any courts have
denied it p rotection. It c annot exist as a mere abstract r ight, they
say, but only as an i ncident to b usiness indicating certain facts concerning the p urchased article. The u nion label is used in all m anner of f actories, most of t hem only partly organized and represents
no u niform c onditions for w hich it w ould be a g uarantee to the consumer. Because of such decisions the u nions have in m any cases
been obliged to establish its legality by special act of the State legislatures. It is u seless to say t hat such a mark is only used to r ight
wrongs. The b oycott is u sed in defiance of r ight and as a p ower to
subdue both employers a nd e mployees w ho d are t o exercise their
liberty. The n otorious example of boycott of the special machine
made by the N ational Cash Register C ompany of D ayton, O hio—the
modern Utopia o f wage earning a nd c areful p rovision f or t hose i n
its e mploy—illustrates t he flagrant-use of t his illegal a nd m orally
wrong power. The t hreat of b eing deprived of v aluable trade causes
the d istributor to select union goods with the label and the general
consumer n ot in the l abor union buys what i s o ffered h im regardless
of the label.
Next, as to the Plan for the Dissemination of the Boycott. By
combining many unions of all trades w ith an aggregate m embership
of great v olume into a central n ational body known as the A merican
Federation of Labor, t hrough the use of the b oycott, a gigantic
Notice.
HEADQUARTERS
AMERICAN FEDERATION O F L ABOR,
423-425 G ST. N. W., W ASHINGTON, D. C .,
January 3, 1902.
To All Affiliated Unions •
At the r equest o f the u nions interested, a nd a fter d ue i nvestigation a nd a ttempt a t s ettlement, t he f ollowing c oncerns have been
declared U NFAIR:
The N ational Cash Register Co., D ayton, O.
The N ational Biscuit Co., Chicago, 111.
Henry H. R oelofs & Co., P hiladelphia, Pa.
Jamestown Street R ailway Company, Jamestown, N . Y.
Secretaries a re r equested t o read t his notice a t u nion meetings,
and labor and r eform press please copy.
Fraternally yours,
SAMUEL GOMPERS,
President A. F. of L.
After t he r eceipt o f such a l etter t he l ocal unions appoint committees t o w ait u pon t he j obbers a nd r etailers w ho are in the h abit
of h andling t he b oycotted goods informing them t hat they represent
a large number of o rganized laborers who w ill not p atronize them if
they sell t he b oycotted article. Frequently local unions have a
national organization o f the same craft, a nd the n ational unions
L
�e mploy a gents t o t ravel over t he w hole country t o spread t he boycott i n b ehalf o f t heir o wn p articular product. T he c onstant circulation o f v ituperative letters, pamphlets a nd labor periodicals
conspires with t he ceaseless vigilance o f the w alking delegate a nd
the t raveling agent, to bar the sale of the goods made by the condemned manufacturers. I n every trade i n w hich they have a u nion
all a rticles of n on-union manufacture are p roscribed, especially those
manufactured by specifically boycotted concerns. It is a s ystem of
reciprocity carried o n b etween t he n umerous ramifications o f the
American F ederation of Labor all o ver and b eyond this country—"You boycott all n on-union goods in my l ine and I w ill b oycott all
non-union goods o f y our l ine."
A v ery important factor in the p romotion of the use of the u nion
label, a nd the b oycott i s the R etail Clerks' Union. Their i nfluence
is exerted over their employers to s ecure the p urchase of o nly union
articles. If t hey are not e ntirely successful in c learing the store of
non-union goods i n t his way, they still further strengthen t he system by g iving prominence a nd r ecommendation t o the a rticle with
the label. T he c onsumer w ho k nows nothing o f the label ' makes h is
purchase according t o the a dvice o f the w ily c lerk, w ho w ill n ot show
the goods made in f ree and open shops.
The old m axim h as been r e-affirmed; "Those w ho are not with
us are a gainst us." A ll those w ho w ill n ot j oin t he u nions i n v iolating the law and i nflicting i njury a nd i njustice, a re t hemselves made
the v ictims of the same illegal acts t hey discountenanced. A m erchant i n one t own w as i nformed t hat i f he c ontinued subscribing f or
the New York Sun, he could not sell another pennysworth of goods.
An a gent w ho i nnocently rode o n the b oycotted trolley i n
another town was f ollowed f rom store to store by e missaries,
of t he u nion, w ho p rohibited t he m erchants f rom b uying a ny goods
of h im. A ny one who is c ourageous enough t o p atronize t he p roscribed f irms a fter notice f rom t he u nion, f inds himself ensnared b y
the same conspiracy h e r efused t o s upport. T he u nions themselves
have an established system of l evying fines on t heir members who
buy n on-union articles o r p atronize t he p roscribed concerns. T he
delivery wagon of a n on-union baker was f ollowed in o rder to o btain
a list of u nion patrons and levy fines on t hem.
There i s s till another phase t o t his conspiracy. Whenever t he
edict of the boycott is issued under the a uthority of Samuel Gompers,
as P resident, it is q uite a c ommon occurrence for the m embers of
the d ifferent b uilding trades organized into unions t o r efuse t o
handle t he p roduct o f the boycotted concern, thus paralyzing busi-
1
ness e nterprises, a nd d epriving t he b oycotted f irm and t heir
employees of t heir o pportunity of e arning a l ivelihood.
Though t he articles manufactured b y i ndependent manufacturers
may be b etter or c heaper than those of u nion m anufacture, the consumer does n ot h ave access t o t hem f or t hey lack t he u nion label o r
sanction of the u nions, which is the necessary passport to reach the
market. Retailers a nd j obbers dare n ot buy t hem. Extravagant
as the p hrase may s eem, it is l iterally a r eign of t error. Let it be
emphasized t hat t hese a re not s trike conditions, b ut the ceaseless,
boycotting o f goods during p eaceful t imes when public sentiment isindifferent. I t has not the excuse o f a ngry passion o r s udden impulse. It is the r esult of -an e laborate and p remeditated scheme tobring t o disaster a nd r uin a ll n on-union manufacturers a nd e mployees, a nd to d eprive them o f t heir inalienable right t o the u nimpeded
pursuit of a l ivelihood.
Except i n t owns where union sentiment i s p redominant, t his
does n ot o rdinarily take t he f orm o f p opular boycott b y t he
consumer. T he average purchaser does n ot k now whether h e is.
buying a u nion o r n on-union article. A m ajority undoubtedly w ould
not r ecognize t he U nion Label. This e mblem o f t yranny a nd i njustice is g enerally situated in an i nconspicuous place. It is not t he
influence w ielded over t he c onsuming public that makes t he b oycott
so s uccessful; i t is the t error a nd f right excited i n the m inds o f the
jobber a nd r etailer when t he w alking delegate appears. They f ear
that their trade w ill b e boycotted i f t hey b uy n on-union goods and.
would r ather b uy goods against which there i s no o pposition a nd the
purchase of w hich w ®uld make them no enemies. As t here is no
organized anti-union sentiment they think they w ill r emain o n the
safe side a nd buy o nly union goods.
It sometimes happens t hat t his general a nd c ontinuous boycott
is n ot d isastrous enough t o s atisfy t he u nions, a nd t hey institute
what is t ermed a special boycott. Some independent manufacturer
because of his v ictory in a s trike or because of u nusual b usiness success a nd the f ailure o f t heir ordinary e fforts t o i njure him, will a rouse
their antagonism a nd his name w ill b e v irulently denounced i n the
usual t erms o f d emagogical extravagance. A ll u nion m en w ill b e
exhorted to become active in the d estruction of his business. Special agents f ollow h is salesmen f rom p oint t o p oint a nd secure t he
countermand o f o rders just placed.
Such is the b oycott by a r eign of t error—terror to the dealer
lest his n ame too be added to the u nfair list and he will be u nable to
find a m arket for his goods. It is e nforcing the boycott by a b oy-
�cott a nd f eat o f b oycott. People must a ttack o thers that they b e
not a ttacked t hemselves. Many w ho c ondemn such a p olicy a s
repugnant to justice, fair play and honest competition in w hich the
most competent succeeds, a re obliged t o c o-operate i n it for s elfdefence.
The i llegality of the b oycott can scarcely be q uestioned. A
boycott cannot e ven b e j ustified w hen done f or p urposes o f c ompetition b ut the u nions here have n o such excuse. Their direct motive
is t he i njury a nd the r uin o f the m anufacturer. T o be sure their
ultimate object i s the a melioration o f t heir o wn c ondition, b ut t hat
is t oo r emote t o p ermit t he b oycott t o be t ermed b y any s uch euphemistic n ame a s c ompetition. I t is a m onstrous conspiracy t o put
up p rices t o stem a ll the f orces o f e conomic laws, a nd rise upon t he
rains o f t heir victims. O f t rue competition they know nothing, a nd
if a ll t hey a nd t heir advocates claim f or t hem were true, they would
not be o bliged t o r esort t o the r uin o f n on-union c itizens i n o rder t o
rise. I f t hey were seeking t o i mprove sanitary conditions a nd the
^efficiency o f l abor, a nd w ere succeeding i n so doing, they w ould n ot
be a fraid t o c ompare a u nion article with a n on-union article o f the
same grade. If their objects were so commendable and they were
improving i ndustrial conditions, public sympathy a nd p ublic interest
would a ssure them t he m arket without t he use of the b oycott. I t
would n ot be i ndispensable t o t heir success t hat n on-union goods
should b e k ept o ut of the m arket. A s it is t hey rise n ot by the
superiority o f t heir o wn w ork, b ut by the d estruction o f t heir competitors.
The b oycott o f the m arket i s in no sense- c ompetition a nd has
no d efence in l aw or j ustice. According to the d efinitions of c ertain
courts i t is a w ilful a nd i ntentional i nfliction o f i njury i n o rder t o
attain some object. It is an organized e ffort to e xclude a p erson
from business relations with others by i ntimidation. A m an's b usiness i s his p roperty a nd he is e ntitled t o p rotection f rom u nlawful
interference t herewith. I t is based upon t he f undamental r ights o f
life, l iberty a nd the p ursuit o f h appiness, w hich a re r ecognized i n
our D eclaration o f I ndependence. I t d eclared a ll men to be b orn
free a nd i ndependent, a nd to h ave certain inherent a nd i ndefeasible
rights, among w hich a re those o f e njoying a nd d efending life a nd
property, and of a cquiring, possessing and p rotecting property.
THE BOYCOTT OF THE NON-UNION W ORKINQMAN.
The boycott of n on-union goods is u ndoubtedly the strength
and l ife o f the w hole union movement. B y v irtue o f the p ower o f
the A merican Federation o f L abor i n t his conspiracy a re all o ther
movements made e ffective. T he b oycott o f the n on-union man,
which w e are now a bout t o c onsider, i s l argely dependent o n the
power they wield through t he b oycott o f the m arket. N o aspect o f
union activity should arouse a stronger protest f rom the non-partisan
than t he c ondition o f the n on-union w orkman whom t he u nions
attack. T he c apitalist i t is t hought, c an t ake care o f h imself b ut
that t he n on-union laborer should b e m ade a n o bject o f d isaster
seems without excuse, and the m ore so b ecause it is a m ovement by
only o ne-tenth o f the w hole labor population. Then too, those w ho
deserve t he m ost sympathy because o f t heir greater m isery, a nd
whose h elplessness makes them a s till easier prey t o the a varice o f
capital, a re n ot, a nd c annot become members o f the u nion.
By the b oycott of the p roduct of the m anufacturer, ninety per
cent.* o f the l abor population a re u sed a s s tepping stones o n w hich
the U nion b oycotters rise t he h igher i n t he scale o f prosperity.
With every step of t heirs, u riorganized labor is f orced still farther
down. B y b oycotting a nd r efusing t o w ork with non-union men,
.and e nforcing their policy with t hreats o f s triking, a large p roportion o f the l abor world i s s hut o ut f rom e mployment i n u nion concerns, where they could b e e mployed t o m utual advantage. Their
industrial freedom is being assailed on all sides. Those inalienable
rights t hat J efferson declared t o be s elf-evident h ave been plac'ed i n
jeopardy. T he f ree a nd i ndependent m an finds it n early impossible
to o btain and k eep a p osition in a t own containing a strong u nion
faction, a nd his a bility t o e arn subsistence f or h imself, h is w ife a nd
children i s i mpaired. H is i ndisputable r ight t o w ork where h e
pleases has b een infringed on to say n othing of the moral wrong of
social ostracism t hat f ollows t he so-called " scab."
Now a nd t hen w e h ear f rom i ndignant voices incidents o f the
grievous injury i nflicted b y the b oycott against t he n on-unionist. A
woman w as engaged b y a t rolley company to play t he p iano f or v audeville p erformances, which occurred a t one of t heir summer parks.
Everything w as s atisfactory until a c ommittee o f the u nion threatened a b oycott of the t rolley l ine if she w ere not d ischarged, because
she did not b elong t o the M usicians' Union. T he c hivalrous union
See, statement of Labor C ommissioner, Carroll D. W right.
�w ith a ll its s ympathy f or its f ellow-laborers p itted t he s trength o f its
organization a gainst this helpless woman, a nd she was obliged t o
abandon h er w ork. This i s not an i solated case, b ut c ould b e a dded
to by i nnumerable others. N o man who r eads, o r has had any intercourse with unions, w ill d oubt t he f requency o f s imilar a cts o f
injustice. Here again w e find the R etail C lerks' U nion active i n the
furtherance o f the b oycott. They d o not rest s atisfied till e very
clerk i n the s tore becomes a m ember o f the u nion, o r loses h is p osition. Prominent buttons o n t heir coats bring t he u nion c ustomer t o
their counter, w hile t he n on-union c lerk i s so a voided t hat h is sales
are d iminished, a nd his a pparent i nefficiency b rought t o the n otice o f
the e mployer. I n t his w ay able salesmen lose their positions.
In the r ecent coal strike, Mr. T homas, President of the E rie
Railroad, said that much o f the C ompany's opposition t o the u nion
is based upon i ts d iscrimination against t he e mployment o f n on-union
men. " It is," h e d eclares, "the inalienable right o f a man to l abor
without r egard to n ationality, creed or association. To seek to p revent it is a c rime, and we c annot even by i mplication sanction such
a c ourse."
In a series of a rticles, entitled "The Rights of M an," Dr.
Abbott s ays: "If any s ection of society endeavors to p revent a ny
man f rom w orking a nd f rom e njoying t he p roduct o f his w ork t hat
section of society is u njust. If any o rganization undertakes to p revent a ny man f rom w orking when h e w ill, w here h e w ill, f or w hom
he w ill, a nd at w hat wages h e w ill, t hat o rganization violates t he
essential rights of labor. It is not p rimarily the e nemy of c apital;
it is p rimarily t he e nemy o f l abor; f or e very m an has a r ight t o w ork
and every man has a r ight to the.products of i ndustry."
Mr. T homas a nd Dr. A bbott appreciate t he a ppalling tyranny
and o utrage practiced o n f ree a nd i ndependent citizens. T he u nion
arbitrarily determines i ts m embership. Some a re i ntimidated tojoin i n o rder t o p rotect their liberty a nd p roperty, a nd e specially
their ability t o o btain employment. Others s uffer f rom t he same
hardships, b ut c annot j oin b ecause t he U nion does n ot deem i t e xpedient to a dmit them. S o do the d ictators select f rom a mong o ur c itizens,
those w ho s hall b e e ndowed with special opportunities t o e arn a l ivelihood. Not to be a m ember of t his association is a d isqualification t hat
bars o ne f rom many lines o f e mployment; a d isqualification w hich cannot be s urmounted b y p erseverance o r c ompetency, b ut r ather depends
on the w ill o f the m inority. Whether skilled a nd s uperior workmen,
and men of h onesty and i ntegrity, the r esult is the same. An o verwhelming p roportion o f the l abor o f the U nited States i s d isqualified
from entering certain businesses and concerns, at the w ill of the
organized a nd a ggressive one-tenth. T he p roduct o f the Free and
Independent Labor population i s l iable t o be b oycotted t hat t he
price of U nion labor and a rticles of U nion manufacture may be
maintained at an a rbitrary level by m eans of a m onopoly limited in
its m embership.
It w ould certainly seem that t he laws must a fford a r emedy f or
the w oman pianist, a nd t hat u nder a g overnment "conceived i n l iberty," t he i ndustrial freedom o f our c itizens s hould b e s ecure.
According to Dr. A bbott as we h ave seen, the i ndustrial freedom of
a laborer means t he r ight o f e very m an to w ork "when h e w ill,
where h e w ill, f or w hom h e w ill a nd at w hat wages h e w ill." Unions
have n o r ight t o o rganize together a nd use the p ower they possess,
because o f the e mployers' dependency o n t hem, t o c ompel t he discharge o f certain m en for not b elonging t o t heir association. T he
motive i s u nreasonable a nd u njust, a nd the c onspiracy i s o ppressive.
The r ights o f t hose attacked have been encroached upon a nd the
courts should b e u nanimous i n the assertion a nd p rotection o f t hem.
Whether it is the b oycott of the p roduct or of n on-union labor,
the d uty of the c ourts to suppress it is p lain. President G ompers
himself a cknowledges t he i llegality o f t heir acts when h e said i n one
of his s peeches: "Some years ago the F ederal Congress passed a
law f or the i ncorporation o f our t rade unions. Beyond question t he
advocates o f the b ill really believed they were doing organized workers a real service; b ut at the t ime a nd since w e h ave repeatedly
warned o ur f ellow u nionists t o r efrain f rom s eeking t he so-called
protection o f the l aw, which i n cases referred t o j ustify t he s uspicion and c onclusion that the courts would in time have declared our
unions liable t o be m ulcted i n d amages." T hey w ill n o l onger t rust
the l aw, b ut set t hemselves above t he law in f avor o f u nlawfulness.
If the S cranton Convention believed the b oycott to be a legal and
moral right why s hould they fear to seek the protection of the law ?
LEGISLATIVE ACTIVITY.
In spite of P resident G ompers' c ontemptuous reference to the
"so-called p rotection of the l aw," if our p resent laws d efine t heir
acts as illegal they resort to the legislature to h ave them changed.
Even i n the N ational Congress t he A merican Federation o f L abor
has salaried representatives w ho are e ver alert t o s ecure favorable
legislation. As t hey represent a large n umber of votes, and t here
is no o rganized opposition, their i nfluence i s e normous. Again t he
^
�'Spectre b oycott appears, a nd the l egislator w ho is t emerarious
'enough to oppose their bills finds himself boycotted at the polls
by the c ombined strength o f o rganized labor. T he u nion label,
which, as we h ave seen, had no legal status in the c ourts of
law a nd r epresents nothing b ut a b oycott, h as b een legalized i n
many States by l egislation at the i nstigation of o rganized labor.
-Recently t hey have been trying t o lobby through Congress a b ill t o
'limit t he m eaning o f the w ord conspiracy b y w hich they hope t o
:impair the p ower of the c ourts in g ranting injunctions. Its o bject
is to p revent a ll legal interference with picketing, boycotting a nd
•other s imilar acts w hich a re now r ecognized a s u nlawful. M r. R al:ston, a s a ttorney f or the A merican Federation o f Labor, advocating
a s imilar b ill said i t w ould permit t he b oycott even though i t s tarved
a man to d eath. A b rief consideration should show h ow p ernicious
such a b ill i s. Yet such i s the i nfluence o f o rganized labor a nd the
subservience of Congress to t heir demands t hat it passed the House
and its d efeat i n the S enate w as a m atter o f g rave doubt. I s it
strange t hat people a re a larmed a t the labor movement when e ven
the l egislatures ignore t he r ights o f the m ajority a nd l egislate i n
favor of a few ?
nONOPOLY.
If all labor was o rganized and the p rice of l abor was to rise
•everywhere, the price of the a rticles of c onsumption would experience a sympathetic rise, and the working man would be no better
off. L ikewise i f the u nions admitted t oo m any m en of each trade
they would introduce competition i n t heir r anks a nd t hus defeat
their own ends by forcing down the price of labor. Accordingly the
number o f a pprentices i n each union factory i s l imited, a nd l imited
so c losely as at t imes to be i nsufficient to the n atural growth of the
business, and only enough to answer f or the u sual number of deaths.
And j ust a s t hey limit t he n umber o f a pprentices i n each individual
factory so as not to h ave too m any employees eligible for e mployment in that factory, just so do they l imit the membership of unions
throughout t he c ountry, that t he price o f u nion wages m ay be
inflated b y c ornering t he supply.
If it were so easy to a meliorate the c ondition of labor as a w hole
we w ould not hear so m uch talk about Socialism. As it is w hat one
section wins the o ther loses. Therefore in o rder to be some winners t here must b e some excluded w ho are to be the losers.
r
CONSPIRACY IN RESTRAINT OF TRADE.
The essence of the U nion policy is a c onspiracy in restraint of
trade to raise the price of labor in d efiance of c ompetition.
By m eans of t his monopoly strengthened as it is by the outrageous b oycott they have placed their wages on a l evel above u norganized labor. T he n on-union m an can get no e mployment i n a u nion
factory, a nd is o bliged t o a ccept lower wages than ever f rom t he
much d epleted p rofits of his boycotted employer. It is a glaringly
unjust c onspiracy by w hich a p art of that f air r eturn of wages which
economic l aws have given t o all l abor i s t aken f rom h im and a ppropriated t o f atten t he p ocketbook o f the u nion man. T he c onsumer
too bears a n u njust b urden inasmuch a s the b oycott o ften d eprives
him o f the o pportunity o f p urchasing t he c heaper article. T he r esult
is an i nequitable division of the b urdens of e arning a l ivelihood depending o n c ertain artificial a nd illegal barriers.
There is t his danger of i njustice in all c ombinations, and it is.
the cause of the attacks on t rusts, yet c onsidering the p resent state
of society, the c ourts have given laborers the p rivilege of c ombining
to c ontrol the price of labor, and h ave denied capitalists the right of
combining to control the price of their commodities. People may
not o bject t o t his discrimination i n f avor o f the w eak, b ut to
allow l aborers t o s trengthen their power f or i njustice b y b oycotting non-union goods and n on-union labor, is inconsistent with our
free i nstitutions a nd at the same time places t oo m uch arbitrary
power a t t heir o wn s elfish d isposal. Though they m ay c ombine
in order to enforce their demands absolute freedom must be given
the f ree a nd i ndependent laborers t o w ork f or w hom a nd w hat
they p lease;, a nd the m anufacturer must b e assured f ree access
to the market. It is our only safeguard as to the liberty of the
individual, t he p rosperity o f the c ountry, a nd a f air d istribution o f
the p rofits o f i ndustry. Remove t he i llegal boycott a nd give adequate legal protection to the great mass of f ree and i ndependent
non-union w orking people, a nd matters w ill a djust themselves b y
natural laws.
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Walter Gordon Merritt, MS014
Description
An account of the resource
0.5 linear feet
Abstract
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In 1902 Walter Gordon Merritt entered the national labor scene in the Danbury hatters strike as counsel for the hat companies. This collection contains many of Walter Gordon Merritt's published articles and pamphlets regarding labor and management relations.
Has Version
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<a href="https://archives.library.wcsu.edu/findingaids/ctdbn_ms014_merritt.xml">Link to finding aid.</a>
IIIF Collection Metadata
UUID
2634efdf-db31-49c8-a2d6-fe95b41ad7e3
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples of still images are: paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type "text" to images of textual materials.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Neglected Side Of Trade-Unionism: The Boycott.
Subject
The topic of the resource
Labor unions
Danbury (Conn.)--History
Description
An account of the resource
11 pg pamphlet
Abstract
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The short pamphlet which describes the strategy of using anti-monopoly legislation to combat unions and their orchestrated boycotts.
Creator
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Merritt, Walter Gordon
Source
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Walter Gordon Merritt Papers
Publisher
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Western Connecticut State University
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1902-01-01
IIIF Item Metadata
UUID
546ef445-b4fa-4af4-bda3-9b858d42488e
Danbury Hatters Case
Unions